Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2015 


https://archive.org/details/triumphantameric01hals 


I 


9 


AND 


Triumphant  America 


AND 


Her  Mew  Possessions 


INCLUDING  AN  ILLUSTRATED  Li  TORY  OF 

Porto  Rico,  Hawaii  a id  the  Philippines,  and  of  e lr  Sister  Republic 
Cuba,  Created  b7  the  Chivalric  Response  of  merican  Valor; 

A History  an  1 Description  of  the  Propped  Isthmian 
Canals,  Panama  and  Nicaragua,  and  dstory  of 
American  Expansion,  from  the  1 iginal 
Thirteen  States  to  America’s  C m- 
manding  Position  as  2 
V'orld  Power. 

BY 

MURAT  HALSTEA  > 

Historian  and  Journalist 

SPLENDIDLY  ILLUSTRATED  AND  FOUR  / OS  IN  LOLORS 


SOLD  BY  SUBSCRIPTION  ONI 


COLONIAL  PUBLISHING  C APANY, 

MAKERS  Or  FINE  BOOKS 

CHlCAGCi  U.  S.  A 


Copyrighted,  1899,  by 
H.  L.  BARBER. 
Chicago,  111.,  (J.  S.  A. 


Inscribed 

Co  tfye  farmer  ^atfyers  of  tf?e 
Republic  of  tfye  Uniteb  States, 

Cfye  Cxpanbers  of  our  Dominions 
tDitfy  Bigfyt  anb  XTtigfyt, 
Compelling  Civilization  mitfy 
Cf?e  Ctxe,  tfje  Biflc  anb  tl)c  piotv, 
Bloving  H)est  tfje  Center  of  Population 
©f  tfye  (Slorious  XTation 
3n  tf?e  Course  tf?e  PoebPropfyets 
D7arkeb  on  tb?e  Soil  anb  in  tf?e  Sky 
$ox  tfye  Stars  of  (Empire, 

©iving  ©ceans  for  Bounbaries 
©f  tfye  £anb  Provibcb  for 
Cfyeir  CF}ilbren, 

tDitfy  tfye  Policy  of  Hen?  Possessions 
Beyonb  tfje  Seas, 

3nclubing  tf?e  Creasure  3slanbs 
©f  all  tfye  ^ones  of  tf?e 
■Hortfjern  pemispfyere 
$or  Ctll  tl}e  People  of  dll  tfye  States 
dccorbing  to  tf?e  Cogic  of 
£)istory  anb  tfye  Duty  of  Destiny. 


AUTHOR’S  PREFACE 


This  Pictorial  History  of  Our  New  Possessions  is  a growth  of  current  history. 
We  were  rushed  into  the  war  with  Spain  by  the  irrational  obstinacy  of  the  Spaniards, 
who  were  embarrassed  by  a Dynasty  and  a Tradition.  The  Dynasty  was  repre- 
sented by  an  Austrian  woman,  the  Queen  Regent,  a good  mother  with  a strong 
sense  of  personal  dignity  and  public  duty,  and  her  baby  boy,  the  son  of  the  Spanish 
King  who  lost  the  girl  wife  of  his  youth  and  married  a Grand  Duchess  of  Austria 
for  reasons  of  state.  This  youth,  the  child  king,  with  the  good  woman  his  mother, 
appealed  to  Spanish  chivalry  and  the  pride  of  the  race,  the  widowed  mother  and 
infant  king  being  in  their  weakness  stronger  as  the  representatives  of  royalty  than 
any  strong  man  could  have  been.  Spain  has  been  unhappy  in  her  revolutionary 
elements,  and  the  constant  threat  of  the  pretender  Don  Carlos,  and  his  adherents 
who  hold  him  to  be  the  legitimate  and  only  constitutional  monarch  of  the  penin- 
sula. The  Spanish  dynasty  in  evidence  has,  therefore,  been  menaced  on  one 
side  by  a desperate  body  of  murderous  anarchists  in  the  cities  on  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  the  Atlantic,  with  just  grievances  enough  to  sustain  a cause  of  rebel- 
lion, but  whose  remedies  for  wrongs  have  been  the  greater  wrong  of  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  kingdom  and  the  assassination  of  the  organizers  of  order;  and  on  the 
other  side  the  agricultural  districts  of  the  Biscayan  provinces  and  on  the  borders 
of  the  Pyrenees,  the  sturdy  peasants  whose  ancient  loyalty  to  the  royal  house 
commands  them  to  be  Carlists  have  been  as  a dark  cloud.  Thus  there  has  been 
peril  to  the  dynasty  in  the  seaboard  cities  and  the  mountain  gorges.  The  general 
sense  of  the  heads  of  the  Spanish  Government,  and  the  common  instinct  of  the 
masses  of  the  population,  could  not  deal  unencumbered  with  the  devouring  ques- 
tions evolved  for  the  Peninsula  by  the  insurrections  in  Cuba;  and  the  impending 
close  of  the  Spanish  career  in  that  island  could  not  be  permitted  to  appear  in  the 
light  and  be  reckoned  with  on  its  merits,  for  the  Carlists  and  other  disorderlies 
were  ready  to  take  advantage  of  every  misfortune — the  inflammation  of  any  pique 
of  the  people  or  prejudice  vehement  as  shifty  to  overthrow  the  dynasty.  The 
Tradition,  holding  on  with  all  the  force  of  an  inveterate  superstition,  of  Spain, 
was  the  vanity  of  dominion,  and  the  political  inability  of  the  country  to  under- 
stand that  the  logic  of  the  story  of  the  independence  of  Mexico,  Central  and 

9 


10 


AUTHOR’S  PREFACE. 


Southern  America,  applied  with  irresistible  force  to  the  islands  belonging  to  Spain 
in  the  East  and  the  West  Indies;  and  that  the  attraction  of  gravitation  of  the  United 
States  would  soon  determine  the  destiny  of  Porto  Rico  and  Cuba  at  least.  The 
stern  old  Spanish  style  had  its  latest  embodiment  in  Cuba  in  Captain-General 
Weyler;  and  the  plausible  proclamations  of  benevolent  policy  of  General  Blanco 
were  too  late.  In  the  midst  of  an  extensive  assortment  of  explosions  came  the 
blowing  up  of  the  Maine,  and  war  flamed  forth  suddenly,  though  the  cause  had 
existed,  flagrant,  for  two  generations;  and  the  consequence  could  have  been  fore- 
seen with  glasses  taking  into  account  the  elemental  disturbances  of  the  forward 
march  of  mankind,  for  many  years,  as  certainly  as  the  oscillating  mercury  visible 
in  glass  tubes,  tells  of  the  coming  cyclone.  Blanco’s  Cuban  experiences,  instead  of 
being  that  of  pacificator  and  conquerer  was  confined  to  the  evacuation  of  boasted 
fortifications,  and  his  only  success  were  his  embarkation  for  Spain  without  being 
personally  involved  in  the  official  ceremonies  of  inevitable  surrender.  “We,  the 
people  of  the  United  States,”  won  by  force  of  arips  and  the  magnetism  of  our 
national  prestige,  the  Spanish  possessions  in  the  West  Atlantic  and  the  West 
Pacific  Oceans,  on  the  American  and  Asiatic  borders,  and  the  momentum  of  the 
transfer  carried  with  it  the  complications  of  the  obstinately  lingering  obstacles  to 
the  final  official  occupation  and  possession  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  pleasantly  and 
properly  termed  in  a popular  way  “The  Paradise  of  the  Pacific.”  The  current 
of  our  conquests  was  overwhelming,  and  the  nations  of  the  earth,  the  great  powers 
of  Europe  especially  included,  gave  the  great  Republic  all  the  recognition  possible 
by  monarchial  form  and  imperial  deference,  to  a position  grand  as  that  of  England, 
Germany  or  Russia.  We  took  our  place  among  the  highest  and  foremost.  Neither 
during  the  war  in  the  waters  and  on  the  shores  of  the  two  Indies,  one  of  which 
Columbus  discovered  while  dreaming  of  the  other,  nor  while  peace  making  was 
going  on  in  Paris  between  the  American  and  Spanish  commissioners,  could  Spain 
find  help  to  aid  her  in  the  successive  stages  of  her  downfall.  It  was  a war  between 
one  o'f  the  quick  nations  and  one  of  the  dead.  Our  vital  forces  controlled  the 
essential  situations,  and  the  consummation  was  the  cession  of  Porto  Rico,  the 
relinquishment  of  sovereignty  over  Cuba,  and  the  consent  that  we  had  conquered 
and  should  dispose  of  the  Philippines. 

This  Volume  of  Six  Books  In  One  gives  the  story  ancient  and  recent  of  the 
rich,  beautiful  and  wholesome  Island  of  Porto  Rico,  a possession  amply  worth 
all  the  war  has  cost  us,  leaving  the  rest  clear  gain.  We  find  in  this  island,  where 
the  people  were  assured  of  the  directness  and  permanence  of  the  establishment  of 
the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States,  contentment  and  peace,  the  good  will  of 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 


11 


the  people  in  many  ways  manifested.  It  would  have  been  a large  advantage  if 
our  titles  to  Cuba  and  Luzon  had  been  equally  clear  and  perfected  in  the  course 
of  possession.  Then  we  should  not  have  been  compelled  to  employ  the  varied 
process  of  preparing  by  predominating  force,  stable  forms  of  Government  for  the 
mixed  and  difficult  populations  of  our  conquests.  We  have  been  at  fault  in  a 
tenderness  about  the  word  “conquest/’  as  if  we  had  a square  mile  of  land  that 
we  obtained  with  the  “consent  of  the  natives/’  with,  perhaps,  the  exception  of 
the  tract  for  which  that  subtle  statesman,  William  Penn,  signed  a treaty  with  the 
Indians.  Here  tire  exception  beautifully  and  formidably  emphasizes  the  rule.  We 
have  to  overcome  the  demonstrations  of  disaffection  by  the  factions  and  the  tribes, 
the  soldiers  of  fortune  and  the  adventurers  in  conspiracy,  of  Cuba  and  Luzon. 
In  both  were  prepared  elaborate  pretenses  of  Government  constructed  for  specula- 
tive purposes  or  experiments  in  local  and  native  tyranny,  by  those  who  as  insur- 
gents were  enabled  to  hide  their  public  character  in  the  swamps  and  thickets 
of  tropical  forests  until  liberated  by  our  triumphant  arms.  The  people,  so  far  as 
the  inhabitants  are  worthy  to  be  called  by  the  name  that  distinguishes  our  own 
pre-eminent  and  sovereign  power,  the  true  people  of  Cuba  and  Luzon,  are  turning 
to  us  for  protection  from  the  petty  despots  who  desire  to  succeed  to  the  privileges 
and  emoluments  and  persecuting  cruelties  that  distinguished  the  domination  of 
the  discomforted  Spaniards.  It  is  our  business,  having  driven  off  one  swarm  of 
bloodsuckers,  to  dispose  of — using  all  necessary  force  to  make  the  disposition 
final — those  whose  greedy  and  shameless  ferocity  appears  in  claiming  on  grounds 
not  merely  insufficient  but  outlandish,  profligate  and  barbaric,  the  Spanish  suc- 
cession to  be  continued  and  executed  with  reckless  selfishness.  That  the  Amer- 
icans may  make  way  for  the  liberty  of  the  inhabitants  of  our  new  possessions,  they 
must  do  as  was  done  in  Manila  when  that  city  was  stormed,  the  American  forces 
driving  the  Spanish  army  into  the  walled  city  to  be  prisoners,  with  one  hand,  and 
wiping  the  Filipino  horde,  that  were  rabid  for  plunder  and  slaughter,  into  the 
jungles,  with  the  other  hand.  We  had  a larger  duty  of  this  sort  to  accomplish, 
and,  unfortunately,  it  has  cost  blood.  Every  drop  of  the  blood  of  our  country- 
men so  shed  seals  an  everlasting  covenant  of  our  dominion  over  the  soil  that  it 
sanctifies.  Hawaii  and  Porto  Rico  are  absolutely  and  forever  the  property  of  the 
United  States  as  much  as  Massachusetts,  Florida,  New  Mexico,  California,  Oregon 
and  Alaska.  There  are  peculiarities  about  the  Philippines  that  approve  more  and 
more  as  we  get  better  acquainted  with  them  the  conservative  wisdom  of  the  Presi- 
dent, when  he  declined  to  take  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  their  final  fate, 
referring  the  whole  matter  to  the  people,  and,  of  course,  the  Congress,  of  the  United 


12 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 


States,  calling  for  testimony  at  the  ends  of  the  earth  to  inform  the  American  com- 
mission in  Paris,  sending  proclamations  and  orders,  going  to  the  extreme  of  con- 
cession to  the  Filipinos  for  the  preservation  of  peace,  even  sending  a civil  com- 
mission to  Manila  to  avert  the  conflict  apprehended — the  commissioners  arriv- 
ing to  find  a state  of  war  forced  by  the  petty  imitative  tyrants  of  the  large  island. 

A book  in  this  volume  contains  the  attractive  and  enlightening  matter  of  the 
Great  Discussion  that  has  taken  place  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  on  the  platforms, 
and  in  the  Press,  of  the  engrossing  and  momentous  question  of  Expansion — that 
is,  the  extension  of  the  policy  of  the  farmer  fathers  of  the  greater  republic  of 
more  land  for  the  people,  to  the  islands  of  the  great  oceans,  and  from  the  Arctic 
and  north  temperate  zones  far  into  the  tropics,  going  far  beyond  American  waters, 
to  hold  in  our  hands  the  treasure  islands  of  Asia — that  we  confront  across  the 
Pacific — the  choicest  archipelago  of  the  East  Indies,  richer  in  natural  resources  and 
less  incumbered  by  racial  miscegenation,  than  the  West  Indies. 

The  Philippine  problem  is  one  of  the  puzzles  of  civilization.  We  have  selected 
that  which  fills  the  space  devoted  to  the  Discussion  of  Expansion,  with  conscien- 
tious impartiality,  guided  by  the  desire  to  give  each  side  its  strongest  expression, 
and  that  the  whole  should  be  one  of  the  most  important  and  attractive  chapters 
ever  made  up  of  the  history  of  our  country.  The  list  of  contributors  includes  the 
President,  and  both  the  living  ex-Presidents  of  the  United  States,  some  of  the 
most  distinguished  and  brilliant  members  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, Andrew  Carnegie,  Carl  Schurz,  Henry  Watterson  and  many  others 
prominent  and  influential  in  public  life.  There  has  been  no  such  illustration  and 
exhibit  as  this  volume  comprises,  in  its  books  of  the  stories  of  the  islands,  over 
which  half  round  the  world  our  flag  is  flying  in  beauty  and  victory,  resplendent 
under  the  southern  constellations  fluttering  in  the  trade  winds,  the  colors  more 
radiant  and  the  stars  brighter  than  ever  before. 

The  books  of  our  new  possessions  are  as  comprehensive  as  the  expanded 
vision  that  sweeps  the  whole  of  the  American  horizon. 

If  this  grand  Republicanism  is  Imperialism,  make  the  most  of  it,  for  the  word 
signifies  the  expression  and  consolidation  of  national  power — the  potentiality  of 
the  American  People.  We  have  so  broadened  the  field  of  American  achievement 
and  ambition,  that  we  send  our  regiments  and  ships  of  war  both  east  and  west  to 
our  Hew  Possessions.  We  have  dispatched  five  thousand  of  the  regular  troops 
that  our  anarchists  and  sickly  sentimentalists  go  a-weeping  about,  through  the 
Isthmus  of  Suez  by  the  canal  and  down  the  Red  Sea,  and  the  transports  that  took 
them  return  across  the  Pacific.  Leaving  one  side  of  our  continent  they  come  back 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 


13 


fo  the  other.  What  a tremendous  object  lesson,  and  how  full  of  encouragement 
for  the  great  and  greater  hereafter  of  the  nation — the  proud  imperial  Republic  of 
the  people!  We  are  as  Caesar  was  once  imagined — “bestriding  this  world  like  a 
Colossus,”  and  the  pigmies  may  play  around  our  gigantic  legs,  if  they  please  to 

behave  themselves.  We  are  interested  alike  in  the  Isthmus  of  Suez  and  the 

Isthmus  of  Darien,  in  the  tawny  deserts  of  one  and  the  blue  peaks  of  the  other. 
We  must  in  the  interest  of  self-defense  promote  the  completion  of  the  essential 
waterways  of  the  world,  the  demand  for  which  becomes  obvious  when  one  glances 
at  a globe.  It  is  needful  to  America  that  the  earth  may  be  circumnavigated  in 
tropical  waters.  There  is  no  longer  a necessity  for  ships  bound  for  Asia  from 
Europe  to  go  around  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  A map  of  the  American  Hemi- 
sphere shows  where  the  one  slim  streak  of  earth  is  to  be  severed,  so  that  we  of 
the  nation  that  fronts  on  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  may  send  our  navies  of  peace 
and  war  from  one  side  of  our  continental  land  to  the  other  without  the  circum- 
navigation of  South  America.  Hence  the  immediate  interest  in  our  book  on  the 
Isthmian  Canals.  We  do  not  care  whether  the  Panama  or  the  Nicaraguan  Canal 
is  first  finished.  We  want  one  or  both.  Either  would  do. 

The  Hon.  James  R.  Mann,  representative  in  Congress  of  a Chicago  district, 

has  written  a history  of  the  Expansion  of  the  United  States,  the  most  compre- 
hensive, thoroughly  particular  as  to  records  and  specific  in  all  that  is  of  national 
interest  to  the  people  at  large,  that  has  appeared.  He  prefaces  it  with  these  words, 
when  reverting  to  the  history  of  the  consecutive  and  triumphal  extension  of  our 
boundaries: 

“We  have  claimed  the  independence  of  our  country  for  less  than  a century 
and  a quarter.  When  Thomas  Jefferson  wrote  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
the  extent  of  the  territory  claiming  freedom  under  it  was  but  little  more  than 
400,000  square  miles  in  area.  Now  our  national  sovereignty  extends  over  nearly 
4,000,000  square  miles.  Whence  has  come  this  increase?  How  have  we  acquired 
this  territory?  What  is  the  history  of  this  wonderful  acquisition  of  national 
domain? 

“The  school  children  of  our  land  are  taught  with  careful  exactness  the  history 
of  the  discovery  by  Columbus;  of  the  voyages  of  the  Cabots;  of  the  landing 
of  De  Soto;  of  the  charter  granted  by  Queen  Elizabeth  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh;  of 
the  story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  and  their  landing  at  Plymouth  Rock;  of  James- 
town and  the  early  settlements  in  Virginia;  of  the  discovery  and  exploration  of  the 
Hudson  River;  of  the  patent  of  Maryland  granted  by  Charles  I.  to  Lord  Baltimore; 
of  t-he  founding  of  the  city  of  Providence,  in  Rhode  Island,  by  Roger  Williams, 


i 


14 


AUTHOR’S  PREFACE. 


and  the  settlement  of  Pennsylvania  by  the  Quaker*  under  the  lead  of  William 
Penn,  and  their  gentle  amity  with  the  Indians. 

“Every  school  history  is  full  of  information  concerning  the  settlement  and 
growth  of  the  colonies  which  became  the  thirteen  original  States.  We  are  all 
familiar  with  the  story  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  We  have  all  recited  the 
speech  of  Patrick  Henry.  We  talk  glibly  about  the  principles  declared  by  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  provisions  of  the  National  Constitution.  But 
what  about  the  history  of  the  growth  of  our  country  from  an  area  of  400,000 
to  4,000,000  square  miles?  And  yet  there  is  no  more  fascinating  story  in  the 
world’s  history. 

“The  little  strip  of  territory'  along  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  with  its  sparse  settle- 
ments, nowhere  reaching  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  only  touching  the  system  of  the 
Great  Lakes,  and  barely  crossing  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  has  now  expanded 
until  it  reaches  from  ocean  to  ocean,  from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico; 
until  it  has  added  to  its  charmed  domain  the  great  coast  line  of  the  Northern 
Pacific  Ocean  and  the  Islands  of  Hawaii.” 

We  commend  this  book  of  the  glorious  growth  of  our  country,  as  one  that 
should  be  in  all  the  libraries  and  all  the  schools.  It  is  the  true  and  full  story 
of  the  expansion  of  the  nation  and  fitly  crowns  the  Majestic  Edifice  of  American 
History. 


CONTENTS 


AUTHOR’S  PREFACE 

BOOK  I. -PORTO  RICO. 


INTRODUCTION 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  PORTO  RICO. 

The  Island  Is  Ours  Without  the  Annoyance  of  the  Wolves  and  Wildcats 
of  Philippine  Politics — Porto  Rico  Determined  Upon  as  a Second 
Objective  Point  in  the  War  with  Spain  in  the  Western  Hemisphere 
— Correspondence  Between  General  Miles  and  the  War  Department 
Relative  to  the  Porto  Rican  Campaign — Long  to  Sampson — The 
President  Interposes,  and  Sampson  and  Miles  Are  Satisfied — Miles 
Leads  the  Campaign,  and  It  Progresses  Smoothly,  with  Little  Loss. 

CHAPTER  II. 

PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 

Size  of  Island  in  Comparison  and  in  Figures — Comparison  of  the  Island 
with  Cuba — Porto  Ricans  a Better  Class  of  People  than  Are  the 
Cubans — Island  Has  Not  Suffered  from  Spanish  Rule  as  Much  as 
Has  Cuba — One  of  the  Fairest  Gems  of  the  Ocean — American  Flag 
Raised  Over  the  Island  Amid  the  Cheering  of  the  People — Revenue 
and  Expenses  of  the  Island  Government — Island  Rich  in  Costly 
Native  Woods — Home  of  the  Tropical  Fruits — Scarcity  of  Wild 
Animal  Life,  but  Pestiferous  Insects  Are  Plentiful — Rich  in 
Minerals — Extensive  Commerce  with  the  Great  Nations — Coffee, 
Sugar  and  Tobacco  Leading  Products  and  Exports — Healthiest 
Climate  in  the  Antilles- — In  Density  of  Population  Ranks  First 
in  the  West  Indies — Extracts  from  United  States  Military  Notes — 
Soil  and  Climate — Wet  and  Dry  Seasons — Breezes,  Winds  and 
Hurricanes — Principal  Mountain,  River  and  Harbor — Cities  and 
Towns — Highways  and  Railroads — Interesting  Features  of  San 

Juan,  the  Capital  and  Principal  City 

15 


,9-14 


. .35-37 


..38-50 


51-81 


16 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  III. 

EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 

Instructive  Description  of  the  Island  Sixty-four  Years  Ago  by  Colonel 
Flinter  of  the  British  Army  and  Spanish  Service — More  from  the 
Same  Writer  Quoted  by  the  London  Review — Valuable  Statistics 
from  the  Edinburgh  Review — Rev.  Wm.  Moister  Adds  Interesting 
Information — Natural  Resources,  Commercial  Advantages  and 
Physical  Conditions  Clearly  Described — Social  and  Moral  Standing 
of  the  People  Fully  Considered — Testimony  That  Reveals  the 
Value  of  Our  Insular  Gem 85-102 

CHAPTER  IV. 

RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 

Interesting  Letter  from  a Scientist  and  Business  Man,  Giving  an  Account 
of  the  Island's  Flora — Valuable  Information  About  the  Products 
and  Exports,  Gathered  by  C.  W.  Eves — Scientific  American  Quoted 
— Interesting  Account  of  the  Hurricanes,  by  Frederick  D.  Ober — 

Value  of  the  Island’s  Imports — Establishment  of  Electric  Tram- 
ways— Possibilities  for  Coffee  and  Sugar  Production — A Glowing 
Tribute  to  the  Island,  by  James  Rodway 103-122 


BOOK  II.— CUBA. 

INTRODUCTION 127-123 

CHAPTER  I. 

CUBA  AFTER.  THE  WAR. 

The  Changes  of  Three  Years  in  Cuba — Recollection  of  the  Weyler 
Period — The  Fiery  Invasion  of  Western  Cuba  by  Gomez — The  Fall 
of  Maceo  and  Decline  of  the  Flood  of  Rebellion — American  Inter- 
vention and  Spanish  Retirement — The  Stars  and  Stripes  Over 
Morro  Castle  and  the  Governor’s  Palace — The  Spaniards’  Farewell 
to  Havana — Wild  Cuban  Rejoicing — Spanish  and  Cuban  Combina- 
tion Against  American  Rule — Gomez  Meets  a Special  Commissioner 
and  Listens  to  Reason — His  Triumphant  Journey  to  Havana  and 
Ovation  in  the  City — He  Does  Not  Speak  at  the  Banquet  of  Cuban 
Celebration — Spectacular  Scenes  in  the  Old  Spanish  Capital — The 
Prestige  of  Gomez  Challenged  by  the  Hysterical  Cuban  Assembly 
— He  is  Removed  from  His  Command  of  the  Army  for  Opposing 


CONTENTS. 


17 


the  Creation  of  a Great  Public  Debt  Without  Value  Received 
for  the  People — The  Splendid  Letter  with  Which  He  Thanked 
the  Assembly  for  Relieving  Him  of  Responsibility — The  People 
Are  with  Him — As  a Pacificator  He  Is  a Statesman — The  Catas- 
trophe to  Spain  of  the  Loss  of  Cuba — Her  Golden  Island  in  the 
Summer  Seas — The  Land  of  Promise  for  the  Favorites  of  a 
Corrupt  Government  in  the  Details  of  Administration — The 
Harvest  Field  for  the  Degenerate  of  a Nation  Fallen  from  the  First 
Place — Did  Not  Occur  Without  Abundant  Admonition,  and  Yet 
Seemed  to  the  Spectators  a Surprise  in  Suddenness 130-161 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 

Official  Information  About  the  Island  That  Is  of  the  Greatest  Importance 
to  Public  Intelligence — Some  Historical  Facts — The  Insurrections 
and  Rebellions  That  Have  Prevented  the  Development  of  the 
Island's  Resources — The  Military  and  Civil  Governments — Climate, 

Soil  and  Productions — Sanitary  Conditions  and  Prevailing 
Diseases — Abundance  of  Pestiferous  Insects — Extensive  Mineral 
Resources — Island  Abounds  in  Valuable  Woods — Classification  of 
the  Inhabitants - 162-186 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 

Santiago  de  Cuba  the  Ancient  City  of  the  Island — Location  and  Com- 
mercial Importance — Its  Strategic  Position  and  Defenses  as  Set 
Forth  in  the  United  States  Military  Notes — Havana  the  Capital 
and  Largest  City  in  Cuba — Its  Defenses,  Water  Supply  and 
Sanitary  Condition — The  Density  of  Population — Matanzas  the 
Third  City  in  Population 187-198 


BOOK  III.— HAWAII. 

INTRODUCTION 203-206 

CHAPTER  I. 

HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 

The  Star-Spangled  Banner  Up  Again  in  Hawaii,  and  to  Stay — Dimensions 
of  the  Island — What  the  Missionaries  Have  Done — Religious 
Belief  by  Nationality — Trade  Statistics — Latest  Census — Sugar 
Plantation  Laborers — Coinage  of  Silver — Schools — Coffee  Growing.  .207-219 


18 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 

Report  of  the  Hawaiian  Commission — Description  of  the  Islands — Their 
Resources — Commerce — Character  of  Their  People — Detail  of  the 
Territorial  Government — Recommended  and  Most  Valuable  Official 
Reports  of  the  Features  of  Civilization  and  Material  Resources  of 
the  Islands 220-2*16 

CHAPTER  III. 

EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 

Captain  James  Cook’s  Great  Discoveries  and  His  Martyrdom — Character 
and  Traditions  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands — Charges  Against  the 
Famous  Navigator,  and  Effort  to  Array  the  Christian  World 
Against  Him — The  True  Story  of  His  Life  and  Death — How 
Charges  Against  Cook  Came  to  Be  Made — Testimony  of  Van- 
couver, King  and  Dixon,  and  Last  Words  of  Cook’s  Journal — Light 
Turned  on  History  That  Has  Become  Obscure — Savagery  of  the 
Natives — Their  Whitten  Language  Took  Up  Their  High  Colored 
Traditions  and  Preserved  Phantoms — Scenes  in  Aboriginal  The- 
atricals— Problem  of  Government  in  an  Archipelago  Where  Race 
Questions  Are  Predominant — Now  Americans  Should  Remember 
Captain  Cook  as  an  Ulustrious  Pioneer 271-306, 

BOOK  IV.— THE  PHILIPPINES. 

INTRODUCTION 311-314 

CHAPTER  I. 

OUR  INTEREST  IN  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO. 

Character  of  Filipinos  and  Their  Oppression  by  the  Spaniards — The 
Furtive  Leader  Aguinaldo — His  Professions  and  Proceedings — 

Cash  for  Peace  and  a Bribe  for  Banishment — Early  Indications 
of  Impertinence — Deception  of  Our  Consuls 315-325 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  IMPORTANT  STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT 

MANILA. 

The  True  Inwardness  of  the  Philippine  Situation  by  a Friend  of  Admiral 
Dewey,  Mr.  Andre,  Belgian  Consul  at  Manila — A Letter  from 


CONTENTS. 


19 


Andrew  Carnegie  That  Is  One  of  His  Mistakes — General  Merritt’s 
Opinions  at  Paris — Mr.  Andre’s  Memorandum  in  Full — Leading 
People  of  Manila  Wish  to  Become  Citizens  of  the  United  States — 

How  General  Merritt  Drew  the  Line  on  Aguinaldo  and  Foretold 

the  Way  Trouble  Would  Come 326-337 

CHAPTER  ILL 

THE  MOST  NOTABLE  OF  THE  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR 

COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 

The  Remarkable  Utterance  of  Mr.  John  Foreman,  the  Historian  of  the 
Philippines — His  Exposures  of  Spanish  Tyranny  and  the  Persecu- 
tion of  the  Poor — He  Credits  Stories  About  the  Immorality  of 
Spanish  Priests  and  Gives  Them — The  Grievances  of  the  Philip- 
pine Peasants — Extent  of  Spanish  Occupation — Resources  of  the 
Islands — Habits  of  the  People — Their  Weakness  and  Strength — 

Vast  Amount  of  Information  and  Suggestion — General  Whittier’s 
Personal  Observation — His  Interview  with  Aguinaldo  and  Judg- 
ment as  to  the  Philippine  Riches  and  Possibilities 338-365 

CHAPTER  IV. 

RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 

Memorandum  of  the  Mineral  Resources  of  the  Islands  by  Dr.  Becker 
of  the  United  States  Geological  Survey,  Gathered  for  the 
American  Treaty  Commission — Coal,  Petroleum,  Gold,  Copper, 

Lead,  Silver,  Iron,  Quicksilver,  Sulphur,  Marble,  Kolin,  Pearl 
Fisheries — Strategic  Importance — Cebu  and  Negros  Islands — - 


Naval  Stations — Harbors 366-406 

BOOK  V.— ISTHMIAN  CANALS. 

INTRODUCTION 409-410 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 

The  Two  Mediterraneans — The  Era  of  Enterprise  in  the  World’s  Water- 
ways— The  New  Panama  Company — Immense  Work  Done — 

Steady  Prosecution  of  the  Task — More  than  Three  Thousand  Men 
Employed  in  Excavating — The  Curiously  Interesting  Story  of  the 
Canal — The  Misfortune  of  the  De  Lesseps  Failure  Not  Final- 
Facts  and  Figures  That  Should  Restore  the  Faded  Interest  of  the 
American  People 413-471 


20 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 

The  Monument  of  Disraeli  and  De  Lesseps  That,  Though  of  Shifting 
Nature  in  Shifting  Sand,  Is  More  Imperishable  than  Marble  or 
Brass  or  Any  Towering  Structure  Reared  by  Human  Hands — What 
the  Great  Engineer,  De  Lesseps,  Who,  Though  He  Subsequently 
Made  a Failure,  Did  Enough  for  Immortality,  Had  to  Say — The 
Suez  Canal  the  Grandest  Wrork  of  Public  Improvement  in  the 
Most  Progressive  Century — The  Dramatic  History  Without  a 
Parallel  as  a Scheme  of  Daring  Scientific  Fancy  or  Realization 
of  Golden  Dividends 472-492 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL. 

Senator  Morgan’s  Strong  Plea  for  an  American  Canal — The  Claim  that 
the  Nicaragua  Route,  Though  Longer  than  the  Panama,  Is  More 
Practicable — Estimates  of  Enormous  Special  Advantages  to 
America,  Both  Military  and  Commercial — Some  Interesting  State- 
ments of  the  Costs  and  Profits  of  the  Suez  Canal  and  Their 
Bearing  Upon  the  Nicaragua  Canal — The  Shares  That  the  British 
Bought  in  the  Suez  Canal  for  £4,000,000  Are  Worth  £20,000,000 — 

The  Opposition  to  the  Nicaragua  Line  in  Congress  Is  Rather 
Against  the  Maritime  Company  than  Opposed  to  the  Enterprise 
Itself — The  Views  of  Senators  Pettigrew,  Caffery  and  Teller 493-499 


BOOK  VI.-PROBLEM  OF  EXPANSION. 

INTRODUCTION 505-509 

CHAPTER  I. 

PRESIDENT  M’KINLEY  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  Weighty  Unexpected  Problems  Before  the  Country — Not  Our  Fault 
that  They  Impose  High  Obligation — He  Opposed  War — No  Nation 
Insisting  Upon  War  Can  Foretell  the  Story  of  It — The  President 
Cannot  Fix  the  Boundaries  of  Events — Vre  Could  Not  Give  Up 
Our  Conquests  to  Spain — The  Philippines  Had  to  Go  to  Spain 
or  Be  Held  by  Us — We  Did  Not  Need  the  Consent  of  the  Filipinos 
to  a Work  of  Humanity — The  Future  of  the  Philippines  Is  in  the 
Hands  of  the  American  People — No  Imperial  Designs  Lurk  in  the 


©ONTENTS. 


21 


American  Mind — The  Free  Can  Conquer  But  to  Save — The 
Bloody  Trenches  Bring  Anguish  to  Hie  Heart — The  Filipinos 
Will  Be  Grateful  for  American  Civilization 510-514 

CHAPTER  II. 

ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 

Mr.  Carnegie  Assails  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
for  Changing  Their  Opinions  as  to  Expansion — Doubts  the 
President’s  Convictions,  and  Says  Gage  Is  Not  a Manufacturer — 

Carnegie  Desires  Commercial  Expansion — He  Wants  the  President 
to  Listen  to  the  London  Times — The  Open  Door  Will  Antagonize 
American  Labor — Predicts  Death  Blow  to  “Imperialism” — Says 
No  Citizen  Can  Be  Deprived  of  the  Right  to  Send  His  Products 
to  Any  Territory  Under  Our  Flag  Free  of  All  Tariffs  Within  the 
Republic’s  Domain — Trade  of  Philippines  Cannot  Be  American — 

Spain  Gets  $20,000,000  for  a Great  Relief — Tribute  to  the  Personal 
Virtues  of  the  President — A Reply  to  Mr.  Murat  Halstead’s 
Address  at  Homestead 515-530 


CHAPTER  III. 

SENATOR  CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  Distinguished  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations  and  Member  of  the  Peace  Commission  Declares  His 
Position — The  American  People  Have  Made  an  Immeasurable 
Advance  Within  a Year — The  President’s  Good  Work — The 
Story  of  the  Making  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace — No  WTarning 
that  Americans  Claimed  Too  Much — Filipinos  Not  Ready  for 
Sovereignty  Over  Civilized  People — Historical  Antecedents  of 
Expansion — The  Question  What  We  Shall  Do  with  the  Philippine 
Archipelago  Not  Yet  Upon  Us — It  Will  Be  Fair  and  Honorable  . . . .531-539 

CHAPTER  IV. 

COLONEL  W.  J.  BRYAN. 

Astonished  that  Any  American  Citizen  Would  Uphold  the  Doctrine  of 
Gaining  Land  by  Conquest — He  Could  Have  Told  McKinley  to 
Take  Care  Not  to  Confide  in  Public  Opinion  Formed  at  the  Rear 
of  a Car — Imperialism  Wanted  to  Exercise  Sovereignty  Over  an 
Alien  Race — Self-Government  Wras  Gained  in  the  School  of 
Government — No  Excuse  for  a Colonial  Policy — Mr.  Gage  the 
Keyhole  of  the  Administration — The  Colonial  Policy  Rested  on 
Vicarious  Enjoyment — A Call  for  the  Ancient  Law-Giver  on 


22 


CONTENTS. 


Sinai — Against  a Larger  Army — Imperialists  Confuse  Their  Beati- 
tudes— Not  Profitable  to  Buy  a Lawsuit — Muffle  the  Liberty  Bell 
— Give  Me  Liberty  or  Give  Me  Death 540-545 

CHAPTER  V. 

HENRY  WATTERSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  Drift  of  the  Country — The  United  American  People — Always  the 
Same,  Though  Divided — The  Labels  on  the  Bottles — An  Anti- 
Expansion  Party  Would  Be  a Foredoomed  Failure — William 
McKinley  and  Joseph  Wheeler — Tropical  Vegetation  in  the  White 
House — Eighty  Millions  of  People  Cannot  Be  Passive — How  Stands 
the  Debate  Between  the  Friends  and  Foes  of  Expansion? 546-551 

CHAPTER  VI. 

CARL  SCHURZ  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 

Is  It  Our  Policy  that  the  Filipinos  Shall  Be  Subjects  or  Citizens? — 

The  Specifications  of  the  New  Departure  We  Are  Taking — We 
Are  Cultivating  a Passion  for  Conquest — The  Friendship  of 
England  Is  Good  to  Have,  Not  to  Need — The  New  Policy  Demands 
a Great  Standing  Army — If  We  Have  Rescued  the  Unhappy 
Daughters  of  Spain  from  Tyranny  We  Need  Not  Marry  the  Girls.  . 1552-557 

CHAPTER  VII. 

MURAT  HALSTEAD  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Expansion  Is  the  Doctrine  of  the  Fathers — There  Was  Not  a Tenth  of  the 
Territory  We  Now  Possess  in  the  Thirteen  Colonies  When  Jefferson 
Wrote  the  Declaration  of  Independence — Andrew  Jackson  Was  an 
Expansionist — So  Was  William  H.  Seward — Admiral  Dewey  Is  the 
Author  of  Our  Philippine  Policy — Andrew  Carnegie  and  British 
India — Should  England  Give  Up  Gibraltar,  Egypt  and  India? — 

If  So,  Why  Not  Ireland,  Scotland  and  Wales? — Aguinaldo’s  Exile 
with  a Certified  Check — Senator  Hoar’s  Forgetfulness  of  the 
Essential  Facts  in  the  Philippine  Situation — The  American  Army 
Have  Fought  in  Self-Defense,  and  in  the  Vindication  of  the  Faith 
and  Honor  Pledged  in  the  Final  Article  of  the  Capitulation  of 
the  Spaniards  in  Manila 558-564 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

MR.  DOLLIVER  OF  IOWA  FOR  EXPANSION. 

♦ 

Room  for  All  Sorts  of  Speeches,  but  Only  One  Course  of  Action — The 
President  Did  Not  Take  Initial  Responsibility  of  Disturbing  the 


CONTENTS. 


23 


Peace — Dr.  Parkhurst’s  Boomerang  Criticism — Cheap  Newspapers 
Full  of  Malice — Americans  on  Blanco’s  Platform — Our  Experience 
with  Acquired  Territory — Andrew  Jackson’s  Territorial  Policy 
— Two  Mourners  in  a Palace  Over  the  Collapse  of  the  Republic — 

Bryan's  Pitched  Battle  with  American  History — Not  Canned 
Freedom,  but  Liberty  on  the  Half  Shell — A Tribute  to  General 
Wheeler — In  “The  Fear  of  God  and  Nothing  Else,”  as  Bismarck 
Said,  Take  Up  Duty 565-572 

CHAPTER  IX. 

HON.  HENRY  GIBSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Porto  Rico  Is  a Conquest;  Are  We  to  Give  It  Up  on  Moral  Grounds? — 

There  Were  Croakers  About  Our  Having  Any  Pacific  Coast — It 
Was  Six  Months  Away — “The  Ashy  Lips  of  Cowards  and  Traitors” 

— There  Would  Be  Objections  to  Annexing  Paradise — Do  the 
Black  Men  Consent  to  Be  Governed  in  All  the  States? — Why  Say 
“Turkey”  to  the  Yellow  Heathen  and  “Buzzard”  to  the  Black 
Christian? — When  Did  We  Get  the  Consent  of  the  Indians  to 
Govern  Them? — The  Pilgrim  Fathers  Exterminated  the  Natives 
of  Massachusetts — God  Commanded  the  Killing  of  the  Canaanites.  .575-581 

CHAPTER  X. 

SENATOR  HOAR  AGAINST  EXPANSION. 

This  Is  the  Greatest  Question  Ever  Discussed  by  the  United  States 
Senate — Almost  the  Greatest  Since  the  Beginning  of  Mankind — 

Putting  the  Flag  Up  and  Down — Wanted  Messages  Sent  to  the 
Philippines — WThat  Are  We  to  Do  with  10,000,000  Souls? — Poor 
People,  Who  Took  Their  Bows  and  Arrows — Aguinaldo’s  Master- 
pieces— Dr.  Johnson  on  Taxation — Trampling  on  Foreign  People 
— Filipinos  in  Arms  for  Liberty 582-587 

CHAPTER  XI. 

SENATOR  MASON  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 

“We  Are  Attacking  People  Without  Arms” — “'How  Is  the  War  to  Be 
Concluded  Without  the  Extermination  of  Those  Poor  People?” — 

“We  Refuse  to  Permit  the  Rebel  Party  Men  to  Speak  to  Us” — “By 
What  Authority  Was  Iloilo  Fired  Upon?” — “I  Say  We  Made  the 
Cause  for  War” — “We  Shoot  Them  Down  and  Burn  Their 
Buildings  a la  Weyler” — “How  Long  Shall  Our  Flag  Remain 
Above  an  Unwilling  People?” — The  Whelp  of  a Lion  and  Caesar’s 
Ghost — England  Never  Guilty  of  More  Cruelty — All  Tyrants 
Charge  Cutting  Off  Heads  to  the  Lord — The  Whole  Archipelago 
Not  Worth  One  American  Boy — We  Have  Tasted  Blood .58-8-59-i 


24 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

EX-PRESIDENT  CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Mr.  Cleveland  Thinks  the  Best  Statesmanship  Should  Adhere  to 
Conscience  in  Storm  as  Well  as  Sunshine — He  Suggests  We  Should 
Not  Kill  People  Who  Would  Lose  Their  Souls — Hon.  Bourke 
Cochran  Oners  Objections  to  Expansion — Senator  Money  Takes 
a Favorable  View  of  Aguinaldo — Mr.  Bland  Thinks  Expansion 
Means  to  Enslave  Americans  to  Plutocracy — Senator  Caffery  Says 
There  Is  No  Opportunity  for  an  Industrious  White  Man  in  the 
Philippines — Senator  Tillman  Quotes  Kipling — Is  Aguinaldo  a 
Usurper  Without  Consulting  Anybody? — Senator  Turner  on  Grave 
State  Reasons  for  Overriding  the  Opinion  of  Senator  Foraker 595-605 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 

Ex-President  Harrison’s  Policy  of  Territorial  Permanency  and  Message 
on  the  Annexation  of  Hawaii — Senator  Lodge  Says  We  Succeeded 
to  the  Sovereignty  of  Spain  in  Manila,  and  Philippine  Patriots 
Have  Never  Been  Oppressed  by  Any  American  Act — Senator 
Stewart  Says  Filipinos  Can  Never  Come  Here  to  Interfere  with 
Labor — Senator  Platt  of  Connecticut  Says  the  Doctrine  of  Senator 
Hoar  Would  Have  Prevented  Our  Possession  of  the  Pacific  Coast 
States — General  Grosvenor  Vindicates  General  Otis — Senator  Platt 
of  New  York  Says  We  Are  Not  Forcing  Our  Government  Upon 
an  Unwilling  People — Senator  Foraker  Says  Opposition  Senators 
Talk  About  Theory — Mr.  Brosius  of  Pennsylvania  Quotes  a Pearl 
of  Poetry — Governor  Oglesby  Expands — Two  of  Kipling’s  Poems 
Much  Quoted  in  Congress 606-619 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 

Area  of  Our  Territory  When  Jefferson  Wrote  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence— The  Westward  Course  of  Acquisition — The  Northwest 
Territory  Added — Acquiring  All  Territory  East  of  the  Mississippi 
River — Exploring  Expeditions  Into  Western  Territory— The 
Louisiana  Purchase — Views  of  Jefferson  and  Congress  in  1803 — 
Annexation  of  Texas — Acquiring  California  and  New  Mexico 
— The  Alaska  Purchase — Expansion  Opinions  of  Law  Writers — 

Decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  Subject  of  Acquiring 
Territory — Beneficial  Effects  of  Expansion — We  Need  Not  Fear 
the  Future,  and  We  Dare  Not  Step  Backward — The  Dream  of 
Columbus  Will  Soon  Be  Realized 620-681 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


1.  Frontispiece — The  Nation’s  Great  Expanders. 

2.  George  Washington. 

3.  Thomas  Jefferson. 

4.  Andrew  Jackson. 

5.  Daniel  Webster. 

6.  John  C.  Fremont. 

7.  Henry  Clay. 

8.  U.  S.  Grant. 

9.  Abraham  Lincoln. 

10.  Jas.  G.  Blaine. 

11.  Wm.  McKinley. 

12.  City  of  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico. 

13.  Street  of  the  Cross,  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico. 

14.  A Porto  Rico  Poultry  Vendor. 

15.  Market  Women  of  Porto  Rico. 

16.  A Porto  Rico  Country  House. 

17.  Sea  Wall  of  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico. 

18.  The  Princess  Promenade,  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico. 

19.  A Porto  Rico  Belle. 

20.  Horses  Laden  with  Maloja,  in  Matanzas,  Cuba. 

21.  The  Yumuri  River  at  Matanzas,  Cuba. 

22.  The  Way  Milk  Is  Sold  and  Delivered  in  Havana. 

23.  A Fruit  Vendor  in  Havana. 

24.  A Cuban  Ploughman. 

25.  Crushing  Mill  on  a Sugar  Plantation  in  Cuba. 

26.  Waianae  Coffee  Nursery,  Showing  Young  Coffee  Plants,  in  Oahu,  Hawaiian 

Islands. 

27.  Famous  Walk  Between  the  Royal  Palms  in  Honolulu. 

28.  Nuuanu  Valley  Pass,  Pali  Peak,  1,207  Feet  High.  Near  Honolulu. 

29.  Entrance  Through  Grove  of  Tropical  Trees  to  Queen's  Hospital,  Honolulu. 

30.  Section  of  Flume  for  Conveying  Water  to  Sugar  Mills,  Hawaii. 

31.  Lava  Formation  at  Kilauea  Crater,  4,040  Feet  High,  Island  of  Hawaii. 

32.  Pineapple  Ranch  Near  Pearl  City,  Island  of  Oahu,  Hawaiian  Islands. 

33.  Flume  for  Conveying  Water  to  Sugar  Mills,  Hawaii. 

34.  Surf  Boat  of  the  Natives,  Honolulu,  Hawaiian  Islands. 

35.  Travelers’  Tree,  Honolulu,  A Plant  Curiosity. 

36.  Banana  Plant,  Hawaii,  Showing  Fruit  on  Tree. 

37.  Statue  of  Kamehameha  I,  Honolulu. 

38.  Princess  Kaiulani  at  Ainahau,  Honolulu. 

25 


26 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


69.  Hawaiian  Ilula  Dancers  in  Native  Costume. 

40.  Hawaiian  School  Girl  in  Native  Decorations. 

41.  A Country  Marriage,  Philippines,  Marriage  Maker  and  Bridal  Couple  in  Car- 

riage, Followed  by  Band,  on  Way  to  Church. 

42.  Ravine  of  Idalang.  A Scene  on  the  Road  from  Silang  to  Indang,  Cavite. 

43.  View  Near  Indang,  Cavite  Province,  Along  Tibogan  River. 

44.  View  of  the  Bugasong  River  in  the  Philippines,  Noted  for  its  Auriferous 

Sand. 

45.  A Bathing  Place  in  the  Falls  of  the  Uliau  y Tagbacan  River,  in  the  Philip- 

pines. 

46.  Views  from  the  Philippines. 

47.  Group  of  Native  Dancers  in  Ati-Ati. 

48.  Bridge  Over  the  Lagune  in  Santa  Cruz. 

49.  Types  of  the  Masses  of  the  Filipinos. 

50.  Grinding  Native  Rice. 

51.  Native  Wood  Choppers. 

52.  Women  of  Balagas  Washing  Clothes. 

53.  A Sugar  Cart  in  Batangas  Province. 

54.  A Shepherd  of  Carabaos. 

55.  The  Road  to  the  Cemetery  in  Tansa,  Province  of  Iloilo. 

56.  Views  from  the  Philippines. 

57.  Royal  Street  in  Lipa,  Batangas  Province. 

58.  School  of  Arts  and  Commerce  in  Iloilo. 

59.  Molo  Church  in  Iloilo. 

60.  A Filipino  Funeral  Party  in  Iloilo,  Grouped  Around  the  Tomb. 

61.  A View  of  the  San  Sebastian  Highway,  Manila. 

62.  Romblon — Capital  of  the  Island  of  Su  Nombre. 

63.  View  of  the  Paseo  de  Aguadas,  Manila. 

64.  Filipino  Carpenters  of  Iloilo  at  Work. 

65.  Landscape  View,  Showing  Beauty  and  Luxuriance  of  Vegetation  in  the  Phil- 

ippines. 

66.  Views  in  the  Philippines,  Mostly  in  and  Around  Manila. 

67.  In  the  Valleys  of  Carabao. 

68.  A Street  in  the  District  of  Paco,  Manila. 

69.  Aristocratic  Residences  in  the  Suburbs  of  San  Juan  del  Monte. 

70.  Square  of  Santa  Ana,  in  the  District  of  San  Sebastian,  Manila. 

71.  View  of  the  Royal  Highway  of  La  Concepcion. 

72.  The  King’s  Wharf,  Manila. 

73.  The  Aguilar  Barrier  in  Tondo,  Manila. 

74.  The  Cathedral  of  Jaro,  in  Iloilo. 

75.  Native  Method  of  Plowing.  Scene  in  the  Province  of  Batangas,  Philippines. 

76.  Views  in  and  Around  Manila. 

77.  Street  in  the  Suburb  La  Ermita. 


A PORTO  RICO  POULTRY  VENDOR.  (Copyrighted  by  J.  M.  Jordan.) 


MARKET  WOMEN  OF  PORTO  RICO.  (Copyrighted,  1898,  by  J.  M.  Jordan.) 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


29 


78.  Rosario  Street  in  La  Ermita. 

79.  Luneta  Square  in  Manila. 

80.  Hospital  of  San  Juan  de  Dios. 

81.  Manila  Cathedral. 

82.  Royal  Street  in  Malate. 

83.  Royal  Street  in  Santa  Ana. 

84.  Monument  of  Don  Simon  de  Anda  y Salazar  in  the  Malecon  Square. 

85.  Type  of  the  Mestezo  Women,  Upper  Class,  Province  of  Cavite. 

86.  Views  from  the  Philippines. 

87.  Wives  of  Chief  Datto  Pian  of  Jolo. 

88.  House  of  Chief  Datto  Pian  of  Jolo. 

89.  Barracks  of  the  Civil  Guard  in  La  Ermita,  Manila. 

90.  View  of  Chief  Datto  Pian’s  Wagebon  Ranche  in  Jolo. 

91.  Church  of  the  Conception  in  Jolo. 

92.  The  Weisic  Barracks,  Manila. 

93.  Entrance  to  the  Military  Hospital,  Manila. 

94.  Front  View  of  the  Church  of  the  Conception,  Jolo. 

95.  Rift  in  the  Jungles  That  Line  the  Coast  of  the  Philippines. 

96.  Roadway  in  Botanical  Gardens,  Manila. 

97.  View  of  La  Escolta  Street,  Manila. 

98.  Bathing  Pool  on  Road  to  Das  Marinas,  at  Imus,  Province  of  Cavite. 

99.  Map  Showing  Natural  Waterways  and  Canal  Routes,  Now  and  Future,  to 

Our  New  Possessions,  East  and  West. 

100.  Monument  at  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica,  Commemorating  Valor  of  Central  Amer- 

ican Amazons  in  Defeating  Soldiers  of  Walker’s  Filibustering  Expedition. 

101.  Official  Residence  of  De  Lesseps  at  Colon,  Colombia. 

102.  Coffee-curing  Establishment,  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica. 

103.  Banana  Train  on  Line  from  Port  Limon  to  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica. 

104.  Theatre  at  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica. 

105.  School  House  in  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica. 

106.  View  of  San  Juan  River,  Costa  Rica. 

107.  Pier  at  Greytown,  Nicaragua. 

108.  Coffee-curing  Establishment,  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica. 

109.  Native  House,  Showing  Kitchen,  in  Masaya,  Nicaragua. 

110.  A Barber  Shop  in  Masaya,  Nicaragua. 

111.  Panama  Canal,  Cut  at  San  Pablo. 

112.  Panama  Canal,  14  Miles  from  Atlantic. 

113.  Panama  Canal,  Culebra  Cut. 

114.  Panama  Canal,  32  Miles  from  Atlantic. 

115.  Banana  Depot,  Near  Blue  Fields,  Nicaragua, 

116.  Birdseye  View  of  Lake  Managua,  from  Managua,  the  Capital  of  Nicaragua. 

117.  Landing  at  Lake  Managua,  Receiving  Passengers  from  Train  at  Corinto,  Nic- 

aragua. 

118.  End  of  La  Boca  Pier  at  Beginning  of  Panama  Canal. 


30  LIST  OP  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

119.  Panama  Canal,  3 Miles  from  the  Atlantic. 

120.  Panama  Canal,  9 Miles  from  Colon. 

121.  Panama  Canal,  End  of  Culebra  Cut. 

122.  Panama  Canal,  27  Miles  from  the  Atlantic. 

123.  Panama  Canal,  33  Miles  from  the  Atlantic. 

124.  Panama  Canal,  34  Miles  from  Atlantic. 

125.  Map  Showing  Territory  Ceded  and  Annexed  at  Different  Times  to  the  United 

States. 

126.  Benjamin  Harrison. 

127.  Grover  Cleveland. 

128.  Senator  Cushman  K.  Davis  of  Minnesota. 

129.  Senator  George  F.  Hoar  of  Massachusetts. 

130.  Senator  Henry  C.  Lodge  of  Massachusetts. 

131.  Senator  William  E.  Mason  of  Illinois. 

132.  William  J.  Bryan. 

133.  Carl  Schurz. 

134.  Andrew  Carnegie. 

135.  Henry  Watterson. 

136.  Map  of  Porto  Rico,  in  Colors,  Prepared  from  Latest  Official  Surveys. 

137.  Map  of  Cuba,  in  Colors,  Prepared  from  Latest  Official  Surveys. 

138.  Map  of  Hawaii,  in  Colors,  Prepared  from  Latest  Official  Surveys. 

139.  Map  of  the  Philippines,  in  Colors,  Prepared  from  Latest  Official  Surveys. 

140.  Coffee-curing  Establishment  at  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica. 

141.  The  Arena,  Constructed  of  Bamboo,  in  Which  the  Bull  Fights  Are  Given  at 

Manila. 

142.  A Malay  Chief  of  Magibon,  Jolo  Province,  with  His  Family  and  Servitors. 

143.  Native  Woman’s  Dress,  Manila. 

144.  Types  of  Filipino  Women. 

145.  Panama  Canal,  Pier  at  La  Boca. 

146.  Panama  Canal,  Great  Culebra  Cut. 

147.  Panama  Canal,  Culebra  Cut. 

148.  Panama  Canal,  32  Miles  from  Atlantic. 

149.  Steamship  Passing  a Dredge  at  Kautara,  Suez  Canal. 

150.  Harbor  at  Port  Said,  Beginning  of  Suez  Canal. 

151.  Views  Along  the  Suez  Canal. 

152.  Stone  Quarry  at  Timsah  Lake. 

153.  Dam  at  Ismailia. 

154.  View  of  Suez. 

155.  Entrance  to  Suez  Canal. 

156.  View  of  Landing  at  Port  Said. 

157.  View  of  Port  Said  Harbor. 

158.  Steamers  Waiting  at  Kautara. 

159.  S.  A.  Tewfik  Pacha. 

160.  F.  De  Lesseps. 


BOOK  I. 


PORTO  RICO. 


INTRODUCTION. 


During  the  progress  of  our  war  with  Spain,  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
studying  the  military  and  naval  situations,  and  giving  critical  attention  to  the 
movements  of  our  fleets  and  armies,  were  well  informed  of  the  advantages  of 
Porto  Eico.  If  Spain  had  not  been  an  incapable  country,  if  her  battleships  and 
squadrons  of  gunboats  and  torpedo  destroyers  had  been  what  they  were  believed 
in  Europe  to  be,  a match  for  our  own  warships  and  boats,  Porto  Rico  was  placed 
so  as  to  have  been  an  advantageous  basis  of  operations  for  the  Spanish  fleet; 
and  if  the  Spaniards  had  been  in  condition  to  cross  the  Atlantic  in  force,  this 
eastward  island  would  have  served  the  purpose  of  defending  the  West  India 
waters  and  possessions  of  Spain,  at  the  same  time  threatening  our  shores.  It 
turned  out  that  the  degeneracy  of  Spanish  administration  had  been  as  disastrously 
operative  in  the  navy  as  the  army,  that  the  battleships  were  not  ready  in  machinery 
or  armament;  though  held  to  be  superior  to  our  own  of  the  same  class,  were 
deficient.  Spain  never  seriously  disputed  with  us  the  mastery  of  the  seas.  This 
was  a weakness  that  allowed  the  Spaniards  no  chance  for  successful  defense  of  her 
islands.  Porto  Eico  and  Cuba  were  lost,  unless  our  extemporized  army  could  be 
used  up  by  the  rains  and  the  fevers,  and  the  acclimated  Spaniards  enabled  to  hold 
out  in  their  intrenchments,  fed  out  of  the  marvelously  fertile  soil,  until  the  con- 
tinental monarchies  should  call  for  a suspension  of  hostilities  on  our  part  under 
the  menace  of  coalition  against  us.  We  were  influenced  by  consideration  for  inter- 
national opinion  and  regard  for  our  own  contracted  conservatism  as  to  interference 
abroad,  and  the  philanthropic  eloquence  so  exuberant  in  our  public  life,  to  promise 
a miracle  of  unselfishness  in  our  purposes  so  far  as  Cuba  was  concerned.  The 
Cuban  annexationists  were  complacent  under  the  proclamations  to  which  they 
did  not  entirely  subscribe,  because  they  had  confidence  in  the  attraction  of  our 
bulk,  the  interest  of  Cuba  to  be  under  our  wing,  as  a protected  province  if  in 
no  other  relation,  and  the  geographical  proprieties,  so  that  if  the  Spanish  yoke 
was  removed  the  island  gifted  alike  with  natural  riches  and  beauties,  would  be 
ours  by  the  irrepressible  genius  of  Americanism.  Still  we  agreed  the  Cubans, 
not  the  New  York  Junta  in  particular  exclusively,  but  the  Cuban  people  at  large, 
should  have  the  option  of  independence;  and  we  must  make  our  promise  good. 

35 


36 


INTRODUCTION. 


Senator  Hoar  says  there  is  no  necessity  that  we  should  marry  any  of  the  unfortu- 
nate daughters  of  Spain  that  have  been  abused  by  their  mother,  but  it  is  quite 
certain  if  any  of  the  girls  come  to  our  house  as  Naomi  to  that  of  Boa z and  say 
they  are  going  with  us  and  be  of  our  people  and  mean  to  stay  and  be  of  our 
household,  we  will  not  drive  them  away,  but  allow  them  to  find  places  of  repose 
and  take  for  their  own  use  reasonable  measures  of  barley.  We  shall  also  instruct 
the  reapers  in  our  harvest  fields  to  leave  heads  of  grain  for  them  to  glean  and 
deny  them  not  the  comforts  of  hospitality,  even  apples,  as  well  as  barley,  as  we 
understand  the  obligations  of  friendship  in  the  north  temperate  zone. 

Before  coming  into  possession  of  Porto  Rico,  ceded  to  us  by  Spain,  we  made 
no  promises  to  her  people  and  consented  to  no  conditions  of  limitation  of  our 
sovereign  rights.  The  island  is  as  much  ours  as  the  Louisiana  purchase  was  when 
we  paid  for  it,  or  as  Alaska  and  Arizona  are  ours.  And  it  is  gratifying  to  note 
that  very  few  congressmen  have  wept  in  public  over  the  imperialism  of  our 
acceptance  of  the  ripe  fruit  that  fell  in  our  way  as  we  walked  under  the  tree.  It 
is  settled  even  if  there  are  statesmen  who  feel  that  we  have  again  fractured  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  fatally  fastened  ourselves  to  an  island  out 
of  sight  of  our  continental  shore  that  Porto  Rico  is  and  shall  remain  our  very 
own.  We  have  got  her  and  we  will  keep  her.  The  island  is  the  best  in  many 
ways  in  the  West  Indies,  though  not  as  large  as  Cuba  or  as  high  as  Hayti.  It 
is  wholesome  and  of  good  report,  and,  with  a naval  station  there  worthy  of  our 
Sea-Power,  we  shall  have  an  advanced  post  beyond  Bermuda  that  hostile  fleets, 
if  any  should  ever  move  this  way  meaning  to  do  us  harm,  will  not  venture  to 
pass  by.  As  to  contiguity,  those  pleasant  Danish  islands,  always  for  sale,  are  in 
the  neighborhood.  The  fact  is  suggestive  that  ten  cents  apiece  paid  by  the  Amer- 
ican people  would  capture  those  gems  of  the  ocean.  The  people  of  Porto  Rico 
are  of  mixed  races,  and  it  is  probable  it  will  take  them  some  time  to  assimilate 
Americanism  even  under  the  weighty  expression  of  military  authority.  The  deal- 
ings of  the  people  of  Porto  Rico  have  been  rather  with  Europeans  than  with 
ourselves.  They  will,  we  hope,  and  we  base  expectation  founded  upon  ordinary 
human  experience,  trust,  they  will  grow  fonder  of  us  as  they  find  us  out.  It  is  an 
important  point  in  our  duty  to  make  them  feel  at  home  under  our  flag  and  to 
soothe  them  if  we  observe  restlessness  in  their  manner  when  the  novelty  of  being 
free  Americans  ceases  to  have  an  impressive  fascination.  Some  of  them  may 
think  reading  certain  interpretations  by  eloquent  men  of  our  Constitution,  that  it 
is  a part  of  the  contract  implied  when  we  took  them  in  charge  that  they  are  to 
soon  have  a call  to  be  heard  in  our  general  government.  We  have  firmly  but  kindly 


INTRODUCTION. 


37 


to  make  known  to  them  that  they  are  mistaken.  However,  we  have  confidence 
they  will  be  reasonable  and  “consent”  to  be  governed  without  seeking  trouble  along 
lines  of  theory,  promulgated  in  a spirit  of  benevolence  by  some  of  our  eminent 
men  in  behalf  of  the  Filipinos  when  they  assaulted  the  American  lines  at  Manila. 
We  would  advise  friends  in  the  colonies  not  to  place  a great  deal  of  reliance  upon 
the  emotional  element  of  patriotic  gentlemen  whose  information  is  deficient,  being 
radically  erroneous.  The  people  of  Porto  Rico,  we  are  sure,  will  contentedly  remain 
with  us,  partake  of  the  bounty  of  our  good  will,  consent  to  the  investment  of 
our  capital  in  the  improvement  of  the  island,  and  be  taught  by  us  that  they  have 
not  alienated  but  gained  by  our  expansion  including  them  in  a liberal  sense  in  the 
rights  of  man  and  an  excellent  opportunity  of  generous  guidance  in  the  better 
ways  and  means,  in  the  language  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  for  “the 
pursuit  of  happiness.” 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PORTO  EICO. 

The  Island  Is  Ours  Without  the  Annoyance  of  the  Wolves  and  Wildcats  of  Philip- 
pine Politics — Porto  Eico  Determined  Upon  as  a Second  Objective  Point 
in  the  War  with  Spain  in  the  Western  Hemisphere — Correspondence  Be- 
tween General  Miles  and  the  War  Department  Relative  to  the  Porto  Eican 
Campaign — Long  to  Sampson — The  President  Interposes,  and  Sampson  and 
Miles  Are  Satisfied — Miles  Leads  the  Campaign,  and  It  Progresses  Smoothly 
with  Little  Loss. 

Porto  Eico  has  the  advantage  of  being  a part  of  the  United  States  without 
terms  or  conditions  of  any  sort.  It  is  emphatically  our  New  Possession,  for  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  have  practically  been  ours  for  a long  time,  our  commerce  being 
dominant  and  our  influence  paramount.  They  are  indebted  for  civilization  to  our 
merchants  and  missionaries,  and  European  vices  to  our  whalers  and  other  traders 
and  explorers.  Porto  Rico  has  long  been  the  example  of  the  colonial  system  of 
Spain  best  bearing  scrutiny  of  impartial  inquiry,  and  the  critical  assaults  of  the 
hostile.  The  island  is  too  small  and  too  well  provided  with  roads  to  be  the  chosen 
field  of  such  insurgents  as  the  Spanish  government  produces;  and  in  the  absence  of 
the  warfare  of  ambuscade,  massacre  and  desolation  by  fire,  fashionable  in  the 
struggles  of  the  children  of  Spain  for  freedom  from  the  deadly  embrace  of  their 
mother  country,  its  history  has  been  comparatively  tame,  and  the  people  in  a 
modest  way  exceptionally  prosperous. 

The  second  article  of  our  treaty  of  peace  with  Spain  opens  with  the  line 
“Spain  cedes  to  the  United  States  the  Island  of  Porto  Rico.”  It  is  plainly, 
simply  and  satisfactorily  ours  by  conquest,  and  the  people  have  no  bands  of  firebugs, 
or  shadowy  armies  of  haunting  phantoms  in  the  shrubbery,  attempting  or  threaten- 
ing the  assassination  of  American  soldiers  in  the  name  of  liberty  and  savage  pride 
of  self-government.  There  is  no  army  of  professed  patriots  who  have  been  organ- 
izing famine  with  firebrand  and  chopping-lcnife,  to  appear  in  the  field  when  the 
war  is  over  with  a pay-roll  and  refuse  to  disband  until  with  imported  money 
they  are  paid  for  their  sufferings  in  securing  home  rule  by  burning  houses  and 
cane  and  tobacco.  The  Porto  Ricans  have  no  leader  of  rebellion,  who  has  been 
exiled  with  a check-book  and  bank  account,  and  returned  after  the  Spanish  power 
has  been  broken  by  Americans,  to  assume  authority  over  the  liberators  and  shoot 

38 


A CUBAN  PLOUGHMAN, 


m 


CRUSHING  MILL  ON  4 SUGAR  PLANTATION  IN  CUBA. 


THE  CONQUEST  OP  PORTO  RICO. 


41 


at  them  from  jungles,  because  they  landed  to  emancipate  an  enslaved  people,  with- 
out formally  asking  the  slaves  if  the  sacred  soil  could  be  used  to  overpower  their 
merciless  masters.  The  wolves  and  wildcats  of  Philippine  politics  have  not  ap- 
peared in  the  underbrush  of  Porto  Rico. 

Contrary  to  the  teaching  and  the  examples  of  the  Cubans  and  the  Filipinos, 
the  Porto  Ricans  do  not  ask  to  be  paid  for  heroism  in  destroying  the  industries 
of  their  native  soil,  before  permitting  themselves  to  make  a beginning  of  restor- 
ing sugar  and  tobacco  culture.  In  Cuba  the  Spaniards  had  no  objection  to  sugar- 
making and  to  growing  and  curing  the  tobacco  of  the  golden  leaves.  But  grind- 
ing cane  was  an  abomination  in  the  sight  of  Gomez  of  Hayti,  who  sought  freedom 
by  the  San  Domingo  method.  The  fashion  is  hardly  fixed  in  regard  to  the  culti- 
vation of  the  land  in  Cuba  as  the  excitement  of  a people,  just  freed  from  Spanish 
supervision,  has  not  subsided.  The  Cuban  armies  will  no  doubt  tolerate  occa- 
sional manifestations  of  manhood  at  work  on  the  rich  soil  and  under  the  radiant 
sky  of  their  island.  In  the  Philippines  they  have  a leadership  that  forbids  toil 
in  the  fields  while  there  are  trenches  to  dig  from  which  to  fire  upon  the  victors 
over  the  Spaniards.  The  next  time  we  put  forth  our  hands,  and  find  in  them 
an  archipelago,  we  will  know  from  experience  that  the  way  to  establish  peace  is  to 
allow  no  room  for  doubt  that  we  are  going  to  stay  and  be  the  ruling  race.  It  makes 
the  people  of  Spanish  association  and  mixed  blood  uneasy  to  confront  uncertainty. 
However,  we  have  kept  the  faith  both  in  Cuba  and  Luzon  in  a military  occupation 
with  a view  to  redeem  the  promise  of  the  establishment  of  a “stable  government;” 
and  we  are  in  honor  bound  to  keep  the  peace  if  we  have  to  fight  for  it,  and  to 
provide  for  the  liberty  of  the  people  on  the  lands  we  have  won  by  the  sword,  if 
we  have  to  dust  insurgents  out  of  the  way  and  apply  the  stern  medicine  of 
shrapnel. 

The  Cuban  republic  under  a New  York  Junta  is  one  fake,  and  the  Luzon 
government  of  Aguinaldo  is  another.  The  latter  is  no  doubt  held  by  the  ignorant 
people,  he  calls  “his,”  and  we  have  a school  of  statesmen  who  regard  them  as 
his  belongings  and  the  only  people,  and  that  he  is  the  hero  who  conquered  the 
Spaniards  at  Manila  to  be  dispossessed  of  the  fruits  of  his  valor  and  conduct 
by  the  Americans  intruding  themselves  upon  a free  people  and  preventing  their 
development  in  the  science  and  arts  of  self-government,  where  one  man  rules  six 
millions,  using  a dainty,  dandy  cane  as  a scepter  and  keeping  out  of  danger, 
because  his  life  is  too  valuable  to  risk  where  bullets  fly. 

As  Porto  Rico  was  the  most  eastern  of  the  West  Indian  possessions  of  Spain 
and  of  fair  sanitary  reputation  and  a thousand  miles  nearer  the  Spanish  peninsula 


42 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


than  Havana,  there  was  much  speculation  as  to  the  propriety  of  the  United  States 
army  and  navy  striking  there  first;  and  as  our  superiority  in  sea  power  developed 
from  day  to  day,  the  consideration  of  a campaign  in  the  eastern  island  became  more 
serious,  but  there  was  encountered  the  fine  fury  of  the  Cuban  Libre  crusaders, 
who  thought  war  conid  not  exist  unless  Havana  was  bombarded.  The  marble 
walls  of  Congress  rang  with  cries  of  contempt  for  persons  afraid  of  a rainy 
season;  and  as  for  yellow  fever — no  one  need  fear  it  who  had  been  acclimated 
in  our  camps  and  heard  the  furious  eloquence  of  our  champions  of  freedom.  The 
Major-General  commanding  had  regard  for  tropical  rains  and  fevers  and  wanted 
to  spend  the  summer  in  working  up  a great  army  with  which  Havana  was  to 
be  taken  after  the  rains  had  passed  and  the  fever  was  over,  but  the  public  impa- 
tience and  the  presidential  judgment  were  not  in  agreement. 

It  was  resolved  to  strike  a blow  as  soon  as  the  sea  was  cleared  of  Spaniards 
and  the  regular  army  ready  to  lead  the  attack.  The  first  serious  thought  was 
to  land  in  Cuba  on  the  northwestern  coast,  about  as  far  west  of  Havana  as  the 
English  landing  in  1762  was  east  of  that  capital.  The  proposed  Mariel  landing 
meant  that  we  should  attack  the  Spaniards  where  they  were  strongest  and  the 
deadly  climate  was  at  its  worst;  that  we  should  be  pitted  against  tropical  rains, 
the  yellow  fever,  scarcity  of  water,  and  committed  to  force  roads  easily  defended, 
while  Blanco  got  together  an  army  of  eighty  thousand  effectives  and  more  than 
a hundred  and  fifty  field  pieces.  It  was  resolved  to  shift  the  scene  of  the  first 
aggressive  activity  to  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba,  but  not  so  far  east  as  Santiago. 
It  fell  to  General  Shatter  to  be  designated  for  this  command.  The  Major-General 
commanding  the  army  was  fertile  in  plans  of  campaign,  and  had  perfected  one 
for  each  of  three  of  the  cardinal  points  of  Cuba — North-west,  South-west  and 
North-east,  and  Porto  Rico.  The  necessity  of  Admiral  Cervera  to  obtain  coal 
and  his  fear  of  American  fleets  took  him  to  Santiago,  where,  if  he  had  realized 
how  widespread  were  the  squadrons  active  in  the  blockade,  and  that  the  South 
coast  was  tolerably  clear  he  would  have  made  for  Cienfuegos  and  been  there 
in  touch  with  Havana  by  rail. 

Commodore  Schley  did  not  understand  that  Cervera  could  be  so  short  of 
coal  and  so  shy  of  combat  that  he  had  to  go  to  the  prison  of  the  Santiago  harbor 
to  give  himself  a lease  of  life,  and,  as  he  was  approved  at  the  time  by  Sampson, 
the  Commodore  discredited  for  a few  days  the  story  of  the  Spanish  fleet  at 
Santiago,  believing  it  was  unreasonable  and  was  disposed  to  act  as  if  Cervera  had 
coal  and  was  equipped  for  disturbing  our  calculations  of  movement.  Cervera 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


43 


at  Santiago  carried  the  American  army  and  fleet  there,  and  the  first  stroke  turned 
out  the  decisive  blow. 

At  Washington  there  were  two  campaigns  in  view — the  one  on  the  south  coast 
shifted  to  Santiago  by  Cervera,  called  No.  1,  and  the  one  for  Porto  Rico,  known 
as  No.  2.  The  Major-General  commanding  of  course  anticipated  taking  charge 
of  our  most  considerable  army  and  there  was  a natural  idea  that  the  objective 
point  of  the  principal  force  would  be  Havana.  He  was  told  by  friends  when 
he  did  not  go  promptly  to  the  front  with  the  southern  shore  movement  that  he 
was  making  the  mistake  of  his  life,  and  urged  to  go. 

This  warning  happened  to  begin  at  the  house  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and 
was  given  by  the  Adjutant-General.  General  Miles  thought  it  would  not  be 
according  to  the  correct  estimate  of  the  dignity  of  his  commanding  position  to 
leave  direct  contact  with  the  mighty  army  gathered,  and  go  with  a detachment 
not  exceeding  seven  per  cent  of  the  whole;  and  he  made  the  error  of  not  heading 
the  Santiago  expedition  in  person. 

On  the  26th  of  April  General  Miles  wrote  the  Secretary  of  War  that  it  was 
of  “the  highest  importance”  that  the  troops  called  for  by  the  President  might 
be  disciplined  for  field  service  with  the  least  delay,  and  he  said  they  “ought  to  be 
in  camp  approximately  sixty  days  in  their  States,  as  so  many  of  the  States  have 
made  no  provision  for  their  State  militia,  and  not  one  is  fully  equipped  for  field 
service.  * * * This  preliminary  work  should  be  done  before  the  troops  leave 

their  States.  While  this  is  being  done,  the  general  officers  and  staff  officers  can 
be  appointed  and  properly  instructed,  large  camps  of  instruction  can  be  judiciously 
selected,  ground  rented,  and  stores  collected.  At  the  end  of  sixty  days  the  regi- 
ments, batteries  and  tfoops  can  be  brigaded  and  formed  into  divisions  and  corps, 
and  proper  commanding  generals  assigned,  and  this  great  force  may  be  properly 
equipped,  molded  and  organized  into  an  effective  army,  with  the  least  possible 
delay.” 

Thus  it  appears  the  earliest  purpose  at  military  headquarters  was  to  fight  it 
out  on  this  line,  taking  all  summer.  On  the  18th  of  April  General  Miles  wrote: 

“It  is  extremely  hazardous,  and  I think  it  would  be  injudicious  to  put  an 
army  on  that  island  at  this  season  of  the  year,  as  it  would  undoubtedly  be  deci- 
mated by  the  deadly  disease,  to  say  nothing  of  having  to  cope  with  some  80,000 
troops,  the  remnant  of  214,000,  that  have  become  acclimated,  and  that  are  equipped 
with  183  guns.”  He  added:  “There  is  still  time,  if  this  is  favorably  considered,  to 
put  a small  force  of  regular  troops,  numbering  approximately  18,000  men,  in 


44  THE  CONQUEST  OF  PORTO  RICO. 

healthful  camps  until  such  time  as  they  can  he  used  on  the  Island  of  Cuba  with 
safety.” 

But  it  was  not  within  the  contemplation  of  the  Major-General  commanding 
to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  this  “small  force.” 

The  following  letter  shows  that  General  Miles  desired  to  be  in  the  first  expedi- 
tion off  for  the  fateful  adventure: 

Headquarters  of  the  Army, 

Tampa,  Fla.,  June  5,  1898. 

The  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C.: 

This  expedition  has  been  delayed  through  no  fault  of  any  one  connected 
with  it.  It  contains  the  principal  part  of  the  army,  which,  for  intelligence  and 
efficiency,  is  not  excelled  by  any  body  of  troops  on  earth.  It  contains  fourteen 
of  the  best  conditioned  regiments  of  volunteers,  the  last  of  which  arrived  this 
morning.  Yet  these  have  never  been  under  fire.  Between  30  and  40  per  cent  are 
undrilled,  and  in  one  regiment  over  300  men  had  never  fired  a gun.  I request 
ample  protection  at  all  times  for  this  command  by  the  navy.  [This  was  changed 
by  inserting  the  words  “at  sea.”]  This  enterprise  is  so  important  that  I desire 
to  go  with  this  army  corps,  or  to  immediately  organize  another  and  go  with  it 
to  join  this  and  capture  position  No.  2.  Now  that  the  military  is  about  to  be' 
used,  I believe  that  it  should  be  continued  with  every  energy,  making  the  most 
judicious  disposition  of  it  to  accomplish  the  desired  result.  MILES, 

Major-General  Commanding  Army. 


Washington,  D.  C.,  June  6,  1898,  2:35  P.  M. 
Major-General  Miles,  Tampa,  Fla.: 

The  President  wants  to  know  the  earliest  moment  you  can  have  an  expedi- 
tionary force  ready  to  go  to  Porto  Rico  large  enough  to  take  and  hold  island 
without  the  force  under  General  Shatter. 

R.  A.  ALGER,  Secretary  of  War. 


Tampa,  Fla.,  June  6,  1898. 

(Received  8:27  P.  M.) 

Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C.: 

Believe  such  a force  can  be  ready  as  soon  as  sufficient  transports  could  be 
gathered  for  (undutiful)*  23,000  volunteers.  Will  inform  you  definitely  as  soon 
as  reports  can  be  received  as  to  exact  condition  of  regiments  and  batteries.  This 
corps  has  been  organized  and  equipped  in  part  for  that  purpose,  and  I believe 


♦Cipher  word  "undutiful,”  interpreted  23,000,  should  have  been  30,000.  See  telegram 
June  11  from  General  Miles. 


THE  PRINCESS  PROMENADE,  SAN  JUAN,  PORTO  RICO.  (Copyrighted,  1898,  by  J.  M.  Jordan. 


i \n 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


47 


it  sufficient.  I offer  the  following  merely  as  a suggestion:  To  leave  No.  1 safely 
guarded.  This  corps,  with  the  combined  assistance  of  the  Navy,  to  take  No.  2 
first  before  it  can  be  re-enforced.  In  order  to  make  sure  of  this,  have  it  followed 
by  (unbearable)  f 22,000  additional  volunteers  as  quickly  as  transportation  can 
be  secured,  utilizing  what  transports  are  now  engaged,  any  prize  steamers  now 
at  Key  West,  and  any  Atlantic  auxiliary  cruisers  that  can  be  spared  by  the  Navy. 
Such  a force  ought  to  sail  in  ten  days.  Leaving  sufficient  force  to  hold  No.  2,  the 
capture  of  No.  1 can  then  be  easily  accomplished  and  the  troops  then  landed  at 
any  point  that  might  be  thought  advisable.  MILES, 

Major-General  Commanding  Army. 


War  Department,  June  6,  1898. 

Major-General  Miles,  Tampa,  Fla.: 

The  President  says  no.  He  urges  the  utmost  haste  in  departure  of  No.  1, 
and  also  of  No.  2,  as  indicated  by  you,  but  that  No.  1 must  be  taken  first. 

R.  A.  ALGER,  Secretary  of  War. 


Adjutant-General’s  Office, 
Washington,  June  7,  1898,  10  P.  M. 

Major-General  Miles,  Tampa,  Fla.: 

As  you  report  that  an  expedition  to  Porto  Rico  (with  23,000  troops)  can  be 
ready  in  ten  days,  you  are  directed  to  assemble  such  troops  at  once  for  the  purpose. 
The  transports  will  be  ready  for  you  in  ten  days  or  sooner,  if  you  can  be  ready. 
Acknowledge  receipt. 

By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War: 

H.  C.  CORBIN,  Adjutant-General. 


It  was  understood  at  the  war  office  that  General  Miles  cared  especially  to 
handle  the  Porto  Rican  expedition.  June  26th  the  Secretary  of  War  wrote  the 
Major-General  commanding: 

“By  direction  of  the  President  an  expedition  will  be  organized  with  the  least 
possible  delay,  under  the  immediate  command  of  Major-General  Brooke,  United 
States  Army,  consisting  of  three  divisions  taken  from  the  troops  best  equipped  in 
the  First  and  Third  Army  Corps  and  two  divisions  from  the  Fourth  Army  Corps, 
for  movement  and  operation  against  the  enemy  in  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.  The 
command  under  Major-General  Shatter,  or  such  part  thereof  as  can  be  spared  from 
the  work  now  in  hand,  will  join  the  foregoing  expedition,  and  you  will  com- 
mand the  forces  thus  united  in  person.” 

fCipher  word  “unbearable,”  interpreted  22,000,  should  have  been  10,000. 

No.  1 is  Santiago;  No.  2,  Porto  Rico. 


48 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


This  answers  a great  many  questions  and  clears  the  scene  of  foggy  imputa- 
tions. Whether  it  was  the  fault  of  General  Miles  that  he  was  not  at  the  head  in 
person  of  the  “small  force”  that  was  before  Santiago,  it  was  not  his  fortune  to 
have  that  distinction.  He  was  conducting  a carefully  planned  and  highly  suc- 
cessful campaign  in  Porto  Rico  when  the  war  closed  and  the  energies  of  military 
commanders  were  directed  to  other  forms  of  combativeness. 

May  3d  Secretary  Long  telegraphed  Admiral  Sampson: 

Washington,  May  3,  1898. 

Sampson,  Key  Wrcst,  Fla.: 

No  large  army  movement  can  take  place  for  a fortnight,  and  no  small  one 
will  until  after  we  know  the  whereabouts  of  the  four  Spanish  armored  cruisers 
and  destroyers.  If  their  objective  is  Porto  Rico  they  should  arrive  about  May  8, 
and  immediately  action  against  them  and  San  Juan  is  then  authorized.  In  such 
case  the  Flying  Squadron  would  re-enforce  you.  LONG. 


Washington,  May  5,  1898. 

Sampson  (care  United  States  Consul), 

Cape  Haitien,  Haiti: 

Do  not  risk  so  crippling  your  vessels  against  fortifications  as  to  prevent  from 
goon  afterward  successfully  fighting  the  Spanish  fleet,  composed  of  Pelayo, 
Carlos  V.,  Vizcaya,  Oquendo,  Colon,  Teresa,  and  four  torpedo-boat  destroyers  if 
they  should  appear  on  this  side.  LONG. 

May  6th  this  “confidential”  dispatch  was  sent  Sampson  by  Long: 

“Sir:  Referring  to  the  Department’s  confidential  instruction  of  the  6th  of 
April,  and  (others)  you  are  informed  that  the  Department  has  not  intended  to 
restrict  your  operations  in  the  West  Indies,  except  in  regard  to  the  blockade  of 
certain  portions  of  Cuba  and  in  the  exposure  of  your  vessels  to  the  fire  of  heavy 
guns  mounted  on  shore  which  are  not  protecting  or  assisting  formidable  Spanish 
ships. 

“The  Department  is  perfectly  willing  that  you  should  expose  your  ships  to 
the  heaviest  guns  of  land  batteries  if,  in  your  opinion,  there  are  Spanish  vessels  of 
sufficient  military  importance  protected  by  these  guns  to  make  an  attack  advisable,  j 
your  chief  aim  being  for  the  present  the  destruction  of  the  enemy’s  principal 
vessels. 

“The  Department  writes  this  letter  because  it  has  been  intimated  by  civilians, 
and  it  is  believed  by  officers  of  rank  serving  under  you,  that  you  are  not  per- 
mitted to  take  the  offensive  even  against  small  land  batteries,  and  that  you  must 
wait  to  be  fired  upon  before  making  an  aggressive  movement  against  any  port, 
no  matter  how  poorly  fortified.” 

Admiral  Sampson  found  there  were  no  Spanish  warships  at  San  Juan,  Porto 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PORTO  EICO. 


49 


Rico,  and  April  18th  “determined  to  attack  the  batteries  defending  the  port,  in 
order  to  develop  their  positions  and  strength,  and  then,  without  waiting  to  reduce 
the  city  or  subject  it  to  a regular  bombardment — which  would  require  due  notice — 
turn  to  the  westward. 

“Our  progress  had  been  so  much  slower  than  I had  reason  to  anticipate,  from 
Key  West  to  Porto  Rico,  owing  to  the  frequent  breakdowns  of  the  two  monitors, 
which  made  it  necessary  to  tow  them  both  the  whole  distance,  and  also  to  the 
disabled  condition  of  the  Indiana,  that  eight  days  had  been  consumed  instead 
of  five,  as  I had  estimated. 

“I  commenced  the  attack  as  soon  as  it  wras  good  daylight.  This  lasted  about 
three  hours,  when  the  signal  was  made  to  discontinue  the  firing.  At  Cape  Haytien 
I received  word  from  the  Department  that  the  Spanish  vessels  had  been  sighted 
off  Curacao  on  the  14th  instant  and  directed  me  to  return  with  all  dispatch  to 
Key  West.” 

Captain  Evans  of  the  Iowa  reported  injuries  to  his  ship,  one  by  a shot  from 
the  enemy  and  one  by  the  shock  of  his  own  firing: 

“One  shell,  6-inch  or  8-inch,  exploded  in  the  skid  frames,  port  side,  abreast 
the  after  8-inch  turret.  The  fragments  of  this  shell  wounded  three  men,  passed 
through  the  sailing  launch,  and  made  several  holes  in  the  stanchions,  ventilators, 
galley  funnels,  and  other  deck  fittings.  One  of  the  fragments  probably  struck  the 
6-pounder  cage  mount  on  the  starboard  after  side  of  the  forward  bridge,  break- 
ing and  jamming  the  training  securing  bolt  and  also  jamming  the  gun  pivot. 

“Other  fragments  of  this  shell  did  considerable  injury  to  the  joiner  work 
on  the  bridge. 

“Another  shell  or  shrapnel  exploded  above  the  boat  skids  on  the  starboard 
side  and  inflicted  trifling  wounds  upon  the  escape  pipes,  smokestacks,  etc. 

“The  injuries  above  summarized  are  indicated  in  detail  on  an  accompanying 
sheet,  appended  and  marked  A. 

“In  firing  the  last  round  from  the  after  12-inch  turret,  at  about  15°  on  the 
starboard  quarter,  the  following  injury  to  the  hull  was  inflicted  by  the  blast  of 
the  discharge: 

“The  deck  planking  on  the  starboard  quarter  is  badly  pitted  by  the  uncon- 
sumed powder  prisms.  Some  of  these  pits  are  two  inches  deep,  an  evidence  that 
the  gun  does  not  properly  consume  its  powder  charge. 

“The  hatch  plate,  newly  fitted  at  the  New  York  Navy-Yard  in  December 
last,  was  torn  from  its  bolts  and  thrown  back  toward  the  gun,  clear  of  the  hatch. 
Two  of  the  holding-down  bolts  were  broken  and  several  of  the  lugs  on  the  plate 
cracked.  The  plate  is  very  slightly  twisted. 

“The  deck  beams,  frames  82  and  83,  abreast  the  cabin  skylight  hatch,  star- 
board side,  have  been  sprung  and  are  out  of  line  in  the  transverse  sense. 


50 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  POETO  RICO. 


“The  bulkhead  about  the  cabin  doors  between  frames  79  and  83,  starboard 
side,  is  torn  from  its  hangers  on  the  beams,  the  rivets  being  sheared. 

“The  deck  over  the  after  torpedo  room  is  not  sufficiently  strong,  and  the 
blast  of  the  12-inch  gun,  when  trained  forward,  made  sufficient  play  to  the  deck 
to  break  the  hangers  hanging  the  training-trolley  circle  of  the  starboard  torpedo 
tube.  This  is  the  second  occasion  upon  which  this  accident  has  occurred. 

“The  blast  of  the  forward  12-inch  gun  smashed  the  partition  forming  the 
captain’s  sleeping  room  in  the  pilot  house.” 

Admiral  Sampson  did  not  furnish  the  aid  General  Miles  wanted  in  his  Porto 
Eico  movement,  and  Miles  requested  “positive  orders  be  given  to  the  navy  to 
cover  the  landing  of  ten  thousand  troops  on  the  Island  of  Porto  Rico  without 
delay.”  Here  the  President  interposed  with  this  conclusive  dispatch: 

Executive  Mansion,  Washington,  July  20,  1898. 

Hon.  John  D.  Long,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Sir:  I hand  you  a dispatch  just  received  from  General  Miles.  It  is  evident 
to  me  from  this  dispatch  that  Admiral  Sampson  is  not  proposing  to  furnish  such 
assistance  as  I have  heretofore  directed.  He  should  send  enough  ships,  and  strong 
enough,  as  will  enable  General  Miles  to  land  his  troops  in  safety  at  Point  Fajardo, 
Cape  San  Juan,  and  to  remain  so  long  as  their  assistance  is  needed. 

General  Wilson  has  already  sailed  from  Charleston,  with  orders  to  proceed 
to  Point  Fajardo.  If  your  convoy  is  delayed  he  will  reach  Point  Fajardo  without 
any  protection  whatever,  which  must  not  be  permitted.  Wilson  cannot  be 
reached  by  wire.  He  has  no  guns  on  his  ships.  The  Secretary  of  War  says 
that  General  Wilson  is  due  to  arrive  at  Point  Fajardo  in  three  or  four  days. 
Prompt  action  should  be  taken  to  give  General  Wilson  protection  on  his  arrival 
there.  It  seems  to  me  a cruiser  or  battle  ship,  or  both,  should  be  detailed  for 
this  duty. 

Please  see  that  the  necessary  orders  are  issued  at  once. 

WILLIAM  M’KINLEY. 

12  M.,  Wednesday,  July  20,  1898. 

This  is  in  many  ways  a dispatch  to  be  commended.  The  snarl  was  straightened 
out  swiftly — Sampson  and  Miles  satisfied. 

The  conquest  of  Porto  Eico  progressed  smoothly  with  little  loss,  though  the 
Spaniards  were  in  considerable  force.  The  Peace  Protocol  came  just  in  time 
to  prevent  a severe  struggle,  and  our  troops  were  charmed  to  see  the  welcome 
the  people  gave  the  Flag  of  the  United  States  and  delighted  with  the  opening 
of  numerous  schools  in  the  towns  and  many  evidences  of  cultivation  and  good 
will.  Porto  Rico  is  one  of  the  gems  of  the  sea. 


CHAPTER  II. 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 

Size  of  Island  in  Comparison  and  in  Figures — Comparison  of  the  Island  with 
Cuba — Porto  Ricans  a Better  Class  of  People  than  Are  the  Cubans — Island 
Has  Not  Suffered  from  Spanish  Rule  as  Much  as  Has  Cuba — One  of  the 
Fairest  Gems  of  the  Ocean — American  Flag  Raised  Over  the  Island  Amid 
the  Cheering  of  the  People — Revenue  and  Expenses  of  the  Island  Govern- 
ment— Island  Rich  in  Costly  Native  Woods — Home  of  the  Tropical  Fruits — 
Scarcity  of  Wild  Animal  Life,  but  Pestiferous  Insects  are  Plentiful — Rich 
in  Minerals — Extensive  Commerce  with  the  Great  Nations — Coffee,  Sugar 
and  Tobacco  Leading  Products  and  Exports — Healthiest  Climate  in  the 
Antilles — In  Density  of  Population  Ranks  First  in  the  West  Indies — Ex- 
tracts from  United  States  Military  Notes — Soil  and  Climate — Wet  and  Dry 
Seasons — Breezes,  Winds  and  Hurricanes — Principal  Mountain,  River  and 
Harbor — Cities  and  Towns — Highways  and  Railroads — Interesting  Features 
of  San  Juan,  the  Capital  and  Principal  City. 

Porto  Rico  is  not  quite  as  large  as  Connecticut,  but  larger  than  the  States  of  Del- 
aware and  Rhode  Island.  The  climate  of  the  island  is  delightful,  and  its  soil  exceed- 
ingly rich.  In  natural  resources  it  is  of  surpassing  opulence.  The  length  of  the 
island  is  about  one  hundred  miles,  and  its  breadth  thirty-five,  the  general  figure  of 
it  being  like  the  head  of  a sperm  whale.  The  range  of  mountains  is  from  east  to 
west,  and  nearly  central.  The  prevalent  winds  are  from  the  northwest,  and  the 
rainfall  is  much  heavier  on  the  northern  shores  and  mountain  slopes  than  on  the 
southern.  The  height  of  the  ridge  is  on  the  average  close  to  1,500  feet,  one  bold 
peak,  the  Anvil,  being  3,600  feet  high.  The  rainy  north  and  the  droughty  south, 
with  the  lift  of  the  land  from  the  low  shores  to  the  central  slopes  and  rugged  eleva- 
tions, under  the  tropical  sun,  with  the  influence  of  the  great  oceans  east,  south  and 
north,  and  the  multitude  of  western  and  southern  islands,  give  unusual  and  charm- 
ing variety  in  temperature.  Porto  Rico  is,  by  the  American  people,  even  more  than 
the  Spaniards,  associated  with  Cuba.  But  it  is  less  than  a tenth  of  Cuban  propor- 
tions. Porto  Rico  has  3,600  square  miles  to  Cuba’s  42,000,  but  a much  greater 
proportion  of  Porto  Rico  than  of  Cuba  is  cultivated.  Less  than  one-sixteenth  of 
the  area  of  Cuba  has  been  improved,  and  while  her  population  is  but  1,600,000,  ac- 
cording to  the  latest  census,  and  is  not  so  much  now,  Porto  Rico,  with  less  than  a 
tenth  of  the  land  of  Cuba,  has  half  the  number  of  inhabitants.  Largely  Porto 
Rico  is  peopled  by  a better  class  than  the  mass  of  the  Cubans.  Cuba  is  wretchedly 
provided  with  roads,  one  of  the  reasons  why  the  Spaniards  were  incapable  of  putting 

51 


52 


POETO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


down  insurrections.  If  they  had  expended  a fair  proportion  of  the  revenues  de- 
rived from  the  flourishing  plantations  and  the  monopolies  of  Spanish  favoritisms 
that  built  up  Barcelona  and  enriched  Captain-Generals,  and  in  less  degree  other  public 
servants,  the  rebellions  would  have  been  put  down.  The  Spanish  armies  in  Cuba, 
however,  were  rather  managed  for  official  speculation  and  peculation,  were  more 
promenaders  than  in  military  enterprise  and  the  stern  business  of  war.  With 
Weyler  for  an  opponent,  Gomez,  as  a guerilla,  could  have  dragged  on  a series  of 
skirmishes  indefinitely.  The  story  of  the  alleged  war  in  Cuba  between  the  Span- 
iards and  the  Cubans  was  on  both  sides  falsified,  and  the  American  people  deceived. 
Porto  Rico  does  not  seem  to  have  appealed  so  strongly  to  the  cupidity  of  the  Span- 
iards as  Cuba  did,  and  to  have  been  governed  with  less  brutality.  The  consequence 
is  there  has  not  been  a serious  insurrection  in  the  smaller  island  for  seventy  years, 
and  it  falls  into  our  possession  without  the  impoverishment  and  demoralization  of 
the  devastation  of  war — one  of  the  fairest  gems  of  the  ocean. 

It  was  October  18th  that  the  American  flag  was  raised  over  San  Juan.  The  fol- 
lowing dispatch  is  the  official  record: 

“San  Juan,  Porto  Rico,  Oct.  18. — Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C.:  Flags 
have  been  raised  on  public  buildings  and  forts  in  this  city  and  saluted  with  national 
salutes.  The  occupation  of  the  island  is  now  complete. 

“BROOKE,  Chairman.” 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th,  the  11th  regular  infantry  with  two  batteries  of  the 
5th  artillery  landed.  The  latter  proceeded  to  the  forts,  while  the  infantry  lined 
up  on  the  docks.  It  was  a holiday  for  San  Juan  and  there  were  many  people  in  the 
streets.  Rear-Admiral  Schley  and  General  Gordon,  accompanied  by  their  staffs, 
proceeded  to  the  palace  in  carriages.  The  11th  infantry  regiment  and  band  with 
Troop  H,  of  the  6th  United  States  cavalry  then  marched  through  the  streets  and 
formed  in  the  square  opposite  the  palace. 

At  11:40  a.  m.,  General  Brooke,  Admiral  Schley  and  General  Gordon,  the  United 
States  evacuation  commissioners,  came  out  of  the  palace  with  many  naval  officers 
and  formed  on  the  right  side  of  the  square.  The  streets  behind  the  soldiers  were 
thronged  with  townspeople,  who  stood  waiting  in  dead  silence. 

At  last  the  city  clock  struck  12,  and  the  crowds,  almost  breathless  and  with  eyes 
fixed  upon  the  flagpole,  watched  for  developments.  At  the  sound  of  the  first  gun 
from  Fort  Morro,  Major  Dean  and  Lieutenant  Castle,  of  General  Brooke’s  staff, 
hoisted  the  stars  and  stripes,  while  the  band  played  “The  Star  Spangled  Banner.” 
All  heads  were  bared  and  the  crowds  cheered.  Fort  Morro,  Fort  San  Cristobal  and 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION.  53 

the  United  States  revenue  cutter  Manning,  lying  in  the  harbor,  tired  twenty-one 
guns  each. 

Senor  Munoz  Rivera,  who  was  president  of  the  recent  autonomist  council  of  sec- 
retaries, and  other  officials  of  the  late  insular  government  were  present  at  the  pro- 
ceedings. Many  American  flags  were  displayed. 

Acknowledgment  has  been  made  of  the  better  condition  of  Porto  Rico  than  of 
Cuba,  but  the  trail  of  the  serpent  of  colonial  Spanish  government  appears.  Mr. 
Alfred  Solomon  writes  in  the  Independent: 

“The  internal  administration  of  the  island  disposes  of  a budget  of  about  $3,300,- 
000,  and  is  a woeful  example  of  corrupt  officialism.  Of  this  sum  only  about  $650,000 
is  expended  in  the  island,  the  remainder  being  applied  to  payment  of  interest  on 
public  debt,  salaries  of  Spanish  officials,  army,  navy,  and  other  extra-insular  ex- 
penditures. But  the  whole  of  the  revenue  is  collected  in  the  island.” 

An  article  of  great  value  by  Eugene  Deland,  appeared  in  the  Chatauquan  of 
September,  on  the  characteristics  of  Porto  Rico,  and  we  present  an  extract,  showing 
its  admirable  distinction  of  accurate  information  well  set  forth: 

“The  mountain  slopes  are  covered  with  valuable  timbers,  cabinet  and  dye-woods, 
including  mahogany,  walnut,  lignum  vitae,  ebony,  and  logwood,  and  various  medic- 
inal plants.  Here,  too,  is  the  favorite  zone  of  the  coffee  tree,  which  thrives  best  one 
thousand  feet  above  sea  level.  The  valleys  and  plains  produce  rich  harvests  of  sugar- 
cane and  tobacco.  The  amount  of  sugar  yielded  by  a given  area  is  said  to  be  greater 
than  in  any  other  West  Indian  island.  Rice,  of  the  mountain  variety  and  grown 
without  flooding,  flourishes  almost  any  place  and  is  a staple  food  of  the  laboring 
classes.  In  addition  to  these  products  cotton  and  maize  are  commonly  cultivated, 
and  yams,  plantains,  oranges,  bananas,  cocoanuts,  pineapples,  and  almost  every  other 
tropical  fruit  are  grown  in  abundance.  Among  indigenous  plants  are  several  noted 
for  their  beautiful  blossoms.  Among  these  are  the  coccoloba,  which  grows  mainly 
along  the  coasts  and  is  distinguished  by  its  large,  yard-long  purple  spikes,  and  a 
talauma,  with  magnificent,  ororous,  white  flowers. 

“Of  wild  animal  life  Porto  Rico  has  little.  No  poisonous  serpents  are  found, 
but  pestiferous  insects,  such  as  tarantulas,  centipedes,  scorpions,  ticks,  fleas,  and 
mosquitos,  supply  this  deficiency  in  a measure.  All  sorts  of  domestic  animals  are 
raised,  and  the  excellent  pasture-lands  support  large  herds  of  cattle  for  export  and 
home  consumption,  and  ponies,  whose  superiority  is  recognized  throughout  the  West 
Indies. 

“The  mineral  wealth  of  the  island  is  undeveloped,  but  traces  of  gold,  copper,  iron, 


54 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


lead,  and  coal  arc  found.  Salt  is  procured  in  considerable  quantities  from  the  lakes. 

“Porto  Rico  carries  on  an  extensive  commerce,  chiefly  with  Spain,  the  United 
States,  Cuba,  Germany,  Great  Britain,  and  France.  In  1895  the  volume  of  its  trade 
was  one-half  greater  than  that  of  the  larger  British  colony — Jamaica.  The  United 
States  ranks  second  in  amount  of  trade  with  the  island.  During  the  four  years  from 
1893-9G  Spain’s  trade  with  the  colony  averaged  $11,402,888  annually,  and  the  United 
States,  $5,028,544.  The  total  value  of  Porto  Rican  exports  for  1896  was  $18,341,- 
430,  and  of  imports,  $18,282,690,  making  a total  of  $36,624,120,  which  was  an 
excess  over  any  previous  year.  The  exports  consist  almost  entirely  of  agricultural 
products.  In  1895  coffee  comprised  about  sixty  per  cent,  and  sugar  about  twenty- 
eight  per  cent,  of  their  value;  leaf  tobacco,  molasses,  and  honey  came  next.  Maize, 
hides,  fruits,  nuts,  and  distilled  spirits  are  also  sent  out  in  considerable  quantities. 
Over  one-half  of  the  coffee  exported  goes  to  Spain  and  Cuba,  as  does  most  of  the  to- 
bacco, which  is  said  to  be  used  in  making  the  finest  Havana  cigars;  the  sugar  and 
molasses  are,  for  the  most  part,  sent  to  the  United  States.  Among  imports,  manu- 
factured articles  do  not  greatly  exceed  agricultural.  Rice,  fish,  meat  and  lard, 
flour,  and  manufactured  tobacco  are  the  principal  ones.  Customs  duties  furnish 
about  two-thirds  of  the  Porto  Rican  revenue,  which  has  for  several  years  yielded 
greater  returns  to  Spain  than  that  of  Cuba. 

“The  climate  of  Porto  Rico  is  considered  the  healthiest  in  the  Antilles.  The 
heat  is  considerably  less  than  at  Santiago  de  Cuba,  a degree  and  a half  farther  north. 
The  thermometer  seldom  goes  above  90  degrees.  Pure  water  is  readily  obtained  in 
most  of  the  island.  Yellow  fever  seldom  occurs,  and  never  away  from  the  coast.  The 
rainy  season  begins  the  first  of  June  and  ends  the  last  of  December,  but  the  heavy 
downpours  do  not  come  on  until  about  August  1st. 

“In  density  of  population  also  this  island  ranks  first  among  the  West  Indies, 
having  half  as  many  inhabitants  as  Cuba,  more  than  eleven  times  as  large.  Of  its 
807,000  people,  326,000  are  colored  and  many  of  the  others  of  mixed  blood.  They 
differ  little  from  other  Spanish-Amerieans,  being  fond  of  ease,  courteous,  and  hos- 
pitable, and,  as  in  other  Spanish  countries,  the  common  people  are  illiterate,  public 
education  having  been  grievously  neglected.  The  natives  are  the  agriculturists  of 
the  country,  and  are  a majority  in  the  interior,  while  the  Spaniards,  who  control 
business  and  commerce,  are  found  mainly  in  the  towns  and  cities. 

“The  numerous  good  harbors  have  naturally  dotted  the  seaboard  with  cities 
and  towns  of  greater  or  less  commercial  importance.  San  Juan,  Ponce,  Mayaguez, 
Aguadilla,  Arecibo  and  Fajardo  all  carry  on  extensive  trade.  Intercourse  between 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


55 


coast  towns  is  readily  had  by  water,  but  is  to  be  facilitated  by  a railroad  around 
the  island,  of  which  137  miles  have  been  built  and  170  miles  more  projected.  The 
public  highways  of  the  island  are  in  better  condition  than  one  might  expect.  Ac- 
cording to  a recent  report  of  United  States  Consul  Stewart,  of  San  Juan,  there  are 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  good  road.  The  best  of  this  is  the  military  high- 
way connecting  Ponce  on  the  southern  coast  with  San  Juan  on  the  northern.  This  is 
a macadamized  road,  so  excellently  built  and  so  well  kept  up  that  a recent  traveler 
in  the  island  says  a bicycle  corps  could  go  over  it  without  dismounting.  Whether 
it  is  solid  enough  to  stand  the  transportation  of  artillery  and  heavy  army  trains  we 
shall  soon  know.  Of  telegraph  lines  Porto  Rico  has  four  hundred  and  seventy 
miles,  and  two  cables  connect  it  with  the  outside  world,  one  running  from  Ponce  and 
the  other  from  San  Juan.” 

Mr.  Alfred  Solomon,  already  quoted  as  an  instructive  contributor  to  the  Inde- 
pendent, writes: 

‘‘The  population  of  Porto  Rico,  some  800,000,  is  essentially  agricultural.  A 
varied  climate,  sultry  in  the  lowlands,  refreshing  and  invigorating  in  the  mountain 
ranges,  makes  possible  the  cultivation  of  almost  every  variety  of  known  crop — sugar, 
tobacco,  coffee,  annatto,  maze,  cotton  and  ginger  are  extensively  grown;  but  there  are 
still  thousands  of  acres  of  virgin  lands  awaiting  the  capitalist.  Tropical  fruits 
flourish  in  abundance,  and  the  sugar-pine  is  well  known  in  our  market,  where  it 
brings  a higher  price  than  any  other  pine  imported.  Hardwood  and  fancy  cabinet 
wood  trees  fill  the  forests,  and  await  the  woodman’s  ax.  Among  these  are  some 
specimens  of  unexampled  beauty,  notably  a tree,  the  wood  of  which,  when  polished, 
resembles  veined  marble,  and  another,  rivaling  in  beauty  the  feathers  in  a peaeock’s 
tail.  Precious  metals  abound,  although  systematic  effort  has  never  been  directed 
to  the  locating  of  paying  veins.  Rivers  and  rivulets  are  plenty,  and  water-power 
is  abundant;  and  the  regime  should  see  the  installation  of  power  plants  and  electric 
lighting  all  over  the  island,  within  a short  time  after  occupation.  On  the  lowlands, 
large  tracts  of  pasturage  under  guinea  grass  and  malojilla  feed  thousands  of  sleek 
cattle,  but,  as  an  article  of  food,  mutton  is  almost  unknown.  The  native  pony, 
small,  wiry  and  untirable,  has  a world-wide  reputation,  and  for  long  journeys  is 
unequaled,  possessing  a gait,  as  they  say  in  the  island,  like  an  arm-chair. 

“Perhaps  a third  of  the  population  of  the  island  is  of  African  descent;  but, 
strangely  enough,  the  colored  people  are  only  to  be  found  on  the  coast,  and  are 
the  fishermen,  boatmen  and  laborers  of  the  seaports.  The  cultivation  of  the  crops 
is  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  jibaro,  or  peasant,  who  is  seldom  of  direct  Spanish 


56 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


descent,  while  the  financiering  and  exportation  is  conducted  almost  entirely  by 
peninsulares,  or  Spanish-born  colonists,  who  monopolize  every  branch  of  commerce 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  colonian-born  subject. 

“Coffee  planting  is  largely  engaged  in,  returning  from  ten  to  fifteen  per  cent,  on 
capital.  Improved  transportation  facilities,  abolition  of  export  dues  and  the  con- 
solidation of  small  estates  would,  doubtless,  help  toward  better  results.  This  crop  is 
marketed  in  Europe — London,  Havre  and  Barcelona — where  better  prices  are  ob- 
tainable than  in  New  York.  With  the  exception  of  a few  plantations  in  strong 
hands,  most  of  this  property  could  be  purchased  at  a fair  valuation,  and  would  prove 
to  be  a very  profitable  investment. 

“Cocoa  grows  wild  on  the  lowlands,  but  has  not  been  cultivated  to  any  apprecia- 
ble extent.  Small  consignments  sent  to  Europe  have  been  pronounced  superior  to  the 
Caracas  bean.  The  tree  takes  a longer  period  than  coffee  to  come  to  maturity  and 
bear  fruit;  but  once  in  bearing  the  current  expenses  are  less  and  the  yield  far 
greater.  The  same  remarks  apply  to  the  cultivation  of  rubber,  which,  although  a 
most  profitable  staple  with  an  ever-increasing  market,  has  received  no  attention 
whatever. 

nCorn  is  raised  in  quantities  insufficient  for  home  consumption.  Of  this  cereal 
three  crops  can  be  obtained  in  two  years;  sometimes  two  a year.  The  demand  is 
constant,  and  the  price  always  remunerative. 

“In  Porto  Rico,  as  in  most  other  West  Indian  islands,  sugar  is  king.  In  the 
treatment  of  this  product  the  lack  of  capital  has  been  sadly  felt.  Planters  possess 
only  the  most  primitive  machinery,  and  in  the  extraction  of  the  juice  from  the  cane 
the  proportion  of  saccharine  matter  has  been  exceedingly  small.  Great  outlay  is 
necessary  for  the  installation  of  a complete  modern  crushing  and  centrifugal  plant.” 

A flattering  picture  of  our  new  possessions  is  drawn  in  McClure’s  Magazine,  by 
Mr.  George  B.  Waldron. 

“Here,  then,  are  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  in  the  Atlantic,  and  the  Hawaiian  and 
Philippine  groups  in  the  Pacific,  whose  destiny  has  become  intertwined  with  our  own. 
Their  combined  area  is  168,000  square  miles,  equaling  New  England,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  and  New  Jersey.  Their  population  is  about  10,000,000,  or  perhaps 
one-half  of  that  of  these  nine  home  States.  The  Philippines,  with  three-quarters 
of  the  entire  population,  and  Porto  Rico,  with  800,000  people,  alone  approach  our 
own  Eastern  States  in  density.  Cuba,  prior  to  the  war,  was  about  as  well  populated 
as  Virginia,  and  the  Hawaiian  group  is  as  well  peopled  as  Kansas.  What,  then,  can 
these  islands  do  for  us? 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


57 


"Americans  use  more  sugar  in  proportion  to  population  than  any  other  nation  of 
the  world.  The  total  consumption  last  year  was  not  less  than  2,500,000  tons.  This 
is  enough  to  make  a pyramid  that  would  overtop  the  tallest  pyramid  of  Egyptian 
fame.  Of  this  total,  2,200,000  tons  came  from  foreign  countries,  the  Spanish  pos- 
sessions and  Hawaii  sending  about  twenty-five  per  cent.  Eive  years  earlier,  when 
our  imports  were  less  by  half  a million  tons,  these  islands  supplied  double  this 
quantity,  or  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  nation’s  entire  sugar  import.  But  that  was 
before  Cuba  had  been  devastated  by  war  and  when  she  was  exporting  1,100,000  tons 
of  sugar  to  other  countries.  Restore  Cuba  to  her  former  fertility,  and  the  total  sugar 
crop  of  these  islands  will  reach  1,500,000  tons,  or  two-thirds  our  present  foreign 
demand.” 

There  is  much  more  in  Mr.  Waldron’s  summary  of  the  vast  addition  that  has 
been  made  to  our  resources  by  the  occupation  and  possession  of  the  islands  that 
have  recently  been  gathered  under  our  wings  by  the  force  of  our  arms.  It  is  enough 
to  know  that  with  the  tropical  islands  we  have  gained,  we  have  in  our  hands  the 
potentialities,  the  luxuries,  the  boundless  resources  including,  as  we  may,  and  must, 
Alaska,  of  all  the  zones  of  the  great  globe  that  we  inhabit  in  such  ample  measure. 

The  following  notes  were  compiled  for  the  information  of  the  army,  and  embody 
all  reliable  information  available. 

The  notes  were  intended  to  supplement  the  military  map  of  Porto  Rico.  The 
following  books  and  works  were  consulted  and  matter  from  them  freely  used  in 
the  preparation  of  the  notes:  Guia  Geografico  Militar  de  Espana  y Provincias 

Ultramarinas,  1879;  Espana,  sus  Monumentos  y Artes,  su  Naturaleza  e Historia, 
1887;  Compendio  de  Geografia  Militar  de  Espana  y Portugal,  1882;  Anuario  deComer- 
cio  de  Espana,  1896;  Anuario  Militar  de  Espana,  1898;  Reclus,  Nouvelle  Geographic 
Universelle,  1891;  Advance  Sheets  American  Consular  Reports,  1898;  An  Account 
of  the  Present  State  of  the  Island  of  Porto  Rico,  1834;  The  Statesman’s  Year  Book, 
1898. 

Situation. — Porto  Rico  is  situated  in  the  Torrid  Zone,  in  the  easternmost  part  of 
the  Antilles,  between  latitude  17  deg.  54  min.  and  18  deg.  30  min.  40  sec.  N.  and 
longitude  61  deg.  54  min.  26  sec.  and  63  deg.  32  min.  32  sec.  W.  of  Madrid.  It  is 
bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Atlantic,  on  the  east  and  south  by  the  sea  of  the 
Antilles,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Mona  Channel. 

Size. — The  island  of  Porto  Rico,  the  fourth  in  size  of  the  Antilles,  has,  ac- 
cording  to  a recent  report  of  the  British  consul  (1897),  an  extent  of  about  3,668 


58 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


square  miles — 35  miles  broad  and  95  miles  long.  It  is  of  an  oblong  form,  extending 
from  east  to  west. 

Population. — Porto  Rico  is  the  first  among  the  Antilles  in  density  of  population 
and  in  prosperity.  The  Statesman’s  Year  Book,  1898,  gives  the  population  (1887) 
at  813,937,  of  which  over  300,000  are  negroes,  this  being  one  of  the  few  countries 
of  tropical  America  where  the  number  of  whites  exceeds  that  of  other  races.  The 
whites  and  colored,  however,  are  all  striving  in  the  same  movement  of  civilization, 
and  are  gradually  becoming  more  alike  in  ideas  and  manners.  Among  the  white 
population  the  number  of  males  exceeds  the  number  of  females,  which  is  the  con- 
trary of  all  European  countries.  This  is  partly  explained  by  the  fact  that  the 
immigrants  are  mostly  males.  On  an  average  the  births  exceed  the  deaths  by  double. 
The  eastern  portion  of  the  island  is  less  populous  than  the  western. 

Soil. — The  ground  is  very  fertile,  being  suitable  for  the  cultivation  of  cane,  coffee, 
rice,  and  other  products  raised  in  Cuba,  which  island  Porto  Rico  resembles  in  rich- 
ness and  fertility. 

Climate. — The  climate  is  hot  and  moist,  the  medium  temperature  reaching  104 
degs.  F.  Constant  rains  and  winds  from  the  east  cool  the  heavy  atmosphere  of 
the  low  regions.  On  the  heights  of  the  Central  Cordillera  the  temperature  is  healthy 
and  agreeable. 

Iron  rusts  and  becomes  consumed,  so  that  nothing  can  be  constructed  of  this 
metal.  Even  bronze  artillery  has  to  be  covered  with  a strong  varnish  to  protect  it 
from  the  damp  winds. 

Although  one  would  suppose  that  all  the  large  islands  in  the  Tropics  enjoyed 
the  same  climate,  yet  from  the  greater  mortality  observed  in  Jamaica,  St.  Domingo, 
and  Cuba,  as  compared  with  Porto  Rico,  one  is  inclined  to  believe  that  this  latter 
island  is  much  more  congenial  than  any  of  the  former  to  the  health  of  Europeans. 
The  heat,  the  rains,  and  the  seasons  are,  with  very  trifling  variations,  the  same  in  all. 
But  the  number  of  mountains  and  running  streams,  which  are  everywhere  in  view 
in  Porto  Rico,  and  the  general  cultivation  of  the  land,  may  powerfully  contribute 
to  purify  the  atmosphere  and  render  it  salubrious  to  man.  The  only  difference  of 
temperature  to  be  observed  throughout  the  island  is  due  to  altitude,  a change  which 
is  common  to  every  country  under  the  influence  of  the  Tropics. 

In  the  mountains  the  inhabitants  enjoy  the  coolness  of  spring,  while  the  valleys 
would  be  uninhabitable  were  it  not  for  the  daily  breeze  which  blows  generally  from 
the  northeast  and  east.  For  example,  in  Ponce  the  noonday  sun  is  felt  in  all  its  rigor, 
while  at  the  village  of  Ad  juntas,  4 leagues  distant  in  the  interior  of  the  mountains, 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


59 


the  traveler  feels  invigorated  by  the  refreshing  breezes  of  a temperate  clime.  At  one 
place  the  thermometer  is  as  high  as  90  deg.,  while  in  another  it  is  sometimes  under 
GO  deg.  Although  the  seasons  are  not  so  distinctly  marked  in  this  climate  as  they 
are  in  Europe  (the  trees  being  always  green),  yet  there  is  a distinction  to  be  made 
between  them.  The  division  into  wet  and  dry  seasons  (winter  and  summer)  does  not 
give  a proper  idea  of  the  seasons  in  this  island;  for  on  the  north  coast  it  sometimes 
rains  almost  the  whole  year,  while  sometimes  for  twelve  or  fourteen  months  not  a 
drop  of  rain  falls  on  the  south  coast.  However,  in  the  mountains  at  the  south  there 
are  daily  showers.  Last  year,  for  example,  in  the  months  of  November,  December, 
and  January  the  north  winds  blew  with  violence,  accompanied  by  heavy  showers  of 
rain,  while  this  year  (1832)  in  the  same  months,  it  has  scarcely  blown  a whole  day 
from  that  point  of  the  compass,  nor  has  it  rained  for  a whole  month.  Therefore, 
the  climate  of  the  north  and  south  coasts  of  this  island,  although  under  the  same 
tropical  influence,  are  essentially  different. 

As  in  all  tropical  countries,  the  year  is  divided  into  two  seasons — the  dry  and 
the  rainy.  In  general,  the  rainy  season  commences  in  August  and  ends  the  last 
of  December,  southerly  and  westerly  winds  prevailing  during  this  period.  The  rain- 
fall is  excessive,  often  inundating  fields  and  forming  extensive  lagoons.  The  exhala- 
tions from  these  lagoons  give  rise  to  a number  of  diseases,  but,  nevertheless,  Porto 
Rico  is  one  of  the  healthiest  islands  of  the  archipelago. 

In  the  month  of  May  the  rains  commence,  not  with  the  fury  of  a deluge,  as 
in  the  months  of  August  and  September,  but  heavier  than  any  rain  experienced  in 
Europe.  Peals  of  thunder  reverberating  through  the  mountains  give  a warning  of 
their  approach,  and  the  sun  breaking  through  the  clouds  promotes  the  prolific  vegeta- 
tion of  the  fields  yith  its  vivifying  heat.  The  heat  at  this  season  is  equal  to  the  sum- 
mer of  Europe,  and  the  nights  are  cool  and  pleasant;  but  the  dews  are  heavy  and 
pernicious  to  health.  The  following  meteorological  observations,  carefully  made  by 
Don  Jose  Ma.  Yertez,  a Captain  of  the  Spanish  navy,  will  exhibit  the  average  range 
of  temperature: 

Degrees  of  heat  observed  in  the  capital  of  Porto  Rico,  taking  a medium  of  five 
years. 


Degrees  op  Heat  Observed  in  the  Capital  op  Porto  Rico,  taking  a Medium  op 

Five  Years. 


Hours  of  the  Day. 

Jan. 

Feb. 

Mar. 

Apr. 

May. 

June. 

July. 

bb 

0 

< 

Sept. 

Oct. 

> 

o 

ft 

6 

© 

a 

Seven  in  the  morning 

72 

721 

74 

78 

78 

82 

85 

86 

801 

77 

76 

75 

Noon 

82 

81 

82 

83 

85 

86 

90 

92 

88 

85 

84 

80 

Five  in  the  evening 

78 

74 

78 

80 

81 

84 

87 

90 

83 

82 

80 

79 

GO 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


The  weather,  after  a fifteen  or  twenty  days’  rain,  clears  np  and  the  sun,  whose 
heat  has  been  hitherto  moderated  by  partial  clouds  and  showers  of  rain,  seems,  as 
it  were,  set  in  a cloudless  sky.  The  cattle  in  the  pastures  look  for  the  shade  of 
the  trees,  and  a perfect  calm  pervades  the  whole  face  of  nature  from  sunrise  till  be- 
tween 10  and  11  o’clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  sea  breeze  sets  in.  The  leaves 
of  the  trees  seem  as  if  afraid  to  move,  and  the  sea,  without  a wave  or  ruffle  on  its 
vast  expanse,  appears  like  an  immense  mirror.  Man  partakes  in  the  general  lan- 
gour  as  well  as  the  vegetable  and  brute  creation. 

The  nights,  although  warm,  are  delightfully  clear  and  serene  at  this  season. 
Objects  may  be  clearly  distinguished  at  the  distance  of  several  hundred  yards,  so 
that  one  may  even  shoot  by  moonlight.  The  months  of  June  and  July  offer  very 
little  variation  in  the  weather  or  temperature.  In  August  a suffocating  heat  reigns 
throughout  the  day,  and  at  night  it  is  useless  to  seek  for  coolness;  a faint  zephyr  is 
succeeded  by  a calm  of  several  hours.  The  atmosphere  is  heavy  and  oppressive, 
and  the  body,  weakened  by  perspiration,  becomes  languid;  the  appetite  fails,  and 
the  mosquitos,  buzzing  about  the  ears  by  day  and  night,  perplex  and  annoy  by  their 
stings,  while  the  fevers  of  the  tropics  attack  Europeans  with  sudden  and  irresistible 
violence.  This  is  the  most  sickly  season  for  the  European.  The  thermometer  fre- 
quently exceeds  90  deg.  The  clouds  exhibit  a menacing  appearance,  portending 
the  approach  of  the  heavy  autumnal  rains,  which  pour  down  like  a deluge.  About 
the  middle  of  September  it  appears  as  if  all  the  vapors  of  the  ocean  had  accumu- 
lated in  one  point  of  the  heavens.  The  rain  comes  down  like  an  immense  quantity 
of  water  poured  through  a sieve;  it  excludes  from  the  view  every  surrounding 
object,  and  in  half  an  hour  the  whole  surface  of  the  earth  becomes  an  immense 
sheet  of  water.  The  rivers  are  swollen  and  overflow  their  banks,  the  low  lands  are 
completely  inundated,  and  the  smallest  brooks  become  deep  and  rapid  torrents. 

In  the  month  of  October  the  weather  becomes  sensibly  cooler  than  during  the 
preceding  months,  and  in  November  the  north  and  northeast  winds  generally  set 
in,  diffusing  an  agreeable  coolness  through  the  surrounding  atmosphere.  The  body 
becomes  braced  and  active,  and  the  convalescent  feels  its  genial  influence.  The 
north  wind  is  accompanied  (with  few  exceptions)  by  heavy  showers  of  rain  on 
the  north  coast;  and  the  sea  rolls  on  that  coast  with  tempestuous  violence,  while 
the  south  coast  remains  perfectly  calm. 

When  the  fury  of  the  north  wind  abates,  it  is  succeeded  by  fine  weather  and  a 
clear  sky.  Nothing  can  exceed  the  climate  of  Porto  Rico  at  this  season;  one  can  only 
compare  it  to  the  month  of  May  in  the  delightful  Province  of  Andalusia,  where  the 


PORTO  RICO.  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


61 


cold  of  winter  and  the  burning  lieat  of  summer  are  tempered  by  the  cool  freshness 
of  spring.  This  is  considered  to  be  the  healthiest  season  of  the  year,  when  a Euro- 
pean may  visit  the  tropics  without  fear. 

The  small  islands,  destitute  of  wood  and  high  mountains,  which  have  a powerful 
effect  in  attracting  the  clouds,  suffer  much  from  drought.  It  sometimes  happens  that 
in  Curacao,  St.  Bartholomews,  and  other  islands  there  are  whole  years  without  a 
drop  of  rain,  and  after  exhausting  their  cisterns  the  inhabitants  are  compelled  to 
import  water  from  the  rivers  of  other  islands. 

“The  land  breeze”  is  an  advantage  which  the  large  islands  derive  from  the  in- 
equality of  their  surface;  for  as  soon  as  the  sea  breeze  dies  away,  the  hot  air  of  the 
valleys  being  rarified,  ascends  toward  the  tops  of  the  mountains,  and  is  there  con- 
densed by  cold,  which  makes  it  specifically  heavier  than  it  was  before;  it  then  de- 
scends back  to  the  valleys  on  both  sides  of  the  ridge.  Hence  a night  wind  (blowing 
on  all  sides  from  the  land  toward  the  shore)  is  felt  in  all  the  mountainous  countries 
under  the  torrid  zone.  On  the  north  shore  the  wind  comes  from  the  south,  and  on 
the  south  shore  from  the  north. 

Storms. — The  hurricanes  which  visit  the  island,  and  which  obey  the  general  laws 
of  tropical  cyclones,  are  one  of  the  worst  scourges  of  the  country.  For  hours  before 
the  appearance  of  this  terrible  phenomenon  the  sea  appears  calm;  the  waves  come 
from  a long  distance  very  gently  until  near  the  shore,  when  they  suddenly  rise 
as  if  impelled  by  a superior  force,  dashing  against  the  land  with  extraordinary 
violence  and  fearful  noise.  Together  with  this  sign,  the  air  is  noticed  to  be  disturbed, 
the  sun  red,  and  the  stars  obscured  by  vapor  which  seems  to  magnify  them.  A 
strong  odor  is  perceived  in  the  sea,  which  is  sulphureous  in  the  waters  of  rivers,  and 
there  are  sudden  changes  in  the  wind.  These  omens,  together  with  the  signs  of  un- 
easiness manifested  by  various  animals,  foretell  the  proximity  of  a hurricane. 

This  is  a sort  of  whirlwind,  accompanied  by  rain,  thunder  and  light- 
ning, sometimes  by  earthquake  shocks,  and  always  by  the  most  terri- 
ble and  devastating  circumstances  that  can  possibly  combine  to  ruin  a 
country  in  a few  hours._A  clear,  serene  day  is  followed  by  the  darkest  night;  the 
delightful  view  offered  by  woods  and  prairies  is  diverted  into  the  deary  waste  of  a 
cruel  winter;  the  tallest  and  most  robust  cedar  trees  are  uprooted,  broken  off  bodily, 
and  hurled  into  a heap;  roofs,  balconies,  and  windows  of  houses  are  carried  through 
the  air  like  dry  leaves,  and  in  all  directions  are  seen  houses  and  estates  laid  waste  and 
thrown  into  confusion. 

The  fierce  roar  of  the  water  and  of  the  trees  being  destroyed  by  the  winds. 


62 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


the  cries  and  moans  of  persons,  the  bellowing  of  cattle  and  neighing  of  horses, 
which  are  being  carried  from  place  to  place  by  the  whirlwinds,  the  torrents  of  water 
inundating  the  fields,  and  a deluge  of  fire  being  let  loose  in  flashes  and  streaks  of 
lightning,  seem  to  announce  the  last  convulsions  of  the  universe  and  the  death 
agonies  of  nature  itself. 

Sometimes  these  hurricanes  are  felt  only  on  the  north  coast,  at  others  on  the 
south  coast,  although  generally  their  influence  extends  throughout  the  island. 

In  1825  a hurricane  destroyed  the  towns  of  Patillas,  Maunabo,  Yabucoa,  Hu- 
macao,  Gurabo,  and  Caguas,  causing  much  damage  in  other  towns  in  the  east,  north, 
and  center  of  the  island.  The  island  was  also  visited  by  a terrible  hurricane  in  1772. 

Earthquakes. — Earthquakes  are  somewhat  frequent,  but  not  violent  or  of  great 
consequence.  The  natives  foretell  them  by  noticing  clouds  settle  near  the  ground 
for  some  time  in  the  open  places  among  the  mountains.  The  water  of  the  springs 
emits  a sulphurous  odor  or  leaves  a strange  taste  in  the  mouth;  birds  gather  in 
large  flocks  and  fly  about  uttering  shriller  cries  than  usual;  cattle  bellow  and 
horses  neigh,  etc.  A few  hours  beforehand  the  air  becomes  calm  and  dimmed 
by  vapors  which  arise  from  the  ground,  and  a few  moments  before  there  is  a slight 
breeze,  followed  at  intervals  of  two  or  three  minutes  by  a deep  rumbling  noise, 
accompanied  by  a sudden  gust  of  wind,  which  are  the  forerunners  of  the  vibration, 
the  latter  following  immediately.  These  shocks  are  sometimes  violent  and  are  usually 
repeated,  but  owing  to  the  special  construction  of  the  houses,  they  cause  no  damage. 

Tides. — For  seven  hours  the  tide  runs  rapidly  in  a northwest  direction,  return- 
ing in  the  opposite  direction  with  equal  rapidity  for  five  hours. 

Orography. — The  general  relief  of  Porto  Rico  is  much  inferior  in  altitude  to  that 
of  the  rest  of  the  Great  Antilles,  and  even  some  of  the  Lesser  Antilles  have  mountain 
summits  which  rival  it. 

A great  chain  of  mountains  divides  the  islands  into  two  parts,  northern  and 
southern,  which  are  called  by  the  natives  Banda  del  Norte  and  Banda  del  Sur. 
This  chain  sends  out  long  ramifications  toward  the  coasts,  the  interstices  of  which 
form  beautiful  and  fertile  valleys,  composed  in  the  high  parts  of  white  and  red 
earths,  on  the  spurs  of  black  and  weaker  earths,  and  near  the  coasts  of  sand. 

To  the  northwest  and  following  a direction  almost  parallel  with  the  northern 
coast,  the  Sierra  of  Lares  extends  from  Aguadilla  to  the  town  of  Lares,  where  it 
divides  into  two  branches,  one  going  north  nearly  to  the  coast,  near  Arecibo  harbor, 
and  the  other  extending  to  the  spurs  of  the  Sierra  Grande  de  Banos;  this 


HOESES  LADEN  WITH  MALOJA,  IN  MATANZAS,  CUBA. 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


65 


latter  starting  from  Point  Guaniquilla,  crosses  the  island  in  its  entire 
length,  its  last  third  forming  the  Sierra  of  Cayey. 

The  whole  island  may  be  said  to  form  a continuous  network  of  sierras,  hills,  and 
heights.  Of  these  the  Sierra  del  Loquillo  is  distinguished  for  its  great  altitude 
(the  highest  peak  being  Yunque,  in  the  northeast  corner  of  the  island  and  visible 
from  the  sea,  a distance  of  120  kilometers),  as  is  also  Laivonito  Mountain,  near  the 
south  coast. 

The  following  are  the  four  highest  mountains,  with  their  heights  above  the 
sea  level: ' Yunque,  in  Luquillo,  1,290  yards;  Guilarte,  in  Adjuntas,  1,180  yards; 
La  Somanta,  in  Aybonito,  1,077  yards;  Las  Tetas  de  Cerro  Gordo,  in  San  German, 
860  yards.  All  are  easily  ascended  on  foot  or  horseback,  and  there  are  coffee  plan- 
tations near  all  of  them. 

Approximate  Height  of  Towns  Above  the  Sea  Level. — Aybonito,  with  its  accli- 
matization station,  970  yards;  Adjuntas,  an  almost  exclusively  Spanish  town,  810 
yards;  Cayey,  with  a very  agreeable  climate,  750  yards;  Lares,  with  a very  agree- 
able climate,  540  yards;  Utuado,  with  a very  agreeable  climate,  480  yards;  Muricao, 
an  exclusively  Spanish  town,  480  yards.  To  ascend  to  all  these  towns  there  are 
very  good  wagon  roads.  There  are  no  fortifications  of  any  kind  in  them,  but  the) 
are  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  mountains. 

Hydrography. — Few  countries  of  the  extent  of  Porto  Rico  are  watered  by  so 
many  streams.  Seventeen  rivers,  taking  their  rise  in  the  mountains,  cross  the  val- 
leys of  the  north  coast  and  empty  into  the  sea.  Some  of  these  are  navigable  2 or  3 
leagues  from  their  mouths  for  schooners  and  small  coasting  vessels.  Those  of 
Manati,  Loisa,  Trabajo,  and  Arecibo  are  very  deep  and  broad,  and  it  is  difficult  to 
imagine  how  such  large  bodies  of  water  can  be  collected  in  so  short  a Course.  Owing 
to  the  heavy  surf  which  continually  breaks  on  the  north  coast,  these  rivers  have  bars 
across  their  embouchures  which  do  not  allow  large  vessels  to  enter.  The  rivers  of 
Bayamo  and  Rio  Piedras  flow  into  the  harbor  of  the  capital,  and  are  also  navigable 
for  boats.  At  high  water  small  brigs  may  enter  the  river  of  Arecibo  with  perfect 
safety  and  discharge  their  cargoes,  notwithstanding  the  bar  which  crosses  its  mouth. 

The  rivers  of  the  north  coast  have  a decided  advantage  over  those  of  the  south 
coast,  where  the  climate  is  drier  and  the  rains  less  frequent.  Nevertheless,  the 
south,  west,  and  east  coasts  are  well  supplied  with  water;  and,  although  in  some 
seasons  it  does  not  rain  for  ten,  and  sometimes  twelve  months  on  the  south  coast, 
the  rivers  are  never  entirely  dried  up. 


66 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


From  the  Cabeza  de  San  Juan,  which  is  the  northeast  extremity  of  the  island, 
to  the  cape  of  Mala  Pascua,  which  lies  to  the  southeast,  9 rivers  fall  into  the  sea. 

From  Cape  Mala  Pascua  to  Point  Aguila,  which  forms  the  southwest  angle  of 
the  island,  16  rivers  discharge  their  waters  on  the  south  coast. 

On  the  west  coast  3 rivers,  5 rivulets,  and  several  fresh-water  lakes  communicate 
with  the  sea.  In  the  small  extent  of  330  leagues  of  area  there  are  46  rivers,  besides  a 
countless  number  of  rivulets  and  branches  of  navigable  water. 

The  rivers  of  the  north  coast  are  stocked  with  delicious  fish,  some  of  them  large 
enough  to  weigh  two  quintals. 

From  the  river  of  Arecibo  to  that  of  Manati,  a distance  of  5 leagues,  a fresh-water 
lagoon,  perfectly  navigable  for  small  vessels  through  the  whole  of  its  extent,  runs 
parallel  to  the  sea  at  about  a mile  from  the  shore. 

In  the  fertile  valley  of  Anasc-o,  on  the  western  coast,  there  is  a canal  formed 
by  nature,  deep  and  navigable.  None  of  the  rivers  are  of  real  military  importance; 
for,  though  considering  the  shortness  of  their  course,  they  attain  quite  a volume, 
still  it  is  not  sufficient  for  good-sized  vessels. 

The  rivers  emptying  on  the  north  coast  are  Loisa,  Aguas  Prietas,  Arecibo,  Baya- 
mon,  Camuy,  Cedros,  Grande,  Guajataca  de  la  Tuna,  Lesayas,  Loquillo,  Manati, 
Rio  Piedras,  Sabana,  San  Martin,  Sibuco,  Toa,  and  Vega. 

Those  emptying  on  the  east  coast  are  Candelero,  Dagua,  Fajardo,  Guayanes, 
Majogua,  and  Maonabo. 

On  the  south  coast:  Aquamanil,  Caballon,  Cana,  Coamo,  Descalabrado,  Guanica, 
Guayama,  Guayanilla,  Jacagua,  Manglar,  Penuela,  Ponce  and  Yigia. 

On  the  west  coast:  Aguada,  Boqueron,  Cajas,  Culebrina,  Chico,  Guanajibo, 

Mayagiiez,  and  Rincon. 

The  limits  of  the  Loisa  river  are:  On  the  east,  the  sierra  of  Luquillo  (situated 
near  the  northeast  corner  of  the  island);  on  the  south,  the  sierra  of  Cayey,  and 
on  the  west,  ramifications  of  the  latter.  It  rises  in  the  northern  slopes  of  the  sierra 
of  Cayey,  and,  running  in  a northwest  direction  for  the  first  half  of  its  course  and 
turning  to  northeast  in  the  second  half,  it  arrives  at  Loisa,  a port  on  the  northern 
coast,  where  it  discharges  its  waters  into  the  Atlantic.  During  the  first  part  of  its 
course  it  is  knowm  by  the  name  of  Cayagua. 

The  Sabana  river  has,  to  the  east  and  south,  the  western  and  southern  limits 
of  the  preceding  river,  and  on  the  west  the  Sierra  Grande,  or  De  Barros,  which  is 
situated  in  the  center  of  the  general  divide,  or  watershed.  It  rises  in  the  sierra  of 
Cayey,  and,  with  the  name  of  Pinones  river,  it  flows  northwest,  passing  through  Ai- 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


67 


bonito,  Toa  Alta,  Toa  Baja,  and  Dorado,  where  it  discharges  into  the  Atlantic  to 
the  west  of  the  preceding  river. 

The  Manati  river  is  bounded  on  the  east  and  south  by  the  Sierra  Grande  and 
on  the  west  by  the  Siales  ridge.  It  rises  in  the  Sierra  Grande,  and  parallel  with 
the  preceding  river,  it  flows  through  Siales  and  Manati,  to  the  north  of  which  latter 
town  it  empties  into  the  Atlantic. 

The  Arecibo  river  is  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Siales  mountain  ridge,  on  the 
south  by  the  western  extremity  of  the  Sierra  Grande,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Lares 
ridge.  It  rises  in  the  general  divide,  near  Adjuntas,  and  flows  north  through  the 
town  of  Arecibo  to  the  Atlantic,  shortly  before  emptying  into  which  it  receives  the 
Tanama  river  from  the  left,  which  proceeds  from  the  Lares  Mountains. 

The  Culebrina  river  is  bounded  on  the  south  and  east  by  the  Lares  mountain 
ridge,  and  on  the  north  by  small  hills  of  little  interest.  From  the  Lares  Mountains 
it  flows  from  east  to  west  and  empties  on  the  west  coast  north  of  San  Francisco  de  la 
Aguada,  in  the  center  of  the  bay  formed  between  Point  Penas  Blancas  and  Point 
San  Francisco. 

The  Anaseo  river  is  formed  by  the  Lares  mountain  ridge.  It  rises  in  the  eastern 
extremity  of  the  mountains  called  Tetas  de  Cerro  Gordo,  flowing  first  northwest 
and  then  west,  through  the  town  of  its  name  and  thence  to  the  sea. 

The  Guanajivo  river  has  to  its  north  the  ramifications  of  the  Lares  ridge,  to 

the  east  the  Tetas  de  Cerro  Gordo  Mountains,  and  on  the  south  Torre  Hill.  In 

the  interior  of  its  basin  is  the  mountain  called  Cerro  Montuoso,  which  separates 
its  waters  from  those  of  tis  affluent  from  the  right,  the  Rosaria  river.  It  rises  in  the 
general  divide,  flowing  from  east  to  west  to  Nuestra  Senora  de  Montserrat,  where 
it  receives  the  affluent  mentioned,  the  two  together  then  emptying  south  of  Port 
Mayaguez. 

The  Coamo  river  is  bounded  on  the  west  and  north  by  the  Sierra  Grande, 
and  on  the  west  by  the  Coamo  ridge.  It  rises  in  the  former  of  these  sierras,  and 
flowing  from  north  to  south  it  empties  east  of  Coamo  Point,  after  having  watered  the 
town  of  its  name. 

The  Salinas  river  is  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Coamo  ridge,  on  the  north  by 

the  general  divide,  and  on  the  east  by  the  Cayey  ridge.  It  rises  in  the  southern 

slopes  of  the  Sierra  Grande  and  flowing  from  north  to  south  through  Salinas  de 
Coamo,  empties  into  the  sea. 

Coasts,  Harbors,  Bays,  and  Coves. — The  northern  coast  extends  in  an  almost 
straight  line  from  east  to  west,  and  is  high  and  rugged.  The  only  harbors  it  has 


(18 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


are  the  following:  San  Juan  de  Porto  Rico,  surrounded  by  mangrove  swamps  and 
protected  by  the  Cabras  and  the  Cabritas  islands  and  some  very  dangerous  banks; 
the  anchoring  ground  of  Arecibo,  somewhat  unprotected;  and  the  coves  of  Cangrejos 
and  Condado.  During  the  months  of  November,  December,  and  January,  when 
the  wind  blows  with  violence  from  the  east  and  northeast,  the  anchorage  is  danger- 
ous in  all  the  bays  and  harbors  of  this  coast,  except  in  the  port  of  San  Juan.  Ves- 
sels are  often  obliged  to  put  to  sea  on  the  menacing  aspect  of  the  heavens  at  this  sea- 
son, to  avoid  being  driven  on  shore  by  the  heavy  squalls  and  the  rolling  waves  of  a 
boisterous  sea,  which  propel  them  to  destruction.  During  the  remaining  months 
the  ports  on  this  coast  are  safe  and  commodious,  unless  when  visited  by  a hurricane, 
against  whose  fury  no  port  can  offer  a shelter,  nor  any  vessel  be  secure.  The  ex- 
cellent port  of  San  Juan  is  perfectly  sheltered  from  the  effects  of  the  north  wind. 
The  hill,  upon  which  the  town  of  that  name  and  the  fortifications  which  defend  it 
are  built,  protects  the  vessels  anchored  in  the  harbor.  The  entrance  of  this  port 
is  narrow,  and  requires  a pilot;  for  the  canal  which  leads  to  the  anchorage,  although 
deep  enough  for  vessels  of  any  dimensions,  is  very  narrow,  which  exposes  them  to 
run  aground.  This  port  is  several  miles  in  extent,  and  has  the  advantage  of  having 
deep  canals  to  the  east,  among  a wood  of  mangrove  trees,  where  vessels  are  perfectly 
secure  during  the  hurricane  months.  Vessels  of  250  tons  can  at  present  unload 
and  take  in  their  cargoes  at  the  wharf.  Harbor  improvements  have  been  recently 
made  here. 

On  the  northwest  and  west  are  the  coves  of  Aguadilla,  the  town  of  this  name 
being  some  4 kilometers  inland.  There  are  the  small  coves  of  Rincon,  Anasco,  and 
Mayaguez,  the  latter  being  protected  and  of  sufficient  depth  to  anchor  vessels  of  mod- 
erate draft;  the  harbor  of  Real  de  Cabo  Rojo,  nearly  round,  and  entered  by  a narrow 
channel;  and  the  cove  of  Boqueron.  The  spacious  bay  of  Aguadilla  is  formed  by 
Cape  Borrigua  and  Cape  San  Francisco.  When  the  north-northwest  and  southwest 
winds  prevail  it  is  not  a safe  anchorage  for  ships.  A heavy  surf  rolling  on  the  shore 
obliges  vessels  to  seek  safety  by  putting  to  sea  on  the  appearance  of  a north  wind. 
Mayaguez  is  also  an  open  roadstead  formed  by  two  projecting  capes.  It  has  good 
anchorage  for  vessels  of 'a  large  size  and  is  well  sheltered  from  the  north  winds. 
The  port  of  Cabo  Rojo  has  also  good  anchorage.  It  is  situated  S.  one-fourth  N. 
of  the  point  of  Guanajico,  at  a distance  of  5-|-  miles.  Its  shape  is  nearly  circular, 
and  it  extends  from  east  to  west  3 to  4 miles.  At  the  entrance  it  has  3 fathoms  of 
water,  and  16  feet  in  the  middle  of  the  harbor.  The  entrance  is  a narrow  canal. 


The  south  coast  abounds  in  bays  and  harbors,  but  is  covered  with  mangroves 


PORTO  EICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


69 


and  reeis,  the  only  harbor  where  vessels  of  regular  draft  can  enter  being  Guanica 
and  Ponce.  The  former  of  these  is  the  westernmost  harbor  on  the  southern 
coash  being  at  the  same  time  the  best,  though  the  least  visited,  owing  to  the  swamps 
and  low  tracts  difficult  to  cross  leading  from  it  to  the  interior.  The  nearest  towns, 
San  German,  Sabana  Grande,  and  Yauco,  carry  on  a small  trade  through  this  port. 

In  the  port  of  Guanica,  vessels  drawing  21  feet  of  water  may  enter  with  perfect 
safety.  Its  entrance  is  about  100  yards  wide,  and  it  forms  a spacious  basin,  com- 
pletely landlocked.  The  vessels  may  anchor  close  to  the  shore.  It  has,  in  the  whole 
extent,  from  6-J  to  3 fathoms,  the  latter  depth  being  formed  in  the  exterior  of  the 
port.  The  entrance  is  commanded  by  two  small  hills  on  either  side,  which  if  mounted 
with  a few  pieces  of  artillery  would  defy  a squadron  to  force  it.  This  port  would  be 
of  immense  advantage  in  time  of  war.  The  national  vessels  and  coasters  would  thus 
have  a secure  retreat  from  an  enemy’s  cruiser  on  the  south  coast.  There  are  no 
wharves,  but  vessels  could  disembark  troops  by  running  alongside  the  land  and  run- 
ning out  a plank.  Coamo  Cove  and  Aguirre  and  Guayama  are  also  harbors.  The 
port  of  Jovos,  near  Guayama,  is  a haven  of  considerable  importance.  It  is  a large 
and  healthy  place,  and  the  most  Spanish  of  any  city  on  the  island  after  San  Juan. 
There  are  good  roads  to  the  capital.  Vessels  of  the  largest  kina  may  anchor  and 
ride  in  safety  from  the  winds,  and  the  whole  British  navy  would  find  room  in  its 
spacious  bosom.  It  has  4 fathoms  of  water  in  the  shallowest  part  of  the  entrance. 
However,  it  is  difficult  to  enter  this  port  from  June  to  November,  as  the  sea  breaks 
with  violence  at  the  entrance,  on  account  of  the  southerly  winds  which  reign  at  that 
season.  It  has  every  convenience  of  situation  and  locality  for  forming  docks  for  the 
repair  of  shipping.  The  large  bay  of  Anasco,  on  the  south  coast,  affords  anchorage 
to  vessels  of  all  sizes.  It  is  also  safe  from  the  north  winds.  Although  on  the  eastern 
coast  there  are  many  places  for  vessels  to  anchor,  yet  none  of  them  are  exempt 
from  danger  during  the  north  winds  except  Fajardo,  where  a safe  anchorage  is  to 
be  found  to  leeward  of  two  little  islands  close  to  the  bay,  where  vessels  are'  completely 
sheltered. 

The  island  of  Vieques  has  also  several  commodious  ports  and  harbors,  where 
vessels  of  the  largest  size  may  ride  at  anchor. 

On  the  east  coast  is  Cape  Cabeza  de  San  Juan,  Points  Lima,  Candeleros,  and  Nar- 
anjo, and  Cape  Mala  Pascua;  on  the  south  coast,  Point  Viento,  Tigueras,  Corehones, 
Arenas,  Fama  or  Maria,  Cucharas,  Guayanilla,  Guanica,  and  Morillos  de  Cabo  Rojo; 
on  the  west  coast,  points  San  Francisco,  Cadena,  Guanijito,  Guaniquilla,  and  Palo 
Seco. 


70 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


Highways. — There  are  few  roads  or  ways  of  communication  which  are  worthy  of 
mention,  with  the  exception  of  the  broad  pike  which  starts  from  the  capital  and 
runs  along  the  coast,  passing  through  the  following  towns:  Aguadilla,  Bayamon, 

Cabo  Rojo,  Ilumacao,  Juana  Diaz,  Mayaguez,  Ponce,  and  San  German.  It  has  no 
bridges;  is  good  in  dry  weather,  but  in  the  rainy  season  is  impassible  for  wagons  and 
even  at  times  for  horsemen. 

For  interior  communication  there  are  only  a few  local  roads  or  paths.  They 
are  usually  2 yards  in  width,  made  by  the  various  owners,  and  can  not  be  well  trav- 
eled in  rainy  weather.  They  are  more  properly  horse  and  mule  trails,  and  oblige 
people  to  go  in  single  file.  In  late  years  much  has  been  attempted  to  improve 
the  highways  connecting  the  principal  cities,  and  more  has  been  accomplished 
than  in  Spanish  colonies.  There  is  a good  made  road  connecting  Ponce  on  the 
southern  coast  with  San  Juan  the  capital.  Other  good  roads  also  extend  for  a short 
distance  along  the  north  coast  and  along  the  south  coast.  The  road  from  Guayama 
is  also  said  to  be  a passably  good  one. 

There  are  in  the  island  about  150  miles  of  excellent  road,  and  this  is  all  that  re- 
ceives any  attention,  transportation  being  effected  elsewhere  on  horse  back.  In*  the 
construction  of  a road  level  foundation  is  sought,  and  on  this  is  put  a heavy  layer 
of  crushed  rock  and  brick,  which,  after  having  been  well  packed  and  rounded,  is  cov- 
ered with  a layer  of  earth.  This  is  well  packed  also,  and  upon  the  whole  is  spread  a 
layer  of  ground  limestone,  which  is  pressed  and  rolled  until  it  forms  almost  a glossy 
surface.  This  makes  an  excellent  road  here  where  the  climate  is  such  that  it  does 
not  affect  it,  and  when  there  is  no  heavy  traffic,  but  these  conditions  being  changed, 
the  road,  it  is  thought,  would  not  stand  so  well. 

From  Palo  Seco,  situated  about  a mile  and  a half  from  the  capital,  on  the  op- 
posite side  of  the  bay,  a carriage  road,  perfectly  level,  has  been  constructed  for  a 
distance  oi  22  leagues  to  the  town  of  Aguadilla  on  the  west  coast,  passing  through 
the  towns  of  Vegabaja,  Manati,  Arecibo,  Hatillo,  Camuy,  and  Isabella.  This  road 
has  been  carried  for  several  leagues  over  swampy  lands,  which  are  intersected  by 
deep  drains  to  carry  off  the  water. 

The  road  from  Aguadilla  to  Mayaguez  is  in  some  parts  very  good,  in  other  parts 
only  fair.  From  Aguadilla  to  Aguada,  a distance  of  a league,  the  road  is  excellent 
and  level.  From  thence  to  Mayaguez,  through  the  village  of  Rincon  and  the  town  of 
Anasco,  the  road  is  generally  good,  but  on  the  seashore  it  is  sometimes  interrupted 
by  shelving  rocks.  Across  the  valley  of  Anasco  the  road  is  carried  through  a boggy 
tract,  with  bridges  over  several  deep  creeks  of  fresh  water.  From  thence  to  the 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


71 


large  commercial  town  of  Mayaguez  the  road  is  uneven  and  requires  some  improve- 
ment. But  the  roads  from  Mayaguez  and  Ponce  to  their  respective  ports  on  the 
seashore  can  not  be  surpassed  by  any  in  Europe.  They  are  made  in  a most  sub- 
stantial manner,  and  their  convex  form  is  well  adapted  to  preserve  them  from  the 
destruction  caused  by  the  heavy  rains  of  the  climate.  These  roads  have  been  made 
over  tracts  of  swampy  ground  to  the  seacoast,  but  with  little  and  timely  repair 
they  will  last  forever. 

A road,  which  may  be  called  a carriage  road,  has  been  made  from  Ponce  to  tha 
village  of  Ad  juntas,  situated  5 leagues  in  the  interior  of  the  mountains.  The  road 
along  the  coast,  from  Ponce  to  Guayama,  is  fairly  good;  from  thence  to  Patillas 
there  is  an  excellent  carriage  road  for  a distance  of  3 leagues;  from  the  latter  place 
to  the  coast  is  a high  road  well  constructed.  From  Patillas  to  Fajardo,  on  the  eastern 
coast,  passing  through  the  towns  of  Maimavo,  Yubac-ao,  Humacao,  and  Naguabo,  tha 
roads  are  not  calculated  for  wheel  vehicles,  in  consequence  of  being  obliged  to  ascend 
and  descend  several  steep  hills.  That  which  crosses  the  mountain  of  Mala  Pascua, 
dividing  the  north  and  east  coasts,  is  a good ’and  solid  road,  upon  which  a person 
on  horseback  may  travel  with  great  ease  and  safety.  The  road  crossing  the  valley  of 
Yubacao,  which  consists  of  a soft  and  humid  soil,  requires  more  attention  than  that 
crossing  the  mountain  of  Mala  Pascua,  which  has  a fine,  sandy  soil. 

From  Fajardo  to  the  capital,  through  the  towns  of  Luquillo,  Loisa,  and  Rio 
Piedras,  the  road  is  tolerably  good  for  persons  on  horseback  as  far  as  Rio  Pie- 
dras,  and  from  thence  to  the  city  of  San  Juan,  a distance  of  2 leagues,  is  an  ex- 
cellent carriage  road,  made  by  the  order  and  under  the  inspection  of  the  Captain- 
General,  part  of  it  through  a mangrove  swamp.  Over  the  river  Loisa  is  a handsome 
wooden  bridge,  and  on  the  road  near  Rio  Piedras  is  a handsome  stone  one  over  a 
deep  rivulet. 

One  of  the  best  roads  in  the  island  extends  from  the  town  of  Papino,  situated  in 
the  mountains,  to  the  town  of  Aguadilla  on  the  coast,  distant  5J  leagues,  through  the 
village  of  La  Moca;  in  the  distance  of  3 leagues  from  the  latter  place,  it  is  crossed 
by  10  deep  mountain  rivulets,  formerly  impassable,  but  over  which  solid  bridges 
have  now  been  built,  with  side  railings.  In  the  mountainous  district  within  the  cir- 
cumference of  a few  leagues  no  less  than  47  bridges  have  been  built  to  facilitate 
the  communication  between  one  place  and  the  other. 

The  following  are  the  roads  of  6 meters  width,  4|  in  center  of  pounded  stone. 
They  have  iron  bridges  and  are  in  good  shape  for  travel  all  the  year. 

(1)  San  Juan  to  the  Shore  near  Ponce. — From  San  Juan  to  Ponce  the  central 


72 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


road  is  exactly  134  kilometers.  Distances  along  the  line  are:  Rio  Piedras,  11; 

Caguas,  25;  to  Cayei,  24;  Aybonito,  20;  Coarno,  18;  Juana  Diaz,  20;  to  Ponce, 
13;  and  to  the  shore,  3.  Exact. 

(2)  San  Juan  to  Bayamon. — By  ferry  fifteen  minutes  to  Catano,  and  from  there 
by  road  to  Bayamon  10  kilometers.  This  passes  alongside  the  railway. 

(3)  Rio  Piedras  to  Mameyes,  36  kilometers;  from  Rio  Piedras  to  Carolina,  12; 
to  Rio  Grande,  19;  to  Mameyes,  5. 

(4)  Cayei  to  Arroyo,  35  kilometers;  from  Cayei  to  Guayama,  25;  to  Arroyo,  8; 
from  San  Juan  to  Arroyo,  via  Cayei,  is  95  kilometers. 

(5  Ponce  to  Adjuntas,  32  kilometers. 

(6)  San  German  to  Anasco,  33  kilometers;  from  San  German  to  Mayaguez,  21 
kilometers;  Mayaguez  to  Anasco,  12;  Mayaguez  to  Mormigueros,  11;  Mayaguez  to 
Cabo  Rojo,  18;  Mayaguez  to  Las  Marias,  23;  Mayaguez  to  Maricao,  35;  Hor- 
migueras  to  San  German,  14.  Near  Mayaguez  the  roads  are  best.  There  are  good 
roads  in  all  directions. 

(7)  Aguadilla  to  San  Sebastian,  18. 

(8)  Arecibo  to  Utuado,  33. 

Highways  of  first  class  in  the  island,  335  kilometers. 

Along  these  roads  are,  at  a distance  of  8 to  10  kilometers,  a fort,  stone,  and 
brick  barracks,  or  large  buildings,  where  the  Spanish  troops  stop  and  rest  when 
on  the  march. 

Railroads. — In  1878  a report  was  presented  to  the  minister  of  the  colonies  on  a 
study  made  by  the  engineer  and  head  of  public  works  of  the  island  in  view  of  con- 
structing a railroad  which  should  start  from  the  capital  and,  passing  through  all 
the  chief  towns  and  through  the  whole  island,  return  to  the  point  of  departure. 

Of  this  railroad  the  following  parts  have  been  completed:  San  Juan,  along 

the  coast  through  Rio  Piedras,  Bayamon,  Dorado,  Arecibo,  and  Hatillo,  to  Camuy; 
Aguadilla,  through  Aguado,  Rincon,  Anasco,  and  Ma}raguez,_  to  Hornigueros.  A 
branch  of  this  railroad  from  Anasco,  through  San  Sebastian,  to  Lares.  Ponce, 
through  Guayanilla,  to  Yauco.  This  latter  railroad  follows  the  southern  coast  line 
and  is  followed  by  a wagon  road  throughout  its  course.  In  one  place  the  railroad  and 
road  run  within  a few  hundred  yards  of  the  coast  line.  According  to  the  Statesman’.. 
Year  Book  for  1898  there  are  in  operation  137  miles  of  railroad,  besides  over  170 
miles  under  construction. 

All  the  railroads  are  single  track,  and  the  gauge  is  1 meter  20  centimeters,  or  3 
feet  11-^  inches. 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION: 


3 


The  following  are  the  railways  of  1-meter  gauge: 

(1)  San  Juan  to  Rio  Piedras,  11  kilometers. 

(2)  Catano  to  Bayamon,  10  kilometers. 

(3)  Anasco  to  San  Sebastian  and  Lares,  35  kilometers. 

Total  of  three  lines,  56  kilometers. 

The  lines  are  all  in  good  shape,  have  plenty  of  engines  and  cars;  speed,  20  kil- 
ometers per  hour;  use  coal  for  fuel  imported  from  the  United  States;  supply  usually 
large,  may  be  small  now;  hard  coal;  fine  stations;  plenty  of  water,  and  everything 
in  shape  for  business. 

Telegraphs. — The  capital  communicates  with  the  principal  towns  of  the  coast  and 
interior  by  means  of  a wrell-connected  telegraph  system.  There  are  in  all  some  470 
miles  of  telegraph. 

Telephones. — The  British  Consular  Report  says  that  the  telephone  system  of  San 
Juan,  Ponce,  and  Mayaguez  have  recently  been  contracted  for  by  local  syndicates. 
In  Ponce  a United  States  company  obtained  the  contract  for  the  material.  There 
are  100  stations  already  connected,  and  it  is  expected  that  200  more  will  be  in  opera- 
tion shortly. 

Administration. — From  an  administrative  standpoint,  Porto  Rico  is  not  con- 
sidered as  a colony,  but  as  a province  of  Spain,  assimilated  to  the  remaining  prov- 
inces. The  Governor-General,  representing  the  monarchy,  is  at  the  same  time  Cap- 
tain-General of  the  armed  forces.  In  each  chief  town  resides  a military  commander, 
and  each  town  has  its  alcalde,  or  mayor,  appointed  by  the  central  power.  The  prov- 
incial deputation  is  elected  by  popular  suffrage  under  the  same  conditions  as  in 
Spain.  The  regular  peace  garrison  is  composed  of  about  3,000  men,  and  the  annual 
budget  amounts  to  some  20,000,000  pesos. 

Education. — In  1887  only  one-seventh  of  the  population  could  read  and  write, 
but  of  late  years  progress  in  public  instruction  has  been  rapid. 

Agriculture,  Industry,  and  Commerce. — In  1878  there  arrived  in  the  harbors  of 
the  island  1,591  vessels  of  different  nationalities  and  1,534  departed.  The  value  of 
products  imported  was  14,787,551  pesos,  and  that  of  articles  exported  was  13,070,* 
020  pesos.  The  following  are  the  relative  percentages  of  values: 


Flags.  Relation. 

Per  Cent. 

Spanish 49.91 

American 13.47 

English 21.43 

.Various  Nations 15.19 


Total 


100.00 


74 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


Navigation  is  very  active,  but  the  part  the  inhabitants  take  in  the  commercial 
fleet  is  small.  The  Porto  Ricans  are  not  seagoing  people.  The  eastern  part  of  the 
island  offers  less  advantage  to  commerce  than  the  western,  being  to  the  windward 
and  affording  less  shelter  to  vessels. 

Porto  Rico  has  more  than  seventy  towns  and  cities,  of  which  Ponce  is  the  most 
important.  Ponce  has  22,000  inhabitants,  with  a jurisdiction  numbering  47,000.  It 
is  situated  on  the  south  coast  of  the  island,  on  a plain,  about  2 miles  from  the  sea- 
board. It  is  the  chief  town  of  the  judicial  district  of  its  name,  and  is  70  miles  from 
San  Juan.  It  is  regularly  built,  the  central  part  almost  exclusively  of  brick  houses, 
and  the  suburbs  of  wood.  It  is  the  residence  of  the  military  commander,  and  the  seat 
of  an  official  chamber  of  commerce.  There  is  an  appellate  criminal  court,  besides  other 
courts;  2 churches,  one  Protestant,  said  to  be  the  only  one  in  the  Spanish  West 
Indies;  2 hospitals  besides  the  military  hospital,  a home  of  refuge  for  old  and  poor, 
2 cemeteries,  3 asylums,  several  casinos,  3 theaters,  a market,  a municipal  public 
library,  3 first-class  hotels,  3 barracks,  a park,  gas  works,  a perfectly  equipped  fire  de- 
partment, a bank,  thermal  and  natural  baths,  etc.  Commercially,  Ponce  is  the  second 
city  of  importance  on  the  island.  A fine  road  leads  to  the  port  (Playa),  where  all 
the  import  and  export  trade  is  transacted.  Playa  has  about  5,000  inhabitants,  and 
here  are  situated  the  custom  house,  the  office  of  the  captain  of  the  port,  and  all  the 
consular  offices.  The  port-  is  spacious  and  will  hold  vessels  of  25  feet  draft.  The 
climate,  on  account  of  the  sea  breezes  during  the  day  and  land  breezes  at  night,  is  not 
oppressive,  but  very  hot  and  dry;  and,  as  water  for  all  purposes,  including  the  fire 
department,  is  amply  supplied  by  an  aqueduct  4,442  yards  long,  it  is  said  that  the 
city  of  Ponce  is  perhaps  the  healthiest  place  in  the  whole  island.  There  is  a stage 
coach  to  San  Juan,  Mayaguez,  Guayama,  etc.  There  is  a railroad  to  Yauco,  a post 
office,  and  a telegraph  station. 

It  is  believed  that  Ponce  was  founded  in  1600;  it  was  given  the  title  of  villa  in 
1848,  and  in  1877  that  of  city.  Of  its  34  streets  the  best  are  Mayor,  Salud,  Villa, 
Vives,  Marina,  and  Comercio.  The  best  squares  are  Principal  and  Las  Delicias,  which 
are  separated  by  the  church  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe.  The  church,  as  old  as 
the  town  itself,  began  to  be  reconstructed  in  1838  and  was  finished  in  1847.  It  is 
86  yards  long  by  43  broad,  and  has  two  steeples,  rich  altars,  and  fine  ornaments. 

The  theater  is  called  the  Pearl,  and  it  deserves  this  name,  for  it  is  the  finest 
on  the  island.  It  has  a sculptured  porch,  on  the  Byzantine  order,  with  very  graceful 
columns.  It  is  mostly  built  of  iron  and  marble  and  cost  over  70,000  pesos.  It  is  52 
yards  deep  by  29  wide.  The  inside  is  beautiful,  the  boxes  and  seats  roomy  and 


POETO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION.  75 

nicely  decorated.  It  may,  by  a mechanical  arrangement,  be  converted  into  a danc- 
ing ball. 

About  1|  miles  northeast  of  the  town  are  the  Quintana  thermal  baths,  in  a build- 
ing surrounded  by  pretty  gardens.  They  are  visited  by  sufferers  from  rheumatism 
and  various  other  diseases. 

San  Juan  is  a perfect  specimen  of  a walled  town,  with  portcullis,  moat,  gates, 
and  battlements.  The  wall  surrounding  this  town  is  defended  by  several  batteries. 
Facing  the  harbor  are  those  of  San  Fernando,  Santa  Catalina,  and  Santa  Toribio. 
Looking  toward  the  land  side  is  Fort  Abanico,  and  toward  the  ocean  the  batteries  of 
San  Antonio,  San  Jose,  and  Santa  Teresa,  and  Fort  Princesa.  The  land  part  has 
two  ditches,  or  cuts,  which  are  easy  to  inundate.  The  fort  and  bridge  of  San  Antonio 
that  of  San  Geronimo,  and  the  Escambron  battery  situated  on  a tongue  of  land 
which  enters  the  sea.  Built  over  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago,  the  city  is  still 
in  good  condition  and  repair.  The  walls  are  picturesque,  and  represent  a stupendous 
work  and  cost  in  themselves.  Inside  the  walls  the  city  is  laid  off  in  regular  squares, 
six  parallel  streets  running  in  the  direction  of  the  length  of  the  island  and  seven  at 
right  angles. 

The  peninsula  on  which  San  Juan  is  situated  is  connected  with  the  mainland  by 
three  bridges.  The  oldest,  that  of  San  Antonio,  carries  the  highway  across  the 
shallow  San  Antonio  Channel.  It  is  a stone-arched  bridge  about  350  yards  long 
including  the  approaches.  By  the  side  of  this  bridge  is  one  for  the  railroad  and 
one  for  the  tramway  which  follows  the  main  military  highway  to  Rio  Piedras. 

Among  the  buildings  the  following  are  notable:  The  palace  of  the  Captain- 
General,  the  palace  of  the  intendencia,  the  town  hall,  military  hospital,  jail,  Ballaja 
barracks,  theater,  custom  house,  cathedral,  Episcopal  palace,  and  seminary.  There 
is  no  university  or  provincial  institute  of  second  grade  instruction,  and  only  one 
college,  which  is  under  the  direction  of  Jesuit  priests.  The  houses  are  closely  and 
compactly  built  of  brick,  usually  of  two  stories,  stuccoed  on  the  outside  and  pai&ted 
in  a variety  of  colors.  The  upper  floors  are  occupied  by  the  more  respectable  people, 
while  the  ground  floors,  almost  without  exception,  are  given  up  to  the  negroes  and 
the  poorer  class,  who  crowd  one  upon  another  in  the  most  appalling  manner. 

The  population  within  the  walls  is  estimated  at  20,000  and  most  of  it  lives  on 
the  ground  floor.  In  one  small  room,  with  a flimsy  partition,  a whole  family  will 
reside.  The  ground  floor  of  the  whole  town  reeks  with  filth,  and  conditions  are 
most  unsanitary.  In  a tropical  country,  where  disease  readily  prevails,  the  conse- 
quences of  such  herding  may  be  easily  inferred.  There  is  no  running  water  in  the 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


76 

town.  The  entire  population  depend  upon  rain  water,  caught  upon  the  flat  roofs 
of  the  buildings  and  conducted  to  the  cistern,  which  occupies  the  greater  part  of 
the  inner  court-yard  that  is  an  essential  part  of  Spanish  houses  the  world  over, 
but  that  here,  on  account  of  the  crowded  conditions,  is  very  small.  There  is  no 
sewerage,  except  for  surface  water  and  sinks,  while  vaults  are  in  every  house  and 
occupy  whatever  remaining  space  there  may  be  in  the  patios  not  taken  up  by  the 
cisterns.  The  risk  of  contaminating  the  water  is  very  great,  and  in  dry  seasons 
the  supply  is  entirely  exhausted.  Epidemics  are  frequent,  and  the  town  is  alive 
with  vermin,  fleas,  cockroaches,  mosquitoes,  and  dogs. 

The  streets  are  wider  than  in  the  older  part  of  Havana,  and  will  admit  two  car- 
riages abreast.  The  sidewalks  are  narrow,  and  in  places  will  accommodate  but 
one  person.  The  pavements  are  of  a composition  manufactured  in  England  from 
slag,  pleasant  and  even,  and  durable  when  no  heavy  strain  is  brought  to  bear  upon 
them,  but  easily  broken,  and  unfit  for  heavy  traffic.  The  streets  are  swept  once  a 
day  by  hand,  and,  strange  to  say,  are  kept  very  clean. 

From  its  topographical  situation  the  town  should  be  healthy,  but  it  is  not.  The 
soil  under  the  city  is  clay  mixed  with  lime,  so  hard  as  to  be  almost  like  rock.  It  is 
consequently  impervious  to  water  and  furnishes  a good  natural  drainage. 

The  trade  wind  blows  strong  and  fresh,  and  through  the  harbor  runs  a stream 
of  sea  water  at  a speed  of  not  less  than  three  miles  an  hour.  With  these  conditions 
no  contagious  diseases,  if  properly  taken  care  of,  could  exist;  without  them  the  place 
would  be  a veritable  plague  spot. 

Besides  the  town  within  the  walls  there  are  small  portions  just  outside,  called 
the  Marina  and  Puerta  de  Tierra,  containing  two  or  three  thousand  inhabitants 
each.  There  are  also  two  suburbs,  one,  San  Turce,  approached  by  the  only  road 
leading  out  of  the  city,  and  the  other,  Catano,  across  the  bay,  reached  by  ferry. 
The  Marina  and  the  two  suburbs  are  situated  on  sandy  points  or  spits,  and  the 
latter  are  surrounded  by  mangrove  swamps. 

The  entire  population  of  the  city  and  suburbs,  according  to  the  census  of  1887, 
was  27,000.  It  is  now  (1896)  estimated  at  30,000.  One-half  of  the  population  con- 
sists of  negroes  and  mixed  races. 

There  is  but  little  manufacturing,  and  it  is  of  small  importance.  The  Standard 
Oil  Company  has  a small  refinery  across  the  bay,  in  which  crude  petroleum  brought 
from  the  United  States  is  refined.  Matches  are  made,  some  brooms,  a little  soap, 
and  a cheap  class  of  trunks.  There  are  also  ice,  gas,  and  electric  light  works. 

The  Island  of  Porto  Rico  in  1509  was  invaded  by  Spaniards  from  Haiti, 
and  has  since  that  time  been  a Spanish  colony. 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


71 


A range  of  lofty  mountains  called  Luquillo,  covered  with  wood  and  inter- 
sected by  numerous  deep  ravines,  runs  through  the  center  of  the  island,  begin- 
ning near  the  northeast  point  and  terminating  south  of  Arecibo  in  a hill  called 
the  Silla  de  Caballo.  The  highest  peak  of  this  chain  (3,714  feet  high)  is  visible 
in  clear  weather  from  a distance  of  sixty-eight  miles.  It  forms  an  excellent  land- 
mark. It  is  called  El  Yunque,  or  Anvil  Peak.  In  the  interior  are  extensive 
savannahs,  on  which  large  herds  of  cattle  are  pastured,  and  along  the  coasts  are 
tracts  of  level,  fertile  land. 

The  principal  ports  of  export  are  San  Juan  and  Arecibo  on  the  north  coast, 
Aguadilla  and  Mayagiiez  on  the  west,  Guanica,  Guayanilla,  Ponce,  and  Arrayo 
on  the  south,  and  Humacao  and  Naguabo  on  the  east  coast. 

The  coasts  of  the  island  are  by  no  means  well  known,  and  urgently  need  to 
be  resurveyed. 

On  the  eastern  coast  of  Porto  Rico  there  are  nine  small  rivers  emptying 
into  the  sea,  and  several  ports  frequented  by  small  vessels  to  load  with  sugar  and 
molasses.  The  instructions  which  can  be  given  for  this  coast  are  so  deficient  that 
it  would  be  by  no  means  safe  for  a stranger  to  cruise  here  without  a pilot,  who 
may  be  obtained  at  San  Juan,  St.  Thomas,  or  sometimes  at  Port  Mula,  on  Crab 
Island. 

The  population  in  1800  was  666,000. 

Hurricanes. — Although  the  island  is  south  of  the  usual  track  of  hurricanes, 
it  has  been  severely  visited  by  them.  The  cyclones  of  1782  and  1825  were  espe- 
cially destructive. 

The  summit  of  Mona  Island  is  nearly  flat,  with  a few  bushes  and  trees,  and 
it  may  be  seen  from  a distance  of  eighteen  miles.  It  is  of  volcanic  formation;  its 
north,  east,  and  northwest  sides,  consisting  of  high  perpendicular  bluffs,  afford 
no  landing  place.  On  the  west  and  southeast  sides  are  a number  of  caves  form- 
ing entrances  to  extensive  subterraneous  galleries  which  run  in  every  direction. 
The  surface  of  the  island  is  composed  of  calcareous  slate-colored  rock,  full  of  holes 
containing  soil  in  which  the  trees  and  brushwood  grow. 

.There  are  numbers  of  wild  goats  and  hogs  on  the  island,  and  turtles  during 
the  season. 

A ridge  of  rocks  runs  off  the  southwest  point,  and  a vessel  should  not  come 
inside  the  depth  of  eight  fathoms  of  water,  which  will  be  found  at  the  distance 
of  one-quarter  of  a mile. 

The  eastern  and  northern  parts  of  the  island  are  said  to  be  clear  of  danger 
and  steep.  The  northwest  end  terminates  in  a promontory,  and  its  extremity 


78 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


rises  to  a lofty  perpendicular  rock,  which  when  on  a bearing  N.  6*  E.  (N.  6° 
E.  mag.)  or  S.  6°  W.  (S.  6°  W.  mag.),  has  the  appearance  of  a sail,  with  Monito 
open  westward  of  it.  From  this  end,  named  Cape  Barrionuevo,  round  by  south 
to  the  east  end,  the  island  is  bordered  by  a bank  of  white  sand  and  rocks  with 
eighteen  to  three  and  one-half  fathoms  water  on  it.  It  extends  off  one  and 
one-half  miles  between  Capes  Barrionuevo  and  Julia,  also  called  Caigo  6 no  Caigo 
Point  (I  fall,  or  I don’t  fall).  It  takes  the  latter  name  from  an  enormous  rock 
on  its  summit  which  is  very  curiously  balanced  and  threatens  every  moment 
to  fall. 

The  tides  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Porto  Rico  run  with  great  strength  to  the 
northeast  seven  hours  and  to  the  southeast  five  hours. 

The  north  coast  of  Porto  Rico  is  rugged  and  uneven;  it  runs  in  a nearly 
straight  line  east  and  west,  and  between  San  Juan  Plead  and  Port  San  Juan 
presents  no  shelter  whatever.  San  Juan  Head  slopes  gradually  from  the  summit 
of  the  hills  to  the  sea  and  terminates  in  a low,  but  clearly  defined  point;  for  about 
fourteen  miles  westward  from  the  head  the  coast  is  composed  of  dark,  rugged 
looking  cliffs,  breaking  down  from  the  mountain  side,  but  as  the  hills  turn  inward 
the  land  becomes  low  and  undulating  and  appears  to  be  well  cultivated,  many 
chimneys  of  steam  sugar  mills  being  seen  above  the  trees.  From  off  the  west 
end  of  this  high  and  cliffy  portion  of  the  coast,  the  fortifications  and  part  of 
the  city  of  San  Juan  will  be  seen. 

The  south  coast  of  Porto  Rico  is  generally  foul,  and  should  be  very  guardedly 
approached,  for  there  is  very  little  correct  information  respecting  it.  It  appears, 
however,  that  in  some  parts  soundings  extend  to  a considerable  distance  from  the 
shore,  and  the  lead  should,  therefore,  be  well  attended.  In  running  down,  it  is 
advisable  not  to  come  within  four  or  five  miles  of  the  land.  From  the  offing 
this  side  of  the  island  appears  lofty,  but  the  shore  is  generally  low  and  bounded 
by  mangroves.  Sixteen  small  rivers  empty  into  the  sea  from  this  shore,  but  few 
are  capable  of  admitting  even  boats. 

The  Bay  of  Ponce  is  nearly  three  miles  across  between  Carenero,  the  eastern, 
and  Cucharros,  the  western  point;  the  port  is  in  the  northeast  corner  of  the 
bay,  and  on  its  shore  is  the  village  of  Port  Ponce,  containing  1,500  inhabitants. 
The  custom-house,  a long,  white,  two-storied  building,  with  flat  roof  and  flagstaff, 
is  the  most  prominent  object  in  the  village,  and  is  very  conspicuous  from  sea- 
ward. The  shores  are  low  and  bounded  by  mangrove  and  cocoanut  trees,  but 
two  or  three  miles  westward  of  Cucharros  Point  the  land  rises  and  becomes 
hilly. 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


79 


The  winds  around  Porto  Rico  appear  to  be  of  the  same  character  as  those 
met  with  at  the  Virgin  Islands.  There  is  no  regular  land  breeze  to  take  advantage 
of,  although  the  usual  trade  wind  generally  slackens  during  the  night  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  shore.  Under  the  west  end  the  wind  in  the  daytime 
will  incline  inward.  In  the  winter  months  north  and  northwest  wrinds  some- 
times occur,  and  blow  hard,  and  in  the  summer  long  calms  and  light  southeast 
airs  prevail,  with  terrific  squalls  and  heavy  rains,  especially  on  the  south  side. 

Vieques  was  temporarily  occupied  during  the  two  centuries  preceding  the 
present  by  the  English  and  French,  but  is  now  entirely  under  Spanish  dominion. 
Its  riches  and  population  are  developing  from  day  to  day  in  an  admirable  man- 
ner. Its  government  is  politico-military,  exercised  by  a colonel.  It  has  a well- 
built  church  of  masonry  at  the  town  of  Isabel  Segunda. 

On  the  southern  coast,  opposite  the  harbor  of  Ponce,  and  apparently  joined 
to  Porto  Rico  by  a reef,  is  the  Caja  de  Muerto  Island,  in  which  there  is  a good 
anchoring  ground.  Its  coasts  abound  in  fish  and  are  surrounded  by  keys. 

To  the  west  of  Cape  Rojo  is  the  Island  of  Mona,  of  volcanic  origin.  Its 
coasts  rise  perpendicularly  to  a great  height  above  the  sea  level.  It  is  inhabited 
by  a few  fishermen  and  abounds  in  goats,  bulls,  and  swine  in  a wild  state. 

To  the  north-northeast  of  the  foregoing  and  opposite  Cape  Barrionuevo  is 
Monito  Island.  It  is  a small  and  elevated  rock,  inhabited  by  innumerable  water 
fowl. 

Guanica. — A small  town  of  1,000  inhabitants,  on  southern  ^rst,  about  six 
miles  south  of  Yauco,  of  which  city  it  forms  the  port,  and  with  which  it  is  con- 
nected by  a good  road  practicable  in  dry  weather.  It  is  situated  on  the  Bay  of 
Guanica,  which  is  one  of  the  best  ports  in  the  whole  island.  The  banks  to  the 
right  are  steep  and  form  a good  natural  wharf.  Three  vessels  can  lie  alongside 
and  unload  by  means  of  gang  plank.  Vessels  of  thirty  feet  draft  can  easily  enter 
the  bay  and  proceed  close  inshore.  No  fortifications  or  mines. 

Guayama. — A village  of  4,500  inhabitants,  with  a jurisdiction  numbering 
12,884.  It  is  the  chief  town  of  the  judicial  district  of  its  name,  and  is  situated 
on  the  south  coast  forty-nine  miles  from  San  Juan.  It  has  a telephone,  a rail- 
road station,  a postoffice,  and  a telegraph  station.  It  was  founded  in  1736. 

Its  church  is  one  of  the  finest  on  the  island,  being  rich  in  altars  and  orna- 
ments. It  was  constructed  in  1873,  with  twenty  yards  front  by  forty-four  deep. 

San  Juan,  the  capital,  is  situated  on  the  northern  coast,  on  a long  and  narrow 
island,  separated  from  the  main  island,  at  one  end,  by  a shallow  arm  of  the  sea, 
over  which  is  the  bridge  of  San  Antonio,  connecting  it  with  the  mainland,  which 


80 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


runs  out  at  this  point  in  a long  sand  spit,  some  nine  miles  in  length,  apparently 
to  meet  the  smaller  islands.  At  the  other  end  the  island  ends  in  a rugged  bluff  or 
promontory  some  hundred  feet  high  and  three-fourths  of  a mile  distant  from  the 
main  island. 

This  promontory  is  crowned  by  Morro  Castle,  the  principal  fortification  of 
the  town.  The  form  of  the  castle  is  that  of  an  obtuse  angle,  with  three  tiers 
of  batteries,  placed  one  above  the  other,  toward  the  sea,  their  fires  crossing  each 
other.  Toward  the  city  it  has  a wall,  flanked  by  two  bastions  of  heavy  artillery, 
which  dominates  all  of  the  intermediate  space,  which  has  the  name  of  Morro, 
and  also  part  of  the  city  and  the  north  shore  of  the  sea.  It  has  the  usual  bar- 
racks. large  water  tanks,  warehouses,  chapel,  and  the  necessary  offices— all  bomb- 
proof. A mine  descends  from  it  to  the  seashore,  -through  the  entrance  of  the 
port,  its  issue  being  defended  by  a battery. 

Mayagiiez  is  the  second  port  for  coffee,  the  average  annual  export  being  170,- 
000  hundredweights.  The  quality  is  of  the  best,  ranging  in  price  with  Java 
and  other  first-rate  brands.  The  lower  grades  are  sent  to  Cuba.  About  50,000 
bags  of  flour  are  imported  into  this  port  every  year  from  the  United  States 
out  of  the  180,000  bags  that  are  consumed  in  the  whole  island.  The  climate  is 
excellent,  the  temperature  never  exceeding  90°  E.  The  city  is  connected  by 
tramway  with  the  neighboring  towns  of  Aguadilla,  and  a railroad  is  being  con- 
structed to  Lares,  one  of  the  largest  interior  towns.  It  has  a civil  and  military 
hospital,  two  asylums,  a public  library,  three  bridges,  a handsome  market,  con- 
structed of  iron,  a slaughter-house  recently  constructed,  a theater,  etc.,  and  a 
number  of  societies  of  instruction,  recreation  and  commerce.  It  has  a postoffice 
and  telegraph  station.  It  was  founded  in  1760,  was  given  the  title  of  villa  (village) 
in  1836,  and  that  of  city  in  1877. 

On  the  east  and  south  it  is  bounded  by  the  Hormigueros  Mountains,  on 
the  north  by  those  of  Anasco,  and  on  the  west  by  the  sea.  The  part  comprised 
by  the  vega  (plain)  is  very  fertile,  and  here  are  grown  all  fruits  of  the  island. 

Aguadilla. — A city  of  5,325  inhabitants,  of  whom  4,200  are  white  and  1,125 
colored.  The  municipal  jurisdiction  has  16,085  inhabitants — 11,100  white  and 
4,985  colored.  It  is  the  capital  and  port  of  the  judicial  district  of  its  name,  and 
is  situated  eighty-one  miles  from  San  Juan.  The  climate  is  hot  but  healthy, 
and  there  yellow  fever  seldom  appears.  It  has  a postoffice  and  telegraph  station. 

It  has  one  of  the  most  picturesque  aspects  of  any  town  in  the  country.  It 
is  situated  on  the  shore  between  Cape  Borinquen  and  Culebrinas  River,  at  the  foot 
of  Jaic-oa  Mountain,  stretching  along  in  a narrow  strip  between  the  sea  and  the 


A PORTO  RICO  COUNTRY  HOUSE.  (Copyrighted,  1898,  by  J.  M.  Jordan.) 


THE  SEA  WALL  OF  SAN  JUAN,  POBTO  EICO.  (Copyrighted,  1898,  by  J.  M.  Jordan.) 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


83 

latter.  The  mountain  is  very  steep,  crowned  with  leafy  trees,  and  on  its  slopes 
are  many  orange  and  lemon  trees,  palms,  etc.  A stream  of  crystalline  water 
flows  from  a spring  about  half  way  up  its  side,  and  passing  through  Fuente, 
Mirador,  and  Comercio  streets  of  the  town,  empties  into  the  sea. 

To  add  to  the  scenic  beauty  of  the  town  and  mountain  a church  rises  from 
the  mountain  side  near  the  source  of  the  stream  mentioned.  It  is  of  antique 
construction  and  has  two  steeples,  and,  although  old,  is  in  good  repair;  there  is 
a bell  in  one  steeple  and  a clock  in  the  other. 

Father  Thomas  Ewing  Sherman  r — “Father  Tom,”  as  his  friends  call  him, 
the  son  of  General  William  Teeumseh  Sherman,  has  made  a report  to  General 
Brooke  of  recent  tours  through  the  Island  of  Porto  Rico,  and  they  have  been 
made  public  by  Assistant  Secretary  Meiklejohn  through  the  division  of  customs 
and  insular  affairs.  Father  Sherman  says  that  as  far  as  he  observed  the  people 
of  Porto  Rico  are  gentle,  docile  and  kindly  and  that  the  Spaniards  living  there 
rejoice  with  their  Porto  Rican  friends  in  the  change  of  sovereignty.  The  dis- 
orderly element  is  a very  small  fraction  in  the  teeming  population  of  the  island. 
There  is  some  timidity  expressed  on  the  part  of  property-holders,  but  this  is  largely 
due  to  the  paternal  system  to  which  they  have  become  accustomed.  He  says  that 
a liberal  public  outlay  on  the  roads  would  add  immensely  to  the  commerce  and 
security  of  the  island. 

Father  Sherman  says  it  is  common  talk  that  the  disorders  of  the  last  few 
months  have  been  caused  by  bands  composed  partly  of  prisoners  released  by  the 
Spaniards  and  of  Spanish  soldiers  discharged  and  remaining  in  the  island.  Having, 
he  says,  ridden  about  the  island  alone  and  as  a rule  unarmed  for  the  last  three 
months,  having  visited  many  priests  and  alcaldes  and  prominent  merchants,  he 
is  strongly  impressed  by  the  fact  that  profound  respect  is  felt  for  American 
authority  and  utmost  confidence  in  the  courage  of  any  and  all  of  our  men. 

At  the  same  time,  Father  Sherman  says,  we  cannot  too  strongly  emphasize 
the  needs  of  an  island  at  once  tropical  and  mountainous,  where  the  bandit  finds 
myriad  nooks  for  hiding  and  easy  sustenance  even  on  the  mountain  tops;  where 
passions  are  easily  heated  and  an  overcrowded  population  leaves  large  numbers  out 
of  employment. 

Father  Sherman  says  the  state  of  religion  on  the  island  is  very  unsatisfactory. 
Though  in  every  town  of  any  size  there  is  found  a large  and  handsome  edifice, 
the  services  are  very  poorly  attended.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  island,  with  few 
exceptions,  are  nominally  at  least  Roman  Catholics.  Very  few  of  the  men  are 
more  than  Catholic  in  name.  They  are  baptized,  married  and  buried  by  the 


84 


PORTO  RICO,  OUR  ANTILLEAN  POSSESSION. 


priest;  that  is  the  extent  of  their  Catholicism.  Now  that  the  priests  are  deprived 
of  governmental  aid  many  are  leaving  the  country  and  more  intend  to  depart 
before  the  winter  is  over. 

Religion  is  dead  on  the  island.  Whether  it  can  be  revived  as  a living  influ- 
ence is  highly  problematical.  There  is  little  or  no  observance  of  the  sanctity 

of  Sunday. 

With  regard  to  education  Father  Sherman  says  he  is  not  prepared  to  make 
anything  like  a full  report,  and  the  system  of  burial  in  Porto  Rico  has  been  bar- 
barous. In  places  corpses  are  thrown  into  shallow  graves,  sometimes  without 
boxes  or  casket.  The  cemeteries  are  too  small  and  frequently  crowded. 

The  state  of  morality  can  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  the  number  of 
illegitimate  children  exceeds  that  of  the  legitimate.  Concubinage  is  said  to  be 
common  and  is  not  sufficiently  discountenanced,  either  legally  or  socially.  The 
eradication  of  this  great  evil  presents  one  of  the  most  difficult  problems  in  Porto 
Rico,  owing  to  the  mixture  of  races  there.  It  is  often  asserted  that  the  Catholic 
clergy  are  partly  to  blame  for  this  deplorable  state  of  affairs,  because  marriage  is 
said  to  be  expensive. 


CHAPTER  III. 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 

Instructive  Description  of  the  Island  Sixty-four  Years  Ago  by  Colonel  Flinter  of 
the  British  Army  and  Spanish  Service — More  from  the  Same  Writer  Quoted 
by  the  London  Review — Valuable  Statistics  from  the  Edinburgh  Review — 
Rev.  Win.  Moister  Adds  Interesting  Information — Natural  Resources,  Com- 
mercial Advantages  and  Physical  Conditions  Clearly  Described — Social  and 
Moral  Standing  of  the  People  Fully  Considered — Testimony  that  Reveals 
the  Value  of  Our  Insular  Gem. 

The  Edinburgh  Review  of  1835,  page  329,  gives  a most  interesting  account  of 

the  Island  of  Porto  Rico,  sixty-four  years  ago,  by  Colonel  Flinter  of  the  British 

army  and  Spanish  service.  This  article  in  the  famous  Review  has  the  recom- 
mendation of  presenting  us  with  a full  and  interesting  account  of  this  valuable 
island,  less  known  to  this  country  than  even  Japan  or  Madagascar.  It  possesses 
the  additional  value  of  being  the  production  of  a writer  who  evidently  formed 

his  opinions  on  his  own  account.  His  sentiments  do  not  savor  of  any  class  or 

school;  on  the  contrary,  he  frequently  advances  in  the  same  breath  positions 
which  are  usually  maintained  by  persons  of  opposite  principles  in  political  mat- 
ters. Being  an  officer  in  the  service  of  Spain,  he  had  a high  respect  for  the  admin- 
istration of  the  late  King  Ferdinand  and  a thorough  contempt  for  all  the  various 
liberal  sects  which  overturned  his  absolute  throne  and  took  his  daughter  under 
their  protection.  He,  moreover,  holds  in  abhorrence  all  the  promoters  of  South 
American  revolutions. 

“Colonel  Flinter  appears  to  have  commanded,  for  several  years,  the  regiment 
of  Spanish  troops  which  was  in  permanent  garrison  at  Porto  Rico  and  must  have 
had  ample  opportunities  of  becoming  fully  acquainted  with  its  internal  condition. 
It  will  he  perceived,  no  doubt,  that  his  local  partialities  sometimes  lead  him  into 
apparent  overstatements  and  manifest  contradictions;  but  every  candid  reader  will 
make  allowance  for  the  spirit  of  exaggeration  that  appears  occasionally,  to  dictate 
his  eulogies  on  his  favorite  colony. 

“The  early  history  of  Porto  Rico  affords  few  features  of  interest.  Although 
one  of  the  oldest  colonies  of  the  Spanish  crown,  it  served  for  three  centuries 
only  as  a convict  station;  and  its  free  population  presented  until  a few  years  ago 

a marked  specimen  of  the  besotted  indolence  which  characterized  a Spanish  settle- 

85 


86 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


ment  of  the  old  times.  The  military  and  civil  expenses  were  defrayed  by  remit- 
tances from  Mexico;  and  it  was  not  until  the  revolution  caused  these  remittances 
to  cease  in  1810  that  the  island,  owing  to  the  extreme  embarrassment  of  its  financial 
condition  began  to  attract  the  notice  of  the  mother  country.  In  1815  a decree  was 
published  in  its  behalf,  distinguished  like  many  of  the  early  acts  of  the  restored 
government  by  its  enlightened  sagacity.  But  this  decree,  whilst  it  greatly 
encouraged  free  industry,  unfortunately  at  the  same  time  gave  an  impulse  to  the 
employment  of  slave  labor,  which  had  hitherto  been  unused,  rather  from  indolence 
and  want  of  capital  than  from  motives  of  humanity.  Colonists  were  invited 
to  the  island  on  the  most  liberal  terms — lands  were  allotted  gratis,  the  settlers 
were  free  from  direct  taxes,  and  for  a certain  number  of  years  from  the  tithes 
and  alcabala,  as  well  as  from  the  exportation  duties  which  formed  one  of  the 
most  impolitic  features  of  the  old  Spanish  system.  From  the  period  of  this 
decree  the  advance  of  Porto  Rico  in  wealth  and  poprdation  has  been  unexampled, 
even  in  the  virgin  regions  of  America.  A great  additional  impulse  was  given  by 
the  arrival  of  capitalists  driven  by  civil  war  from  the  Spanish  main: — men  dis- 
tinguished in  the  more  prosperous  times  of  South  America  for  their  steady  regu- 
larity and  probity  in  the  transaction  of  business. 

“The  island  appears  to  be  one  of  the  most  lovely  of  all  those  regions  of  love- 
liness which  are  washed  by  the  Caribbean  Sea.  Even  in  that  archipelago  it  is 
distinguished  by  the  luxuriance  of  its  vegetation,  and  the  soft  variety  of  its  scenery. 
It  comprises  every  kind  of  tropical  landscape  in  a space  not  much  exceeding  the 
area  of  one  of  the  larger  English  counties.  Like  Jamaica,  it  is  divided  from 
east  to  west  by  a range  of  forest-covered  mountains,  which  do  not  appear  to 
exceed  3,000  or  4,000  feet  in  height,  hut  which  are  sufficient  to  create  a very 
marked  difference  of  climate  between  their  opposite  declivities.  The  northern  dis- 
trict is  moist,  subject  not  only  to  the  periodical  rains  of  the  West  Indies,  but 
visited  also  by  occasional  showers.  Hence  its  undulating  surface  is  adapted  for 
pasture  and  the  more  ordinary  kinds  of  cultivation  and  is  intersected  by  numerous 
perennial  rivers,  whilst  the  southern  part  of  the  island  is  frequently  without 
rain  for  many  months  together,  although  even  here  water,  according  to  our  author, 
is  always  found  at  half  a yard  below  the  surface.  The  sugar  cane,  notwithstanding 
the  drought,  thrives  abundantly  and  most  of  the  chief  plantations  of  the  island 
are  formed  on  this  coast.  This  inestimable  benefit  of  moisture  Porto  Rico 
derives  from  its  forests,  which  as  yet  clothe  a large  portion  of  the  interior,  the 
thick  cover  at  once  attracting  the  rain  and  preventing  evaporation.  By  the  laws 
of  the  colony  every  person  who  cuts  down  a tree  is  bound  to  plant  three  in  its 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


87 


place.  Blit  it  is  to  be  feared  that  a law  so  difficult  of  enforcement  is  habitually 
violated  and  that  it  will  come,  like  some  other  islands,  which  formerly  exhibited 
a similar  feature,  to  present  a naked  surface  to  the  ineffectual  vapors  of  the 
Atlantic;  its  fertility  will  then  diminish  and  its  perennial  rivers  waste  away,  even 
as  the  clearing  of  the  forests  from  various  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  coast — in 
peninsular  Greece  and  Sicily  for  example — which  were  well  wooded  within  the 
historical  era,  has  diminished  the  classical  rivers  of  antiquity  into  mere  historical 
torrents. 

“Although  the  climate  of  Porto  Rico  does  not  appear  to  differ  materially,  as 
far  as  its  effects  can  be  measured  by  instruments,  from  that  of  the  other  islands  of 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  yet  its  inhabitants  certainly  seem  to  enjoy  a more  than 
ordinary  exemption  from  the  evils  which  afflict  humanity  in  these  sickly  regions. 
The  mortality,  according  to  our  author's  tables,  does  not  exceed  that  which  prevails 
in  some  of  the  healthier  countries  of  Europe.  A still  more  singular  characteristic 
appears  to  distinguish  this  island  from  its  neighbors,  namely,  the  great  deficiency 
of  native  animals  of  every  sort  and  especially  the  entire  absence  (if  our  author  can 
be  credited)  of  those  noxious  reptiles  and  insects  which  seem  to  inherit  the  rest 
of  the  West  Indies  as  their  peculiar  possession.  Colonel  Flinter  says: 

“ ‘Like  the  peasantry  of  Ireland,  the  Porto  Ricans  are  proverbial  for  their 
hospitality,  and,  like  them,  they  are  ever  ready  to  fight  on  the  slightest  provocation. 
They  swing  themselves  to  and  fro  in  their  hammocks  all  day  long,  smoking  their 
cigars  and  scraping  a guitar.  The  plantain  groves  which  surround  their  houses 
and  the  coffee-tree  which  grows  almost  without  cultivation  afford  them  a frugal 
sustenance.  The  cabins  are  thatched  with  the  leaves  of  the  palm  tree;  the  sides 
are  often  open,  or  merely  constructed  of  the  same  sort  of  leaves  as  the  roof — 
such  is  the  mildness  of  the  climate.  Some  cabins  have  doors,  others  have  none. 
A few  calabash  shells  and  earthen  pots — one  or  two  hammocks  made  of  the  bark 
of  the  palm  tree — two  or  three  game  cocks  and  a machete  form  the  extent  of 
their  movable  property.  A few  coffee-trees  and  plantains,  a cow  or  a horse,  an 
acre  of  land  in  corn  or  sweet  potatoes,  constitute  the  property  of  what  would  be 
denominated  a comfortable  Xaviro — who,  mounted  on  his  meager  and  hard-worked 
horse,  sallies  forth  from  his  cabin  to  mass,  to  a cockfight — or  to  a dance,  thinking 
himself  the  most  independent  and  happy  being  in  existence. 

“ ‘Riding  out  one  afternoon  in  the  country,  I was  overtaken  by  one  of  those 
sudden  showers  common  in  tropical  climates.  I fled  for  shelter  to  the  nearest 
cottage  of  a poor  Xaviro.  I placed  my  horse  without  ceremony  under  the  pro- 
jecting roof.  I entered  the  humble  dwelling  with  the  usual  salute,  which  is  the 


88 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


same  as  in  Ireland,  “God  save  all  here,”  which  wras  courteously  answered  by  the 
man  of  the  house.  He  was  coiled  up  in  a hammock.  One  foot  rested  on  the 
ground,  with  which  he  propelled  the  hammock  to  and  fro,  and  at  intervals  with 
his  great  toe  he  turned  a large  sweet  potato  which  was  roasting  on  a few  embers 
placed  on  a flag  on  the  ground  close  to  him.  He  had  a guitar  in  his  hand.  On 
my  entrance  he  offered  me  the  hammock,  which  I,  of  course,  refused.  Two  small 
children,  perfectly  naked,  were  swinging  tt>  and  fro  in  another  small  hammock. 
The  woman  of  the  house  was  squatted  on  the  floor,  feeding  four  game  cocks  which 
were  lodged  in  the  best  part  of  the  house,  while  the  husband  every  now  and 
then  would  warn  her  not  to  give  them  too  much  corn  or  too  much  water.  The 
people  received  me  with  an  .urbanity  unknown  to  the  peasantry  of  Northern 
Europe.  They  placed  a large  leaf  of  the  palm  tree  over  my  saddle  to  protect 
it  from  the  rain,  and  pressed  me  to  sit  down  in  the  kindest  manner.  The  host 
was  very  communicative  and  enumerated  the  battles  his  game  cocks  had  won. 
He  pointed  out  to  me  one  which  he  said  was  “a  most  delicate  one,”  an  expression 
made  use  of  by  the  Xaviros  to  denote  its  great  value,  and  he  concluded  by  offering 
it  to  me  as  a present.  Indeed  a Xaviro  would  form  a.  very  poor  opinion  of  a 
person  who  could  not  discuss  the  merits  of  a game  cock.  In  going  away  they 
offered  me  their  cabin  with  as  much  politeness  as  if  had  been  a palace,  and  hoped 
to  see  me  again.  I was  forcibly  struck  with  the  native  courtesy  of  these  people, 
and  it  gratified  me  to  observe  the  content  and  happiness  they  enjoy  without  a 
thought  for  the  present  or  care  for  the  future — without  wants,  without  wishes, 
without  ambition.’  ” 

The  Monthly  Review,  London,  1834,  gave  an  account  of  the  state  of  the  Island 
of  Porto  Rico  in  that  year,  taking  Colonel  Flinter’s  book  as  a basis,  and  saying: 

“The  author  in  his  leisure  hours  from  his  first  landing  as  a British  officer 
in  the  West  Indies,  twenty-one  years  ago,  to  a late  period  when  he  has  been 
doing  duty  on  the  staff  of  the  Spanish  army  which  garrisons  the  colonies  of  Her 
Most  Catholic  Majesty,  have  been  dedicated  to  the  acquisition  of  every  informa- 
tion that  could  throw  light  on  the  colonial  policy  of  Spain.  His  principal  object 
is  to  make  known  the  great  and  growing  importance  of  the  colonies  that  remain 
to  Spain  in  the  western  hemisphere,  and  especially  of  the  valuable  and  fertile 
Island  of  Porto  Rico.  There  is  doubtless  about  Colonel  Flinter  a strong  admira- 
tion of  what  is  Spanish,  and  yet  the  author  recommends  to  the  Government 
of  Her  Catholic  Majesty  immediately  to  drive  back  from  the  ports  of  Cuba  to  the 
coast  of  Africa  every  slave  ship  with  its  cargo  that  might  be  captured  by  the 


EAELY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


89 


cruisers  of  France  or  England.  At  firsthand  for  the  space  of  three  centuries  after 
its  discovery;,  notwithstanding  all  the  advantages  of  soil  and  situation,  Porto 
Rico  was  considered  only  as  a place  of  banishment  for  the  malefactors  of  the 
mother  country.  But  in  1S15  a royal  decree  was  passed  fraught  with  beneficent 
and  enlightened  views.  Flourishing  towns  and  smiling  villages  have  risen.  Colonel 
Flinter  says: 

“ ‘The  person  who  carries  into  foreign  countries  national  habits  and  preju- 
dices will  always  find  abundant  room  for  ridicule  and  criticism.  A stranger  who 
had  never  visited  Spain  or  her  colonies,  on  reading  the  prejudiced  and  false 
descriptions  given  of  them  by  many  modern  writers,  would  dread  to  sleep  a single 
night  among  the  inhabitants.  But  the  writer  who  honestly  aims  at  furnishing 
the  public  with  sound  and  accurate  information,  should  divest  himself  of  all 
illiberal  and  narrow  propositions.  He  should  look  on  the  whole  world  as  his 
country  and  on  all  mankind  as  his  countrymen. 

“ ‘Rome,  the  greatest  empire  of  the  world,  was  first  peopled  by  robbers  and 
assassins.  It  need  not,,  therefore,  appear  strange  that  this  island  should  have 
received  a part  of  her  white  inhabitants  from  the  dregs  of  society  as  well  as 
some  from  the  higher  classes.  This,  perhaps,  has  happened  at  the  first  coloniza- 
tion of  almost  all  countries.  Porto  Rico  was  formerly  only  a military  post;  and 
the  troops  that  garrisoned  it  were  stationary.  The  officers,  despairing  of  returning 
to  Europe,  married  with  the  Creole  ladies,  many  of  whom,  proud  of  descending 
from  the  first  conquerors,  were  considered  noble.  In  this  manner  the  officers, 
becoming  at  once  soldiers  and  agriculturists,  looked  on  Porto  Rico  as  their  home, 
and  they  and  their  children  form  a considerable  part  of  the  white  population 
that  is  this  day  found  here.  Many  of  the  most  opulent  and  respectable  families 
descend  from  them.  They  look  back  with  pride  to  their  origin,  and  they  form 
an  indissoluble  link  of  connection  with  the  mother  country.  These  and  the 
descendants  from  the  conquerors  form  what  may  be  called  the  Porto  Rico  aristoc- 
racy, and  some  of  them  support  their  pretensions  with  as  much  pride  as  if  they 
were  grandees  of  Spain.  Even  in  the  midst  of  poverty  they  are  inexorable  in 
exacting  from  their  inferiors  the  homage  paid  to  superior  rank.  Merchants,  shop- 
keepers, and  all  the  inferior  branches  of  traders  and  mechanics,  have  more  or  less 
contributed  to  the  white  population. 

“ ‘The  merchants  of  this  island  import  and  retail  foreign  goods.  They  are 
generally  composed  of  the  active  and  industrious  Catallans,  persevering  and  eco- 
nomical, are  much  attached  to  their  native  customs  and  native  land.  They  seldom 
marry  or  establish  themselves  permanently  in  the  colonies.  When  they  have 


90 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


realized  a competency,  they  retire  to  Europe  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  industry, 
while  their  place  is  generally  supplied  by  their  young  relations,  who  follow  the 
same  occupation  and  the  same  line  of  conduct.  They  may  therefore  be  con- 
sidered rather  as  transient  visitors  than  as  a permanent  part  of  the  population. 

“ ‘Tradesmen  and  artisans  generally  marry  and  establish  themselves  perma- 
nently. This  class  of  people,  if  they  conduct  themselves  with  propriety,  are  sure 
of  doing  well.  I know  two  blacksmiths  who  have  made  fortunes,  and  I know 
an  Irish  carpenter,  who  a few  years  ago  came  to  this  island  with  only  twenty 
dollars,  and  who  in  the  space  of  five  years  has  become  possessed  of  property  to 
the  value  of  twenty  thousand  dollars,  which  he  acquired  by  a sedulous  attention  to 
his  business:  such  is  the  rapid  accumulation  of  capital  by  industry  in  these 
countries.  The  acquisition  raises  the  blacksmith  and  the  carpenter  to  a higher 
rank  in  society;  they  become  land  proprietors  and  associate  with  the  aristocracy.’ 
“The  Colonel  goes  on  to  say  that  the  island  swarms  with  what  might  be 
called  T)unco-steerers,’  gaudily  dressed  foreigners  announcing  themselves  to  be  of 
the  European  nobility,  who  go  about  seeking  whom  they  may  devour.  And  there 
are  also  swarms  of  French  barbers,  pretending  to  be  great  physicians  and  doing 
incalculable  harm  and  feeling  no  responsibility,  for  the  many  lives  lost  through 
their  inability.  The  author  also  speaks  of  a ‘very  mischievous  set  of  men,’  foreign 
lawyers  wrho  often  defend  both  parties  at  the  same  time  and  ‘how  many  unfortu- 
nate men  have  been  condemned  to  drag  a chain  who  have  deserved  it  a thousand 
times  less  than  these  men,  who,  like  a swarm  of  locusts,  desolate  the  land  where 
they  alight.’  Continuing,  the  Colonel  says: 

“ ‘The  last  class  of  whites  which  I have  to  describe  require  a separate  and 
particular  consideration,  as  they  form  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  those  who  have 
colonized  this  island.  These  are  men  who,  for  political  or  civil  crimes,  have  been 
sent  to  the  galleys  of  this  fortress.  They  are  condemned  for  different  periods, 
according  to  the  nature  of  their  offenses;  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  punish- 
ment they  are  set  at  liberty,  and  few  of  them  have  any  inducement  to  return  to 
their  native  country.  If  their  conduct  is  good,  their  former  faults  are  soon 
forgotten:  if  active  and  industrious,  they  soon  find  employment.  They  are  looked 
on  with  pity  rather  than  with  detestation.  To  be  white  is  a species  of  title  of 
nobility  in  a country  where  the  slaves  and  people  of  color  form  the  lower  ranks  of 
society,  and  where  every  grade  of  color  ascending  from  the  jet-black  negro  to 
the  pure  white  carries  with  it  a certain  feeling  of  superiority.  You  might  naturally 
expect  to  find  society  and  manners  in  some  degree  tinctured  with  the  vices  and 
propensities  of  these  convicts.  It  is  something  novel  and  extraordinary  to  see 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


91 


men  who  have  been  dragging  a criminal's  chain,  on  a sndden  becoming  peaceable 
and  orderly  citizens.  Removed  far  from  the  scene  of  their  former  offenses,  far 
from  the  vigilant  and  persecuting  eye  of  the  laws  they  had  outraged,  and  the 
persons  they  had  offended,  removed  far  beyond  the  view  of  the  relatives  and 
friends  they  had  dishonored,  they  feel  desirous  of  returning  to  the  bosom  of  society 
in  a country  where  their  persons  and  their  crimes  are  unknown.  The  Creoles 
of  Porto  Rico,  ever  ready  to  extend  their  arms  to  the  unfortunate,  ever  generous 
and  hospitable,  have  their  sympathy  doubly  awakened  at  seeing  a white  man 
reduced  to  a state  of  misery  greater  than  that  of  the  African  slave.  The  moment 
that  the  banished  criminal  sets  his  foot  on  the  land  of  Porto  Rico,  a prospect  of 
hope  opens  to  his  view.  He  sees  many  of  those  who  have  preceded  him  in  crime 
restored  to  society,  possessing  property,  and  living  in  the  bosom  of  their  families: 
this  example,  this  hope,  is  a strong  inducement  to  good  conduct.  To  return  to 
Spain  his  record  would  be  like  a millstone  around  his  neck.  It  is  not  so  in  Porto 
Rico. 

“ ‘The  native  of  Porto  Rico  is  passionately  fond  of  horses.  The  Xivaro 
must  be  very  poor,  indeed,  who  has  not  one  or  two  horses,  which  serve  to  carry 
both  his  person  and  the  produce  of  his  land  to  market;  for  the  Xaviro,  be  his 
horse  ever  so  lean,  or  the  burden  ever  so  heavy,  seats  himself  on  the  top  of  it  and 
thus  guides  the  animal.  He  will  sooner  steal  a horse  for  a day  and  ride  him 
than  walk  a league.  The  rich  have  always  several  saddle  horses  which  are  solely 
reserved  for  riding.  A large  pillion  made  of  strong  linen  and  stuffed  with  straw 
is  girded  on  the  horse’s  back;  two  square  wicker  baskets,  very  neatly  made,  about 
a foot  long  and  eight  inches  wide,  united  by  a leather  strap,  are  thrown  over  the 
pillion  on  either  side,  close  to  the  horse’s  neck.  They  are  firmly  girded  on.  A 
cushion  is  placed  on  the  pillion,  which  is  covered  with  a cloak  or  carpet  to  protect 
from  the  rain.  Every  man  in  the  country,  rich  and  poor,  carries  an  immense 
basket-hilted  sword  a yard  and  a quarter  long,  which  is  placed  in  the  basket  or 
under  the  cushion-panel  with  the  point  sticking  out  behind  and  waving  to  and 
fro  in  the  air.  There  are  no  stirrups.  The  horseman,  or  horsewoman,  sits  on 
the  cushion  with  the  face  towards  the  horse’s  head,  the  feet  gently  hanging  on 
either  side  of  his  neck;  and  the  baskets  which  have  handles  to  them  serve  to  hold 
by  in  case  of  emergency.  A person  mounted  on  horseback  in  this  way  has  a very 
curious  appearance,  but  it  is  a commodious  and  easy  way  of  traveling.  Two  per- 
sons can  ride  on  the  same  horse,  and  the  man  travels  in  this  way  with  his  wife 
or  daughters.  If  the  horse  happens  to  stumble  on  a bad  road,  the  rider  seldom 


92 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


sustains  an  injury  from  a fall.  In  crossing  streams  the  feet  are  kept  dry,  which 
is  so  important  to  health  in  warm  climates. 

“ The  women  of  Porto  Rico  are  generally  of  the  middle  size.  They  are 
elegantly  and  delicately  formed;  their  waists  are  tapering  and  slender.  Their 
pale  complexion  creates  interest,  which  is  heightened  by  the  brilliancy  of  their 
fine  black  eyes.  Their  hair  is  black  as  jet;  their  eyebrows  arched.  They  have, 
in  a high  degree,  that  seductive  and  elegant  air  which  distinguishes  the  ladies 
of  Cadiz.  They  wTalk  with  the  grace  which  is  peculiar  to  the  fair  of  Andalusia. 
Their  manners  are  not  only  pleasing  but  fascinating.  Without  having  the  advan- 
tage of  the  brilliant  education  of  the  ladies  of  London  or  Paris,  they  are  pos- 
sessed of  great  natural  vivacity,  and  an  ease  of  manners  which  in  England  is 
only  to  be  found  in  the  best  society.  They  converse  with  fluency,  and  their  natural 
talent  and  wit  supply  the  artificial  aids  of  education.  They  are,  on  the  whole, 
more  interesting  than  beautiful,  more  amiable  than  accomplished.  They  dress 
with  an  elegance  of  taste  that  I have  seldom  seen  surpassed;  the  Parisian  fashions 
being  invariably  followed  and  imitated.  The  public  balls  are  splendid.  A stranger 
who  should  walk  through  the  city  in  daytime  or  in  the  evening,  meeting  with  not 
a single  female,  except  persons  of  color,  would  be  surprised  at  night  to  attend 
a public  ball.  His  eyes  would  be  dazzled  by  an  assemblage  of  Porto  Rico  ladies; 
he  would  scarcely  believe  that  he  was  in  the  same  capital  where  he  could  not  find, 
during  the  whole  day,  the  trace  of  a fair  one.  This  admiration  is  expressed  by 
all  strangers,  for  most  certainly  the  ladies  of  this  island,  in  a ballroom,  would 
do  honor  to  any  country  in  the  world.  Although  too  little  attention  is  paid  to 
cultivating  their  natural  abilities,  yet  there  are  many  of  them  who,  by  the  force 
merely  of  talent  and  application,  have  made  great  proficiency  in  French  and  paint- 
ing. Without  being  taught  by  a dancing  master,  they  dance  with  grace  and  ele- 
gance, and,  like  all  the  ladies  of  America,  they  are  fond  to  excess  of  dancing. 
They  are  passionately  fond  of  their  own  country,  but  they  have  the  politeness 
and  good  breeding  in  conversation  not  to  make  odious  comparison  of  it  with 
others.  In  domestic  circles  they  are  affectionate  waves,  tender  mothers,  and  attached 
and  faithful  friends. 

“ They  criticise  dresses,  speak  of  marriages,  discuss  love  affairs,  and  pry  into 
their  neighbors’  concerns,  precisely  as  happens  in  almost  all  small  places  in  all 
countries.  Why  should  this  island  be  an  exception  to  the  general  rule?  We 
speak  of  mortals,  not  of  angels.  I have  heard  it  asserted  before  I visited  the  island 
that  the  ladies  were  much  addicted  to  smoking  cigars.  I have  never  seen  them 
smoke,  I must  confess;  and  if  many  of  them  do  indulge  they  must  do  it  very 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


93 


privately.  However,  I should  prefer  to  see  a lady  smoking  than  drinking  gin, 
as  some  are  said  to  do  in  Germany  and  Holland.  The  women  soon  come  to 
maturity  in  this  climate;  they  marry  very  young,  are  exceedingly  prolific,  and 
consequently  their  charms  decay  at  an  early  age,  when  in  Europe  they  would  be 
in  the  full  bloom  of  beauty.  It  is  not  an  uncommon  thing  to  see  a grandmother 
and  her  grandchildren  in  the  same  dance.  All  the  ladies,  whether  rich  or  poor, 
if  white  are  on  visiting  terms.  Visits  are  made  and  received  with  the  most 
punctilious  exactness.  The  ladies  seldom  go  out  of  doors,  unless  to  the  shops 
at  night,  or  the  country  on  horseback.  In  the  evenings  they  take  the  air  on 
the  flat  roofs  of  their  houses.  They  bathe  frequently,  and  are  very  attentive 
to  tfie  cleanliness  of  their  persons  and  their  houses.’  ” 

The  Edinburgh  Review  of  1835,  page  331,  says: 

“Porto  Rico  produced  in  1830  414  quintals  of  sugar,  250,000  of  coffee,  and 
35,000  of  cured  tobacco,  besides  other  colonial  produce,  and  it  possessed  in  addi- 
tion very  numerous  herds  of  cattle,  divided  among  numerous  proprietors — from 
the  three  or  four  who  owned  upwards  of  a thousand  each  to  the  poorest  of  the 
peasantry  who  possessed  a cow  or  two  for  the  supply  of  their  family.  The  revenue 
is  stated  at  800,000  Spanish  dollars;  its  whole  expense,  civil  and  military,  at 
630,000. 

“The  free  colored  inhabitants  of  Porto  Rico  are  by  far  more  numerous  than 
in  any  other  West  India  island,  and  this  fact  alone — when  we  consider  the  inerad- 
icable prejudice  attaching  to  color  which  has  brought  such  infinite  misery  and 
social  discomfort  over  a great  part  of  the  world — speaks  more  than  any  eulogy 
in  favor  of  its  people  and  their  government.  The  whole  British  West  Indies 
contained  before  1834  not  more  than  80,000  free  colored  inhabitants,  and  a 
population  of  ten  times  that  amount.  Of  these  16,000  were  to  be  found  in 
Trinidad  alone, — an  island  which  had  long  been  governed  by  Spanish  laws 
Although  white  blood  is  in  Porto  Rico,  as  everywhere  else  beyond  the  Atlantic, 
a patent  of  nobility,  yet  the  Xaviro  no  more  treats  with  contempt  and  contumely 
His  inferior  in  caste,  than  the  grandee  of  Old  Spain  his  inferior  in  station. 
* * * (Colonel  Flinter  quoted:)  ‘Xo  national  character,  perhaps,  is  so  deeply 

engrained  with  the  opposite  hues  of  excellence  and  evil  as  that  of  the  Spaniard. 
The  same  natural  and  fundamental  goodness  of  disposition — paradoxical  as  it  may 
seem  to  speak  thus  of  a people  whose  evil  deeds  are  blazoned  in  the  worst  pages 
of  European  history, — prevails  wherever  the  Castilian  standard  has  been  raised,  and 
the  industrious  Catalan  and  Biscayan  have  assembled  around  it.  The  Spaniard 


94 


EAELY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


is,  above  all  mankind,  subject  to  strong  and  overpowering  passion.  His  good- 
ness of  disposition,  although  radical,  is  but  a passive  quality,  easily  subdued  by 
the  prevalence  of  strong  emotions.  His  reasoning  powers  are  of  the  same  char- 
acter as  his  moral — fundamentally  good,  yet  swayed  and  distorted  by  every  impulse 
of  prejudice.  Thirst  for  gold  in  former  times,  then  zeal  for  religion,  and,  lastly, 
the  spirit  of  party,  have  roused  up  in  him  all  the  savage  ferocity  of  which  nature 
is  capable.  Yet  in  the  worst  crisis  of  the  passions,  when  the  evil  spirit  was  silenced 
even  for  a moment  in  the  bosom  which  it  swayed,  a natural  and  grateful  kindness 
of  heart  has  often  shone  forth  in  full  brightness.  It  was  while  the  mania  of 
avarice  ruled  the  early  conquerors  of  America  and  seduced  them  into  practices 
revolting  to  human  nature,  that  the  foundations  were  laid  for  a code  of  laws 
both  for  slaves  and  the  native  Indians,  the  spirit  of  which  has  ever  since  pre- 
vailed among  the  Spanish  Creoles,  and  which  puts  to  shame  the  nations  which 
arrogate  to  themselves  exclusively  the  title  of  enlightened.  Shallow  thinkers  have 
often  entertained  the  paradox  that  free  states  show  less  humanity  in  their  colonies 
than  is  shown  those  under  absolute  monarchies.  Of  all  West  Indian  annals,  those 
of  the  French  islands,  before  the  Revolution,  were,  perhaps,  the  most  darkly 
stained  with  cruelty.  And  the  free  states  of  South  America,  on  the  other  hand, 
have  not  only  followed,  but  have  still  further  extended,  in  the  midst  of  their 
anarchy  and  factions,  those  principles  of  Christian  mercy  and  justice  which  Spain 
alone,  until  recently,  knew  and  practiced.’ 

“In  1823  Jamaica,  with  340,000  slaves,  exported  1,400,000  quintals  of  sugar. 
Porto  Rico,  with  45,000  slaves,  produces  about  410,000.  The  French  colony  of 
Guadaloupe,  with  twice  as  many  slaves  as  Porto  Rico,  produces  an  eqrial  crop  of 
sugar.  The  soil  of  the  latter  is  far  more  fertile  than  that  of  the  other  islands, 
already  in  a great  measure  exhausted.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  capital  and  industry 
form  essential  elements  of  the  manufacture,  in  the  British  and  French  isles,  while 
the  Spaniards  are  far  behind  in  the  pursuits  requiring  either.  From  these  premises 
our  author  concludes,  not  unreasonably,  that  a large  proportion  (which  elsewhere, 
however,  he  calculates  at  one-fifth  only)  of  tills  crop  of  sugar  is  raised  by  free 
labor. 

“But  it  must  be  remembered  that,  besides  the  greater  estates,  there  are  in 
Porto  Rico  some  1,200  to  1,300  small  sugar  plantations,  the  property  of  the 
Xaviros  of  the  interior,  who  live  cheaply  and  work  lazily,  but  who  contrive  to 
raise  a small  quantity  of  this  valuable  article,  together  with  provisions  and  cattle. 
If  such  rough  cultivation  as  this  succeeds  at  all,  it  can  only  be  in  consequence 
of  the  vast  productiveness  of  the  soil,  cleared  of  its  forests  only  within  the  last 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


95 


twenty  years,  which  gives  the  planter  the  same  advantage  over  his  brethren  to 
windward  and  leeward  as  the  settler  of  Illinois  has  over  the  cultivator  of  the 
worn-out  ‘old  fields’  of  the  Atlantic  coast.  Such  production  can  in  the  nature 
of  things  be  only  temporary.  On  the  other  hand,  the  great  sugar  estates,  which 
must  form  the  main  sources  of  this  commodity,  are  evidently  cultivated  here  as 
elsewhere — by  slaves;  and,  although  at  present  the  cultivation  of  sugar  on  a 
large  scale  is  extremely  unprofitable,  a rise  in  its  price  would  undoubtedly  cause 
at  once  an  increased  importation  of  slaves,  and  the  application  of  more  capital 
and  ingenuity  to  the  business,  until  the  small  farmers  would  be  driven  from  the 
market  by  the  slave-owning  capitalists.  Many  contingent  events  might  occasion 
such  a rise; — as  a temporary  diminution  of  the  produce  of  the  British  Islands;  or 
an  increased  consumption  in  Great  Britain  in  consequence  of  a reduction  of  the 
duty.  Upon  the  whole,  therefore,  notwithstanding  the  flattering  anticipations 
of  the  author,  we  cannot  see,  in  the  present  state  of  Porto  Rico,  much  to  justify  his 
prophecy  that  slave  labor  will  be  permanently  dispensed  with  merely  from  the 
preference  which  free  labor  will  find  in  the  market. 

“At  present  the  question  of  the  future  destiny  of  this  beautiful  and  happy 
island  may  be  said  to  remain  undecided.” 

The  decision  of  destiny  came  when  Spain  ceded  the  island  to  the  United 
States. 

Naturally,  as  England  has  been  for  centuries  deeply  interested  in  the  West 
Indies,  we  derive  the  most  valuable  accounts  of  the  islands,  the  character  of  their 
people,  and  their  history  from  Englishmen,  and  we  quote  the  “West  Indies,” 
by  the  Rev.  Wm.  Moister,  a London  publication  by  T.  Woolmer: 

“The  Island  of  Porto  Rico  is  situated  about  sixty  miles  to  the  east  of  San 
Domingo,  from  which  it  is  separated  by  the  Mona  Passage.  It  is  of  an  oblong 
shape,  about  140  miles  in  length  and  forty  in  breadth,  and  its  climate,  soil  and 
scenery  resemble  most  of  the  other  West  Indian  islands,  and  therefore  need  not  be 
very  minutely  described.  It  is  rugged  and  mountainous  in  the  interior  regions 
and  the  country  is  generally  diversified  by  woods,  valleys  and  plains  and  watered 
by  numerous  springs  and  rivers,  which  impart  a remarkable  freshness  to  the  scenery 
throughout  the  year.  Four  of  the  rivers  which  flow  from  the  mountains  to  the 
sea  are  navigable  for  boats  and  small  vessels  for  a few  miles  up  into  the  country 
and  are  utilized  for  the  transit  of  goods  and  produce;  and  thus  compensate  in 
a measure  the  lack  of  good  roads,  which  is  so  notorious.  The  north  coast  is  gen- 
erally lined  by  a coral  reef  under  water  at  a little  distance  from  shore,  which  pre- 


96 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


vents  the  approach  of  ships  except  at  certain  openings.  The  east  coast  is  indented 
with  many  bays  formed  by  the  continued  action  of  the  waves  of  the  sea,  which 
roll  in  with  considerable  force  in  that  direction.  A chain  of  about  fifty  small 
islands,  extending  more  than  twenty  miles  in  length,  lie  off  the  northeast  coast, 
which  were  the  favorite  rendezvous  of  smugglers  and  pirates  in  the  times  of  the 
buccaneers,  the  water  which  surrounds  them  being  so  shallow  that  they  cannot 
be  approached  by  large  vessels.  The  principal  harbor  is  large  and  commodious, 
affording  ample  accommodation  for  300  vessels  at  one  time.  It  is  approached 
from  the  sea  by  a winding,  rocky  channel,  the  navigation  of  which  is  somewhat 
intricate;  a circumstance  which  gives  security  to  the  place  in  times  of  war  and 
commotion. 

“Porto  Rico  was  discovered  by  Columbus  in  1493,  but,  like  many  other  islands, 
it  received  little  attention  for  several  years  in  eonseqimnce  of  the  claims  of  more 
important  places.  In  1509,  however,  the  extermination  of  the  natives  and  the 
exhaustion  of  the  gold  mines  of  Hispaniola  had  so  far  advanced  that  the  avaricious 
Spaniards  began  to  look  about  for  other  fields  of  enterprise.  They  accordingly 
fixed  upon  Porto  Rico,  and  an  expedition  was  fitted  out  under  the  direction  of 
a man  named  Ponce  de  Leon  with  a view  to  make  a conquest  of  the  island,  which 
was  at  that  time  said  to  contain  a population  of  about  600,000  aborigines. 

“The  simple-minded  Indians  had  heard  of  the  calamities  which  had  befallen 
their  countrymen  in  Hispaniola  since  the  arrival  of  the  pale-faced  strangers,  and 
when  they  saw  big  ships  in  the  distance  they  trembled  at  the  prospect  of  their 
approaching  fate.  But  so  superstitious  were  they  that  the  preposterous  notions 
which  they  had  associated  with  their  ideas  of  the  Spaniards  entirely  overpowered 
their  reason  and  bereft  them  of  hope.  They  considered  them  a superior  race 
of  beings,  and  even  doubted  whether  they  were  mortal.  Instead,  therefore,  of 
attempting  to  oppose  the  landing  of  their  enemies,  their  chief  consideration  seems 
to  have  been  how  they  might  most  gracefully  submit  themselves  to  their  yoke. 
The  invaders  consequently  landed  on  the  shores  of  Porto  Rico  without  meeting 
with  any  resistance  whatever,  and  made  an  easy  conquest  of  the  place  without 
the  loss  of  a man.  The  Spaniards  proceeded  at  once  to  intrench  and  fortify  them- 
selves and  to  search  for  gold,  which  was  the  highest  object  of  their  ambition. 
They  were  conducted  to  the  mountains,  where  shining  particles  of  the  precious 
metal  had  often  been  collected  in  the  sandy  beds  of  the  rivulets  which  flowed  from 
them.  Mining  operations  were  commenced,  and  the  natives,  who  were  regarded 
as  a conquered  people  and  a race  of  slaves,  were  subjected  to  the  same  enforced 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


97 


labor  and  cruel  treatment  which,  had  ground  down  and  wasted  the  natives  of 
Hispaniola. 

“The  Indians  were  soon  convinced  that  they  had  gained  nothing  by  their 
ready  submission  to  the  Spaniards,  and,  writhing  under  the  miseries  to  which  they 
were  subjected,  they  began  to  consider  whether  it  were  not  still  possible  to  resist 
the  tyranny  of  their  oppressors.  For  some  time  they  hesitated  to  take  any  action 
in  the  matter  under  the  superstitious  notion  that,  if  the  Spaniards  should  prove 
immortal  and  incapable  of  death,  their  resistance  would  be  vain  and  only  tend 
to  aggravate  their  sufferings.  At  length  a plan  was  arranged  for  the  settlement 
of  this  moot  point.  A cacique  named  Broyo  was  charged  with  the  important 
business  of  ascertaining  by  some  means  ‘whether  a Spaniard  could  possibly  die.’ 
Broyo,  attentive  to  his  charge,  suffered  no  promising  moment  to  pass  unnoticed, 
although  to  elude  suspicion  and  escape  detection  required  no  small  dexterity  on 
his  part.  It  wras  not  long,  however,  before  a favorable  opportunity  presented  itself. 
Salzedo,  a young  Spaniard,  was  traveling  one  day  in  a direction  in  which  Broyo 
wished  to  intercept  him.  The  chief,  having  entertained  the  lonely  white  man 
in  his  hut  for  awhile  very  agreeably,  offered  the  services  of  two  or  three  of  his 
men  to  act  as  escorts,  or  guides,  on  his  departure.  The  proposal  was  agreed  to 
with  expressions  of  gratitude.  The  Indian  guides  well  understood  their  business. 
On  coming  to  a small  river  one  of  them  offered  to  convey  the  Spaniard  across  on 
his  shoulders,  and  when  in  the  midst  of  the  stream,  staggering  under  his  precious 
burden,  he  managed  to  stumble,  and  in  his  fall  he  plunged  on  one  side  into  deep 
water.  His  companions  hastened  forward,  pretending  to  render  assistance,  but 
instead  of  doing  so  they  held  the  traveler’s  head  under  water  until  he  was  drowned. 
They  then  dragged  the  body  to  the  hank  of  the  river  and  having  watched  it 
attentively  all  that  day  and  the  next,  without  observing  any  motion  or  signs 
of  life,  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that  ‘a  Spaniard  could  die.’ 

“Encouraged  by  this  strange  experiment,  the  Indians  now  resolved  to  make 
a vigorous  attempt  to  cast  off  the  yoke  of  the  invaders,  which  had  become 
intolerable.  They  rose  en  masse  and  armed  themselves  with  such  weapons  as 
they  could  command.  These  were  chiefly  clubs  and  bows  and  arrows.  Their 
arrows  they  dipped  in  virulent  poison  prepared  from  the  sap  of  the  Manchineel 
tree,  which  abounds  in  Porto  Rico,  a wound  from  which  issues  almost  invariably 
a speedy  death.  The  Indians  fell  upon  the  Spaniards  at  a moment  when  they  little 
expected  such  an  attack,  and  they  suffered  considerably,  one  hundred  of  their 
number  falling  on  the  field.  The  unequal  contest  was  of  short  duration,  how- 
ever, for  the  glittering  deadly  weapons  of  the  Spaniards  with  the  smoke  and  roar 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


of  their  guns  soon  dispersed  the  Indians  with  great  loss  and  caused  the  survivors 
to  flee  precipitately  to  the  woods  and  mountain  fastnesses  to  escape  the  fury  of 
the  invaders. 

“The  Spaniards  now  sent  for  re-enforcements  to  Hispaniola,  effectually  to 
put  down  what  they  called  the  ‘rebellion’  of  the  natives  of  Porto  Rico.  They 
soon  received  an  accession  of  colonists,  soldiers,  and  bloodhounds,  and  a war  of 
extermination  was  forthwith  commenced,  the  details  of  which  are  too  sickening 
to  record  in  these  pages.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  scenes  of  cruelty  and  of  blood 
which  followed  were  similar  in  every  respect  to  those  which  had  been  wit- 
nessed in  Hispaniola  and  Cuba,  and  were  literally  disgraceful  to  any  people  bearing 
the  Christian  name  and  calling  themselves  civilized. 

“In  proportion  as  the  number  of  colonists  increased,  the  want  of  laborers  to 
work  the  mines,  till  the  ground,  tend  the  cattle,  and  perform  other  necessary  duties 
on  the  plantations  was  felt,  and  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards  was  at  once  turned 
to  Africa,  from  whence  negro  slaves  were  being  constantly  imported  into  the  other 
colonies,  with  such  satisfactory  results,  according  to  the  ideas  which  were  prevalent 
at  that  early  period.  The  impulse  given  to  the  horrid  traffic  in  human  beings  by 
the  establishment  of  another  Spanish  colony  in  the  West  Indies  may  be  readily 
imagined  from  what  we  have  said  in  reference  to  Hispaniola  and  Cuba  under  sim- 
ilar circumstances,  for  the  sufferings  and  sorrows  of  the  poor  negro  slaves  were 
almost  identical  in  all  the  islands. 

“The  colony  of  Porto  Rico  progressed  rapidly  under  the  new  regime,  large 
tracts  of  land  being  brought  under  cultivation,  plantations  laid  out,  and  additional 
houses  erected  both  in  town  and  country.  But  a time  of  general  war  came,  and 
this,  in  common  with  other  dependencies  of  the  crown  of  Spain,  was  exposed  to 
hostile  attacks,  which  were  so  common  in  those  days.  As  early  as  1580,  England 
being  involved  in  war  with  Spain,  an  important  expedition  was  fitted  out  partly 
by  Queen  Elizabeth  and  partly  by  private  enterprise,  the  avowed  object  of  which 
was  to  attack  and  seize  upon  some  of  the  most  valuable  colonies  of  America  and 
the  West  Indies.  The  entire  squadron  consisted  of  twenty-six  ships  of  different 
dimensions,  on  board  of  which  were  embarked  2,500  troops  under  the  leadership  of 
Sir  Thomas  Baskerville.  The  command  of  the  entire  expedition  was  committed 
to  Sir  John  Hawkins  and  Sir  Francis  Drake.  On  reaching  the  West  Indies  they 
heard  that  a richly  laden  Spanish  treasure  ship  was  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  of 
Porto  Rico,  and  an  attack  upon  the  place  was  promptly  resolved  upon.  The  squad- 
ron reached  the  island  on  November  13th,  and  a vigorous  attack  was  made  upon 
the  shipping  in  the  port.  But  the  Spaniards,  having  heard  of  the  intended  attack, 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


101 


had  made  every  possible  preparation  to  resist  it.  They  had  brought  in  all  their 
available  troops  and  strengthened  the  fortifications  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor, 
from  which  they  poured  such  a destructive  fire  upon  the  English  ships  that  they 
were  obliged  to  retire,  after  inflicting  considerable  damage,  without  accomplishing 
the  object  of  their  visit. 

“In  the  year  1589  another  expedition  was  fitted  out  in  England  for  the  express 
purpose  of  subduing  the  island  of  Porto  Rico.  The  command  of  this  armament, 
which  consisted  of  nineteen  ships  and  two  barges,  was  given  to  Sir  George  Clifford, 
Earl  of  Cumberland,  who,  authorized  by  Her  Majesty’s  letters  patent  for  raising 
forces  to  serve  in  the  expedition,  soon  levied  twelve  companies  of  eighty  men  each; 
and  with  these  and  a proportionate  number  of  seamen  he  sailed  from  Plymouth 
on  March  5th.  In  the  month  of  May  they  reached  the  West  Indies.  On  one  of  the 
Virginia  Islands,  which  he  found  without  inhabitants,  the  earl  landed  his  troops 
to  examine  their  condition;  and  after  the  review  he  informed  the  men  of  the 
object  of  the  expedition,  giving  them  suitable  exhortation  before  going  into  action. 
From  thence  he  proceeded  direct  to  Porto  Rico  and  landed  about  1,000  soldiers  on 
June  6th  without  meeting  with  any  immediate  opposition.  The  English  lost  a 
large  number  of  men,  however,  from  the  desolating  influences  of  the  climate,  whilst 
they  gained  but  little  advantage;  and  at  the  restoration  of  peace  the  island  was 
restored  to  its  original  owners. 

“From  that  time  to  the  present  Porto  Rico  has  belonged  to  the  Spanish;  but 
for  many  years  after  the  departure  of  the  British  the  colony  continued  in  a very 
languishing  state,  San  Domingo,  Mexico,  Peru  and  other  places  commanding  more 
attention.  It  was  not  till  the  Spaniards  had  lost  their  hold  of  some  of  these  Aral- 
uable  possessions  that  Porto  Rico,  in  common  with  Cuba,  received  due  consider- 
ation and  became  a place  of  refuge  and  shelter  for  colonists  fleeing  from  insurrec- 
tion and  turmoil.  Towards  the  close  of  the  last  century  the  population  of  the 
island  was  considerably  increased  by  the  influx  of  Spanish  colonists  and  the  intro- 
duction of  thousands  of  negro  slaves  brought  from  the  coast  of  Africa  to  cultivate 
the  rich  virgin  ground,  which  was  laid  out  for  plantations  in  various  parts  of  the 
country  by  the  newcomers.  In  subsequent  years  the  colony  progressed  rapidly  and 
the  imports  and  exports  were  greatly  increased. 

“The  principal  articles  cultivated  for  exportation  are  sugar,  cotton,  coffee  and 
tobacco;  and  an  ample  supply  of  Indian  corn  and  various  kinds  of  ground  pro- 
visions are  grown  for  home  consumption.  The  soil  in  the  valleys  and  plains  is  gen- 
erally very  fertile,  and  it  is  capable  of  much  improvement  by  the  application  of 
modern  methods  of  agriculture.  The  uplands  and  mountain  slopes  afford  fine  pas- 


102 


EARLY  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  PORTO  RICO. 


turage  for  countless  numbers  of  cattle,  horses,  and  mules,  which  are  reared  and 
exported  in  large  quantities  to  the  neighboring  colonies.  The  climate,  in  common 
with  that  of  most  of  the  larger  islands  of  the  West  Indies,  is  very  unhealthy  at 
certain  seasons  of  the  year,  especially  in  localities  which  are  low  and  swampy;  but 
it  might  be  greatly  improved  by  clearing  and  draining  the  land  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  towns,  villages  and  plantations,  which  are  the  chief  centers  of  population. 

“San  Juan,  the  capital  of  the  colony,  has  risen  to  the  position  of  a consid- 
erable city,  with  a population  of  about  30,000.  It  is  situated  on  the  west  point 
of  an  islet  joined  to  the  mainland  by  a bridge.  It  contains  six  straight  streets, 
running  from  north  to  south,  crossed  by  six  others,  which  intersect  them  at  right 
angles.  The  houses  of  the  first  class  are  built  of  stone  and  are  large  and  commo- 
dious, but  many  others  are  wooden  buildings  and  of  a very  inferior  description, 
whilst  the  huts  of  the  slaves  in  the  suburbs  are  miserable  hovels.  The  principal 
public  buildings  are  the  cathedral  and  other  churches,  two  convents  and  a general 
hospital.  There  are  several  other  small  towns  and  villages  in  different  parts  of 
the  island,  and  the  negro  huts  on  the  respective  plantations  form  small  villages,  the 
same  as  in  other  islands.  Near  the  village  of  Caomo,  on  a considerable  river  of 
the  same  name,  on  the  south  coast,  there  is  a warm  sulphurous  spring  whose  tem- 
perature is  95  degrees  and  which  is  said  to  be  very  useful  in  certain  diseases  of 
the  skin.  Other  villages  and  settlements  are  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio 
Lovisa,  a river  which  is  navigiable  for  small  vessels  to  a considerable  distance  from 
its  mouth. 

“The  greatest  drawbacks  to  our  pleasure  in  contemplating  Porto  Rico  are 
the  prevalence  of  slavery,  the  low  type  of  Roman  Catholicism  which  pre- 
vails, and  the  immoral  and  degraded  character  of  a great  part  of  the  popula- 
tion of  all  classes  and  conditions.  Nor  has  anything  been  done  by  the  missionary 
and  philanthropic  societies  of  Europe  or  America  to  promote  the  social  and  moral 
elevation  of  the  people.  Indeed,  it  is  generally  understood  that  the  intolerance 
of  the  Romish  priesthood  will  not  admit  of  any  form  of  protestant  missionary 
labor.  If  slavery  were  abolished  and  religious  liberty  allowed,  Porto  Rico  might 
become  a fine  field  for  philanthropic  and  evangelistic  effort.  Genuine  Christians 
of  every  name  will  do  well  to  watch  and  wait  and  pray  for  openings  for  the  intro- 
duction of  the  gospel  to  this  and  other  countries  which  are  similarly  circumstanced, 
and  where  the  inhabitants  are  sitting  in  the  regions  of  the  Shadow  of  Death.” 


CHAPTER  IV. 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OP  THE  ISLAND. 

Interesting  Letter  from  a Scientist  and  Business  Man,  Giving  an  Account  of  the 
Island’s  Flora — Valuable  Information  about  the  Products  and  Exports, 
Gathered  by  C.  W.  Eves — Scientific  American  Quoted — Interesting  Account 
of  the  Hurricanes,  by  Frederick  D.  Ober — Value  of  the  Island’s  Imports — - 
Establishment  of  Electric  Tramways — Possibilities  for  Coffee  and  Sugar 
Production — A Glowing  Tribute  to  the  Island,  by  James  Rodway. 

We  quote  from  the  familiar  publication,  “Nature/’  Vol.  29,  published  by  The 
Macmillan  Company: 

“Through  the  courtesy  of  Sir  Joseph  Hooker,  we  are  able  to  publish  the  fol- 
lowing interesting  communication  from  Baron  Eggers  on  the  Island  of  Porto  Rico: 

“ ‘St.  Thomas,  October  22,  1883. 

“ ‘Dear  Sir  Joseph  Hooker: — It  is  a long  time  since  I wrote  you  last.  I have 
meantime,  at  least,  accomplished  my  long-cherished  design,  partly  at  least,  of  ex- 
ploring the  Luguillo  mountains  in  Porto  Rico,  which  island  I visited  during  April 
and  May  this  year.  I spent  about  five  weeks  there,  living  for  some  time  in  the  hut 
of  a “Xiharo,”  or  native  laborer,  on  the  Sierra  at  an  altitude  of  about  2,200  feet, 
on  the  edge  of  the  primeval  forests  that  still  cover  all  the  higher  parts  of  the 
mountain  range.  Since  my  return  I have  been  busy  arranging  my  collection,  the 
greater  part  of  which  appears  in  the  ninth  and  tenth  century  of  my  “Flora  Indue 
Occidentalis  Exsicceata.” 

“ ‘As  for  the  general  character  of  the  Sierra  forests,  they  of  course  resemble 
in  their  main  outlines  those  of  the  other  West  India  islands.  There  is,  however, 
especially  one  feature  which  strikes  me  as  being  peculiar  to  this  mountain  ridge 
compared  with  the  woods  of  other  islands,  for  example,  of  Dominica.  Whilst  the 
climate  is  just  as  moist  in  the  Sierra  of  Porto  Rico  as  in  that  of  Dominica,  the 
forests  of  Porto  Rico  seem  nearly  entirely  destitute  of  etiphytes  with  the  exception 
of  some  few  Bromeliades  and  a very  rarely  occurring  stray  orchid.  But  orchids  in 
general  and  epiphytical  ferns,  such  as  Trichomanes  and  Hymenophyllum,  etc., 
are  conspicuous  by  their  absence.  Of  palms  I found  but  one  species,  which  I have 
distributed  in  my  “Flora.”  I believe  it  a Euterpe,  grows  gregariously  at  an  altitude 
of  1,500  to  2,000  feet.  No  cycads  were  to  be  seen  at  all.  On  the  other  hand,  I found 
several  interesting  trees,  especially  a beautiful  Talama,  with  immense  white  odorous 
flowers  and  silvery  leaves  which  would  be  very  ornamental.  The  wood  is  used  for 
timber,  and  called  Sabino.  A Hirtella  with  crimson  flowers  I also  found  rather 

103 


104 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


common;  it  is  not  described  in  any  of  Grisebaeh’s  publications.  An  unknown  tree 
with  beautiful,  orange-like  foliage,  and  large,  purple  flowers,  very  similar  in  shape 
to  those  of  Sccevola  Plumieri,  split  along  one  side,  a tall  Lobeliacea,  a large  Heli- 
conia,  nearly  allied,  it  seems,  to  H.  caribboea,  Lam.,  and  several  other  as  yet  unde- 
termined trees  and  shrubs  are  among  the  most  remarkable  things  found. 

“ ‘On  the  whole,  I was  somewhat  disappointed  with  regard  to  the  result  of  the 
voyage,  as  I had  expected  a greater  number  of  novelties,  as  well  as  a richer  vegeta- 
tion in  general,  at  least  something  like  the  Caribbean  islands.  But  these  partly 
negative  results  may  no  doubt  be  of  some  value  also  in  forming  an  idea  of  the 
West  Indian  flora  in  general.  Of  tree  ferns,  Cyathea  Serra  and  an  Alsophila  were 
not  uncommon.  One  of  the  most  conspicuous  trees  in  some  parts  is  the  Coccoloba 
macrophylla,  which  I found  on  my  first  visit  to  Porto  Rico.  This  tree  is  found 
up  to  an  altitude  of  2,000  feet,  but  chiefly  near  the  coast,  where  it  forms  extensive 
woods  in  some  places,  which  at  the  time  of  flowering,  with  immense,  purple  spikes 
more  than  a yard  long,  are  very  striking.  The  tree  is  named  Ortegon  by  the  inhab- 
itants; it  does  not  seem  to  occur  on  any  of  the  British  Islands,  but  to  be  confined 
to  Hayti  and  Porto  Rico;  at  least  I do  not  see  it  mentioned  in  Grisebach’s  “Cat. 
Plant,  cubensium.”  The  people  cultivate  sugar-cane  in  the  plains,  which  are  very 
fertile,  yielding  three  hogsheads  on  an  average  per  acre  without  any  kind  of  ma- 
nure. Besides  this  staple  produce,  a very  good  coffee  is  produced;  it  does  not 
appear  that  any  blight  has  as  yet  perceptibly  affected  the  shrubs  here.  Rice  is 
very  commonly  cultivated  on  the  hills  and  the  Sierra.  I suppose  it  must  be  a kind 
of  mountain  variety,  as  no  inundation  or  other  kind  of  watering  is  used.  Rice  is, 
in  fact,  the  staple  food  of  the  laborers,  together  with  plantain  and  yaudia,  i.  e.  Cala- 
dium  esculentum.  Immense  pastures  of  Hymenachne  striatum  (Malahojilla)  oc- 
cupy a part  of  the  lowland,  and  feed  large  herds  of  cattle  of  an  excellent  quality. 
St.  Thomas  and  the  French  Islands  all  obtain  their  butcher’s  meat  from  Porto 
Rico;  I believe  even  Barbados  comes  to  Porto  Rico  for  cattle. 

“ ‘The  island  is  very  richly  endowed  by  nature,  but  miserably  governed,  and 
the  people  themselves  not  worth  a much  better  government,  being  given  to  gam- 
bling in  the  extreme  throughout,  from  the  rich  planter  and  priest  down  to  the 
lowest  laborer  and  beggar.  Yet  they  are  hospitable  and  very  polite  to  strangers, 
with  that  remarkable,  unchanging,  inbred  Spanish  politeness. 

“ ‘It  may  finally  interest  you  to  hear,  from  the  fact  that  you  take  a prominent 
part  in  the  advancement  of  the  material  progress  of  the  English  West  India  islands, 
how  we  are  working  in  that  respect  here  in  St.  Thomas.  I have  on  my  estate  now 
about  4,000  Divi-Divi  trees  growing  and  doing  well,  except  for  the  deer,  which  do 
much  damage.  On  the  coasts  I have  over  2,000  cocoanut  trees  planted;  cultivation 
of  the  Sanseviera  guineensis  is  going  on  for  making  fibres;  a large  tract  of  land 
stocked  with  Hcematoxylon  I have  now  preserved,  and  try  to  make  it  a regular 
forest  to  be  cut  down  gradually.  In  company  with  an  engineer  here  I have  now 
ordered  a machine  from  England,  Smith’s  fibre  machine,  which  is  being  used  in 
the  Mauritius,  in  order  to  work  up  our  immense  quantity  of  Agave  and  Fourcroya, 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


105 


the  raw  material  being  close  at  hand  in  unlimited  quantity  near  the  sea.  I am  also 
going  to  try  experiments  with  the  manufacture  of  tannin  extracts  from  bark  of 
Coccoloba,  Rhizophora,  and  the  pods  of  the  various  Acacias,  which  are  a great 
nuisance  here  on  account  of  their  rapid  growdh.  The  Aloe  sempervirens  will  also 
be  made  useful  in  a similar  manner  as  in  Barbados  and  Curacoa,  it  growing  here 
spontaneously  on  barren  rocks.  H.  EGGERS.’  ” 

“The  West  Indies,”  of  C.  Washington  Eves,  published  by  Sampson  Low,  Mars- 
ton,  Searle  & Rivington,  London,  says  of  Porto  Rico: 

“It  is  very  hot,  but  relieved  by  a breeze  during  the  day.  Hurricanes  have 
visited  the  island.  It  is  extremely  fertile,  possessing  woods,  hills,  valleys  and 
meadows.  It  is  known  for  its  herds  of  wild  cattle.  Through  the  middle  of  the 
island  from  east  to  west  there  runs  a chain  of  mountains,  from  which  rivers  and 
streams  descend  to  water  the  plains  below.  The  hills  are  generally  covered  with 
trees.  Sugar,  ginger,  cotton,  flax,  coffee,  cassia,  incense  and  hides  were  among 
its  early  productions.  Mules  were  also  exported.  It  produced  also  rice,  maize,  plan- 
tains, pines,  oranges,  citrons,  lemons,  calabashes,  potatoes,  melons  and  fine  salt. 
At  first  the  Spaniards  made  little  use  of  it  except  as  a port  of  call.  The  capital  of 
Porto  Rico  has  the  dedicatory  title  of  San  Juan.  It  is  situated  on  a small  island  on 
the  north  side,  united  by  means  of  a.  causeway  to  the  main  island.  The  port  is  large, 
convenient  and  safe.  The  city  was  founded  by  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  in  1510.  Sir 
Francis  Drake  once  burnt  all  the  vessels  in  the  port.  In  1598  the  English  obtained 
the  mastery  over  the  island,  and  then  abandoned  it  with  much  spoil.  In  1615 
there  was  an  attack  by  the  Dutch,  and  another  attempt  was  made  in  1742  by  the 
English,  but  these  attempts  led  to  no  practical  results  for  the  invaders. 

“In  1886  the  export  trade  of  Porto  Rico  was  in  a very  unsatisfactory  condition. 
There  was  a falling  off,  owing  to  bad  seasons,  of  more  than  25  per  cent.  The 
sugar  exported  was  65,189  tons,  or  25  per  cent  less  than  in  1885,  when  63,489 
tons  were  exported  to  the  United  States  and  17,379  tons  to  Great  Britain  and 
British  provinces,  a further  8,000  tons  going  to  other  countries.  The  total  produc- 
tion of  sugar  has  sometimes  reached  a hundred  thousand  tons.  In  1887  it  was 
80,792  tons.  The  coffee  export  had  also  declined.  A considerable  trade  is  still 
done  in  the  export  of  cattle.  The  imports  amount  to  £2,000,000  in  round  numbers, 
and  the  exports  to  about  the  same,  a very  considerable  proportion  of  the  imports 
consisting  of  British  goods.  Cottons,  woolens,  jute  for  sugar  and  coffee  bags, 
metals  and  rice,  are  the  main  items  of  the  British  trade.  The  British  colonies 
supply  the  codfish,  the  value  of  which  is  estimated  at  £95,000.  Flour  is  imported 
from  the  United  States  and  Spain,  estimated  in  value  between  £200,000  and  £300,- 


106 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


000.  Other  provisions  are  also  sent  by  the  United  States  and  Spain  to  a consider- 
able amount.  Coal  is  almost  exclusively  supplied  by  Great  Britain.  A large 
amount  of  English  and  Spanish  capital  is  invested  in  business,  collecting  and  work- 
ing up  the  produce  of  a number  of  cane  plantations.  The  population  is  784,700. 
Slavery  was  abolished  in  1873.” 

In  the  opinion  of  Rojas  (Scientific  American — “Porto  Rico:  Its  Natural  His- 
tory and  Products”)  the  island  is  outside  of  the  seismic  currents  which  extend  under 
the  ocean  from  the  Old  World  to  the  new,  and  consequently  it  alone  of  the  Antilles 
group  has  thus  far  been  free  from  the  great  seismic  movements  which  have  ruined 
many  American  towns.  Nevertheless,  and  doubtless  on  account  of  the  proximity 
of  the  volcanic  origin  of  the  islands  of  San  Yicente,  Santa  Lucia,  and  Guadalupe 
slight  earthquakes  are  apt  to  be  felt,  and  on  two  occasions  they  were  worthy  of 
being  called  severe,  these  at  the  end  of  April,  1786,  and  in  1843,  when  the  city 
of  Martinique  was  ruined.  Slight  quakes  were  also  felt  in  1867  and  in  March  of 
the  following  year.  In  the  beginning  of  1882  it  was  noticed  that  the  waters  of  the 
bays  of  Mayaguez  and  Ponce  retreated  two  or  three  times  to  a level  of  more  than 
thirty  feet  below  the  ordinary  water  line  of  the  coasts,  and  this  phenomenon  coin- 
cided with  earthquakes  at  Colon  and  Panama. 

The  commonest  minerals  are  gold,  copper,  carbonate  and  sulphate  and  mag- 
netic iron,  which  are  found  in  great  masses  in  the  neighborhood  of  Juncos;  galena 
is  also  found,  as  well  as  traces  of  mercury,  manganese,  bismuth,  and  some  other 
minerals.  The  fuels  are  represented  by  the  lignites  of  Utuado  and  Moca,  although 
they  occur  in  thin  layers  and  are  generally  charged  with  pyrites;  at  the  latter  place 
amber  is  also  found.  There  is  an  abundance  of  varieties  of  marble  and  compact 
limestone,  and  in  general  materials  for  construction  and  ornamentation.  In  the 
Historical  American  Exposition  at  Madrid,  in  1892,  were  exhibited  remarkable  ex- 
amples of  magnetic  iron,  oxide  of  iron,  and  carbonate  of  copper,  all  from  Juncos; 
also  ferruginous  white  quartz  from  the  auriferous  zone  of  Sierra  Luquillo,  and 
calcareous  spar,  pearl  spar,  fibrous  gypsum,  malachite,  and  pure  blue  copper  from 
Naguabo. 

Native  gold  is  found  principally  in  the  alluvial  deposits  and  in  the  rivers  in 
the  vicinity  of  Luquillo.  When  auriferous  sand  is  washed,  it  is  found  that  in  some 
places  there  is  a deposit  of  magnetic  iron  with  the  grains  of  gold. 

There  are  natural  salt  marshes  at  Guanica  and  Salinas  on  the  south  and  at 
Cape  Rojo  on  the  west.  Hot  springs  are  found  at  Juana  Diaz,  San  Sebastian,  San 
Lorenzo,  and  Ponce,  but  the  most  famous  are  the  baths  at  Caomo  on  the  south  and 
near  the  city  of  Santa  Isabel. 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


107 


Observations  carried  on  for  years  show  that  81°  is  the  average  temperature. 
From  1878  to  1880  the  thermometer  in  the  shade  ranged  from  62-96°  to  72-8°  F. 
The  monthly  average  varied  from  72-32°  to  86.07°  F.,  the  former  being  for  the 
month  of  February,  1880,  and  the  second  for  June,  1878.  The  mean  height  of  the 
barometrical  column  was  about  30  inches. 

The  “mountain  dog,”  a reversion  of  the  domestic  species  that  haunts  the  more 
inaccessible  forests  and  is  dangerous  only  to  calves,  poultry  and  young  swine,  is  the 
only  creature  that  can  be  termed  “wild.”  Rats  exist  in  abundance,  but  have  a bitter 
foe  in  the  otherwise  harmless  “hunter  snake,”  a species  of  boa  that  grows  from 
six  to  nine  feet  in  length.  Ants  and  beetles  are  numerous,  and  one  of  the  latter, 
known  as  the  “comegen,”  bores  into  wooden  structures,  and  is  sometimes  danger- 
ous to  buildings.  Bees  are  comparatively  plentiful  in  the  forests,  but  are  smaller 
than  the  domestic  forms,  and  produce  an  amber  colored  honey,  very  rich,  but  that 
speedily  ferments  and  sours,  and  the  wax  is  of  a violet  hue.  “Lucernas”  or  fire- 
flies abound;  they  are  like  small  butterflies  with  phosphorescent  rings  about  the 
eyes,  and  when  masses  fly  at  night  they  produce  sufficient  light  to  illuminate  the 
fields  and  plantations.  There  are  also  “cucuyos”  similar  to  the  cricket,  which  are 
phosphorescent  under  the  wings.  Some  of  the  bats  seek  sleeping  animals  at  night 
to  suck  their  blood.  The  chigoe  bites  through  the  shoes  and  stockings,  or  enters 
between  the  nail  and  the  skin;  and  copper  worms,  ticks,  cockroaches,  mosquitoes, 
chinches,  etc.,  are  most  vexatious. 

Plans  have  been  made  for  five  first  class  roads,  viz.:  from  the  capital  to  Ponce 
by  Caguas  and  Coamo,  a distance  of  84  miles;  from  the  capital  (the  suburb  Catano) 
to  Mayaguez  by  Arecibo  and  Aguadilla,  101  miles;  Mayaguez  to  Ponce,  60  miles; 
from  the  first  named  road  to  Arroyo  by  Guayama,  21  miles;  Cagual  to  the  city  of 
Baguabo  by  Humaco,  30  miles;  making  a total  of  286  miles.  A few  miles  of  in- 
ferior roads  have  been  constructed,  viz.:  from  Arecibo  to  Ponce  by  Uruado  and 
Ad  juntas,  24  miles;  Rio  Piedras  to  the  Port  of  Fajardo,  31  miles;  from  Lares  to 
Aguadilla,  16  miles;  a branch  connecting  the  two  first  named  roads  through  Guay- 
nabo,  8 miles;  making  a total  of  89  miles.  The  general  plan  of  railroads  consists  of 
a line  around  the  island  divided  into  four  sections:  one  from  San  Juan  to  Maya- 
guez by  Arecibo  and  Aguadilla;  from  Rio  Piedras  or  Humacao  by  Fajardo;  from 
Ponce  to  Mayaguez  by  San  German;  from  Ponce  to  Humacao  by  Arroyo,  a total 
of  341  miles,  of  which,  however,  only  17  miles  have  been  built.  There  are  tram 
ways  from  the  capital  to  Rio  Piedras,  7J  miles,  from  Ponce  to  the  shore,  from 
Mayaguez  to  the  shore  and  from  Catano  to  Bayamon,  5 miles. 

The  telegraph  system  is  divided  into  the  Western  Line,  from  the  capital  to 


108 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


Rio  Piedras,  Bayamo,  Dorado,  Yoga  Baja,  Manati,  Arecibo,  Aguadilla,  Anasco, 
Mauaguez,  Ilormacao,  Yabucoa,  Maunabo,  Patillas,  Arryo,  Guayama,  Salinas,  and 
Ponce.  The  Central  Line  extends  from  the  capital  to  Cayey,  Aibonita,  Caoma, 
Juan  Diaz,  Ponce  and  its  bay,  and  the  eastern  branch  from  the  capital  to  Carolina, 
Luquillo,  Fajardo,  Naguado,  and  Ilumasao.  This  system  has  also  been  extended 
from  Arecibo  to  Ponce,  with  stations  at  Ad  juntas  and  Utuado.  The  total  length 
of  the  lines  amounts  to  486  miles  and  that  of  the  wires  to  676  miles,  and  152,786 
dispatches  were  sent  in  1892.  There  are  cables  from  the  capital  to  St.  Thomas, 
in  communication  with  the  Lesser  Antilles  and  South  America;  from  the  capital 
to  Jamaica,  in  communication  with  Cuba,  the  United  States  and  Europe;  and  from 
the  bay  of  Ponce  to  Jamaica  and  Santa  Cruz,  connected  with  St.  Thomas. 

“Puerto  Rico  and  Its  Resources,”  by  Frederick  D.  Ober  (D.  Appleton  & Co., 
publishers),  is  a work  full  of  instruction  as  to  the  island  that  is  suddenly  one  of 
our  new  possessions.  We  find  here  accounts  full  and  particular  of  the  mountains 
and  the  hurricanes,  two  of  the  features  of  Porto  Rico: 

“In  the  mountains  the  inhabitants  enjoy  the  coolness  of  spring,  while  the 
valleys  would  be  uninhabitable  were  it  not  for  the  daily  breeze  which  blows  gen- 
erally from  the  northeast  and  east.  For  example,  in  Ponce  the  noonday  sun  is 
felt  in  all  its  rigor,  while  at  the  village  of  Adjuntas,  four  leagues  distant  in  the 
interior  of  the  mountains,  the  traveller  feels  invigorated  by  the  refreshing  breezes 
and  temperate  climate.  At  one  place  the  thermometer  is  as  high  as  90°,  while  in 
another  it  is  sometimes  under  60°.  Although  the  seasons  are  not  so  distinctly 
marked  in  this  climate  as  they  are  in  Europe  (the  trees  being  always  green),  yet 
there  is  a distinction  to  be  made  between  them.  The  division  into  wet  and  dry  sea- 
sons (winter  and  summer)  does  not  give  a proper  idea  of  the  seasons  in  this  island; 
for  on  the  north  coast  it  sometimes  rains  almost  the  whole  year,  while  sometimes 
for  twelve  or  fourteen  months  not  a drop  of  rain  falls  on  the  south  coast.  How- 
ever, in  the  mountains  at  the  south  there  are  daily  showers. 

“As  in  all  tropical  countries,  the  year  is  divided  into  two  seasons — the  dry 
and  the  rainy.  In  general,  the  rainy  season  commences  in  August  and  ends  the  last 
of  December,  southerly  and  westerly  winds  prevailing  during  this  period.  The 
rainfall  is  excessive,  often  inundating  fields  and  forming  extensive  lagoons.  The 
exhalations  from  these  lagoons  give  rise  to  a number  of  diseases,  but,  nevertheless, 
Porto  Rico  is  one  of  the  healthiest  islands  in  the  archipelago. 

“The  hurricanes  which  visit  the  island,  and  which  obey  the  general  laws  of 
tropical  cyclones,  are  the  worst  scourges  of  the  country.  For  hours  before  the  ap- 
pearance of  this  terrible  phenomenon  the  sea  appears  calm;  the  waves  come  from 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


109 


a long  distance  very  gently  until  near  the  shore,  when  they  suddenly  rise  as  if  im- 
pelled by  a superior  force,  dashing  against  the  land  with  extraordinary  violence  and 
fearful  noise.  Together  with  this  sign,  the  air  is  noticed  to  be  disturbed,  the  sun 
red  and  the  stars  obscured  by  a vapor,  which  seems  to  magnify  them.  A strong 
odor  is  perceived  in  the  sea,  which  is  sulphurous  in  the  waters  of  rivers,  and  there 
are  sudden  changes  in  the  wind.  These  omens,  together  with  the  signs  of  uneasi- 
ness manifested  by  various  animals,  foretell  the  proximity  of  a hurricane. 

“This  is  a sort  of  whirlwind,  accompanied  by  rain,  thunder  and  lightning, 
sometimes  by  earthquake  shocks,  and  always  by  the  most  terrible  and  devastating 
circumstances  that  can  possibly  combine  to  ruin  a country  in  a few  hours.  A 
clear,  serene  day  is  followed  by  the  darkest  night;  the  delightful  view  offered  by 
woods  and  prairies  is  diverted  into  the  dreary  waste  of  a cruel  winter;  the  tallest 
and  most  robust  cedar  trees  are  uprooted,  broken  off  bodily,  and  hurled  into  a heap; 
roofs,  balconies,  and  windows  of  houses  are  carried  through  the  air  like  dry  leaves, 
and  in  all  directions  are  seen  houses  and  estates  laid  waste  and  thrown  into  con- 
fusion. 

“The  fierce  roar  of  the  water  and  of  the  trees  being  destroyed  by  the  winds, 
the  cries  and  moans  of  people,  the  bellowing  of  cattle  and  neighing  of  horses,  which 
are  being  carried  from  place  to  place  by  the  whirlwinds,  the  torrents  of  water  inun- 
dating the  fields,  and  a deluge  of  fire  being  let  loose  in  flashes  and  streaks  of  light- 
ning, seem  to  announce  the  last  convulsions  of  the  universe  and  the  death  agonies 
of  nature  itself. 

“Sometimes  these  hurricanes  are  felt  only  on  the  north  coast,  at  others  on  the 
south,  although  generally  their  influence  extends  throughout  the  island. 

“Earthquakes  are  somewhat  frequent,  hut  not  violent  or  of  great  consequence. 
The  natives  foretell  them  by  noticing  clouds  settle  near  the  ground  for  some  time 
in  the  open  places  among  the  mountains.  The  water  of  the  springs  emits  a sul- 
phurous odor  or  leaves  a strange  taste  in  the  mouth;  birds  gather  in  large  flocks 
and  fly  about,  uttering  shriller  cries  than  usual;  cattle  bellow  and  horses  neigh, 
etc.  A few  hours  beforehand  the  air  becomes  calm  and  dimmed  by  vapors  which 
arise  from  the  ground,  and  a few  moments  before  there  is  a slight  breeze,  followed 
at  intervals  of  two  or  three  minutes  by  a deep  rumbling  noise,  accompanied  by  sud- 
den gusts  of  wind,  which  are  the  forerunners  of  the  vibration,  the  latter  following 
immediately.  These  shocks  are  sometimes  violent,  and  are  usually  repeated,  but, 
owing  to  the  special  construction  of  the  houses,  they  cause  no  damage. 

“The  West  Indians  guard  as  much  as  possible  from  the  hurricanes  by  building 
their  houses  of  stone,  in  the  main,  with  massive  walls,  and  providing  strong  bars 


110 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


for  doors  and  windows.  When  the  barometer  gives  notice  of  the  approach  of  a 
storm  these  bars  are  brought  out  and  everything  is  at  once  made  fast.  Doors  and 
window  shutters  are  closed,  barred  and  double-locked,  and  the  town  looks  as  if  it 
were  deserted  by  all  human  beings.  The  state  of  suspense,  while  the  hurricane 
rages,  is  simply  awful,  for  no  one  knows  when  the  house  may  fall  and  bury  all  be- 
neath its  ruins.  Add  to  this  the  howling  of  the  blast,  the  crash  of  falling  trees,  the 
piercing  cries  for  help  from  wounded  and  dying,  and  one  may  faintly  picture  the 
terrible  scene.  To  venture  out  is  almost  certain  death,  the  air  is  so  filled  with  fly- 
ing missiles,  such  as  boards,  branches  of  trees,  tiles,  bricks  and  stones. 

“One  of  the  most  destructive  hurricanes  occurred  so  recently  as  1891,  when 
the  island  of  Martinique  was  prostrated  by  a terrible  tornado,  from  the  effects  of 
which  it  may  never  recover. 

“ ‘Early  on  the- morning  of  the  18th  of  August,’  says  the  United  States  Consul 
in  his  report,  ‘the  sky  presented  a leaden  appearance,  decidedly  threatening,  with 
occasional  gusts  of  variable  winds,  mostly  from  east-northeast.  The  temperature 
was  very  oppressive  during  the  day.  The  barometer  varied  only  slightly,  when  it 
commenced  to  fall,  at  first  gradually,  then  very  rapidly.  It  is  stated  by  fishermen 
who  were  in  the  vicinity  of  Carvael  Rock  (in  the  sea  channel)  that  an  immense 
wave,  about  a hundred  feet  high,  passed  from  the  direction  of  St.  Lucia,  closely  fol- 
lowed by  another  smaller  one,  although  the  sea  in  the  vicinity  was  quite  calm  at 
the  time.  The  storm  struck  the  east  side  of  the  island  at  about  6 p.  m.,  rushing 
through  the  ravines  and  destroying  everything  in  its  path.  On  the  elevated  plains 
the  ruin  was  complete.  One  very  peculiar  feature  of  the  hurricane  was  the  deafness 
experienced  by  everyone  during  the  storm — possibly  the  result  of  the  reduced 
barometic  pressure.  During  the  cyclone  the  wind  veered  from  east-northeast  to 
south-southeast,  from  the  latter  point  being  the  most  destructive;  there  were  in- 
cessant flashes  of  sheet  lightning  unaccompanied  by  thunder,  and  immediately 
after  the  storm  two  distinct  shocks  of  earthquake  at  intervals  of  about  five  seconds. 

“ ‘Early  in  the  September  following  I visited  La  Trinite  and  noted  that  all  the 
way  the  destruction  was  most  complete,  the  trees  and  all  vegetation  looking  as 
though  there  had  been  a forest  fire,  although  without  the  charred  appearance.  The 
sugar-cane  suffered  least,  and  the  loss,  with  favorable  weather,  did  not  amount  to 
more  than  one-fifth  its  normal  value.  The  factories  and  distilleries  seem  to  have 
been  more  completely  destroyed  than  any  other  property.  The  thermometer  ranged 
from  90°  to  100°  during  the  storm,  and  there  was  a deluge  of  rain,  one  account 
stating  that  over  four  inches  fell  in  a few  hours  that  evening. 

“ ‘My  own  residence  was  unroofed  and  flooded  with  water,  as  was  the  case  of 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


Ill 


nine-tenths  of  the  buildings  in  St.  Pierre,  and  throughout  the  island.  The  loss 
of  life  was  comparatively  small  in  the  capital,  but  larger  in  the  interior  towns, 
notably  in  Morne  Rogue  (a  mountain  resort  above  St.  Pierre),  where  eight  in  one 
family  lost  their  lives.  The  total  loss  of  life,  so  far  as  reliable  information  can  be 
obtained,  was  seven  hundred,  and  the  loss  of  property  was  enormous.  All  the 
fruit,  the  main  reliance  of  the  laboring  classes,  was  destroyed,  and  prices  of  pro- 
visions at  once  advanced  three  hundred  per  cent.  Every  vessel  along  the  coast  was 
either  wrecked  or  badly  damaged,  about  fifty  sail  in  all.  The  scene  the  island  pre- 
sents would  be  difficult  to  describe,  and  the  inhabitants  are  sorely  stricken  and 
demoralized.  Such  a night  of  terror  the  imagination  can  scarcely  picture.’  ” 


MEAN  MONTHLY  TEMPERATURE  AT  SAN  JUAN  DE  PORTO  RICO  DUR- 
ING FIVE  YEARS’  OBSERVATION. 


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Two  of  the  places  in  Porto  Rico  made  conspicuous  in  the  campaign  of  Gen- 
eral Miles  are  Yauco  and  Guanica.  Albert  Gardner  Robinson  writes  of  a street 
scene  in  Yauco: 

“My  attention  was  attracted  by  repeated  shouts  from  the  streets.  Upon  going 
to  investigate  the  occasion  of  the  disturbance,  I found  that  it  was  caused  by  a 
semi-intoxicated  jackey  from  one  of  the  monitors  lying  in  Guanica  Bay.  Jackey 
was  celebrating  a day  of  shore-leave  by  experimenting  with  the  sailing  qualities 
of  a Porto  Rican  pony.  He  was  cruising  up  and  down  the  principal  street  at  a six- 
knot  gait,  and  shouting  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  ’'Viva  Porto  Rica!’  This  was  an- 
swered by  the  vigorous  yells  of  some  two  hundred  natives  who  were  assembled, 
‘Viva  los  Americanos!’  ‘Viva  Puerto  Rico  Americano!’  There  was  no  question  of 
their  sincerity.  No  man  would  yell  as  they  did  without  meaning  it.  Jackey  would 
howl  his  ‘Viva  Porto  Rico!’  and  the  crowd  would  come  back  at  him  with  its  vocifer- 
ous response.  All  hands  were  having  a good  time.  A little  squad  of  the  provost 
guard  marched  up  to  see  what  was  going  on.  It  grinned  and  marched  back  again. 

“The  road  from  Yauco  to  Guanica  takes  one  immediately  past  the  scene  of  the 
first  ‘battle’  on  Porto  Rican  soil.  The  Spanish  army,  consisting  of  a small  company 
of  soldiers,  occupied  the  spacious  yard  which  surrounds  the  large  house  and  exten- 


112 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


sive  out-buildings  of  M.  Mariani,  a French  sugar-planter  of  great  wealth  and  of  long 
residence  on  the  island.  A high  brick  wall  along  the  southern  side  of  the  yard 
formed  the  Spanish  defense,  from  which  point  of  vantage  they  exchanged  a few 
leaden  compliments  with  the  American  soldiery  of  General  Henry's  command, 
which  was  posted  on  the  hill  beyond.  After  a few  hours  of  no  very  energetic  war- 
fare, during  which  a small  casualty  list  was  made  upon  both  sides,  the  Spaniards 
withdrew  to  make  room  for  a deputation  of  the  prominent  citizens  of  Yauco,  who 
extended  a warm  hand  of  welcome  to  the  invaders.” 

Mr.  Robinson  writes  of  Guanica,  where  General  Miles  made  his  first  landing: 

“This  is  a pretty  little  harbor  with  a narrow  entrance  flanked  by  high  hills 
which  descend  sharply  to  the  water’s  edge.  It  presents  possibilities  as  a sea-side 
resort.  Its  surroundings  are  charming.  A pleasant  and  refreshing  breeze  blows 
from  the  water.  Pleasant  drives  could  easily  be  laid  out,  which  would  take  one 
either  among  the  mountains  or  along  the  coast.  There  is  still-water  bathing  inside 
the  headlands  and  surf-bathing  beyond  them.  There  is  said  to  be  duck-shooting 
on  a near-by  lake,  and  there  is  dove-shooting  in  the  forest  for  those  who  like  pot 
hunting. 

“Yauco  is  the  principal  place  and  is  quite  a little  city.  Guanica  is  a straggling 
village  on  the  coast,  some  six  miles  to  the  southward  of  Yauco,  for  which  place 
it  serves  as  a port  and  as  a summer  resort  for  the  well-to-do  citizens  of  its  larger 
neighbor.  Yauco  is  the  present  terminus  of  the  Ponce  and  Yauco  division  of  the 
Compania  de  los  Ferrocarriles  de  Puerto  Rico.  The  drainage  of  Yauco  is  admir- 
able. The  town  stands  on  a hill-side  which  is  about  as  steep  as  the  roof  of  a house. 
The  business  portion  of  the  town,  and  its  better  buildings,  are  upon  the  lower 
slopes,  while  cottages  and  cabins  straggle  away  to  the  higher  and  steeper  regions. 
The  town  has  a considerable  French  population,  though  I am  told  that  the  majority 
are  Corsicans,  rather  than  French. 

“The  place  is  the  commercial  center  of  a considerable  district  of  productive 
back  country,  and  one  of  the  outlets  through  its  port  city  of  Guanica  for  the  coffee 
district. 

“American  trade  with  Porto  Rico  in  the  forties  was  quite  extensive,  and  not- 
withstanding Spanish  laws  that  put  American  merchants  at  a decided  disadvantage 
the  American  commerce  with  the  land  rivalled  that  with  the  mother  country,  Spain. 
The  following  tables  for  the  year  1842  are  valuable  as  suggestive  of  what  the  fig- 
ures will  be  in  American  Porto  Rico.  The  total  importations  for  that  year 
amounted  to  $5,757,403.84. 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


113 


“Of  which  were  imported  in  Spanish  bottoms $3,410,577.57 

In  American  bottoms  1,456,998.05 

In  French  bottoms  151,371.12 

In  English  bottoms 139,502.57 

In  all  other  foreign  bottoms 598,954.53 


$5,757,403.84 

‘■'That  the  total  exportations  for  that  year  amounted  to $6,429,257.35 

Of  which  were  exported  in  Spanish  bottoms 1,563,109.19 

In  American  bottoms  2,453,299.32 

In  French  bottoms  911,138.31 

In  English  bottoms  554,126.88 

In  all  other  foreign  bottoms 947,583.65 


$6,429,257.35 


“That  the  number  of  vessels  ‘arriving’  and  ‘departing’  are: 


Spanish  vessels 594 

American  vessels  438 

French  vessels  143 

English  vessels  


All  other  foreign  vessels 


“That  the  commercial  revenue  is  this: 


Amount  duties  collected  on  tonnage  and  anchorage  dues 


Arrivals. 

Departures. 

. . 594 

509 

. . 438 

399 

. . 143 

137 

. . 88 

91 

. . 85 

81 

1,348 

1,217 

$1,026,266.95 

313,301.25 

dues .... 

98,882.98 

$1,438,351.18 

“The  value  of  merchandise  imported  and  exported  by  Porto  Rico  during  each 
calendar  year  from  1887  to  1896  inclusive  showed  an  annual  average  for  the  years 
1887  to  1891  of  an  excess  in  imports  of  $6,734,508,  and  the  annual  average  from 
1892  to  1896  showed  an  excess  of  $1,090,453.” 

The  Engineering  Magazine,  January,  1899,  editorially  says: 

“The  world  will  probably  see,  in  Porto  Rico,  the  opening  of  a new  territory 
that  is  old,  and  the  most  perfected  resources  of  engineering  applied  to  pioneering 
work.  The  seizure  of  the  island  by  the  United  States  during  the  recent  war  with 
Spain  will  result  in  the  exploitation  of  one  of  the  richest  regions  in  the  world,  and 


114 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


it  is  altogether  likely  that  it  will  be  done  in  a most  original  and  characteristic 
fashion. 

“The  island  is  almost  rectangular  in  shape,  95  miles  long  and  35  miles  wide. 
There  is  the  usual  strip  of  flat  coast  lands  extending  throughout  the  circumfer- 
ence, while  the  interior  is  a mountainous  plateau  having  elevations  of  about  3,800 
feet  above  the  sea  level.  Almost  the  whole  area  is  under  cultivation,  sugar-cane 
and  tobacco  growing  luxuriantly  on  the  lowlands.  Coffee  and  tobacco,  as  well  as 
many  fruits  and  vegetables,  are  cultivated  on  the  central  plateau.  There  is  one 
road,  the  magnificent  Spanish  military  road  across  the  island  from  San  Juan  on  the 
north  to  Ponce  on  the  south  coast,  and  in  all  about  35  miles  of  railway  in  three 
disconnected  sections.  The  population  is  about  one  million,  and  there  are  several 
large  and  well  built  towns,  those  in  the  interior  being  generally  at  elevations  of 
from  1,000  to  2,000  feet  above  the  sea.  The  climate  is  genial,  and  there  is  no  yellow 
fever,  the  interior  being  reported  as  extremely  salubrious.  In  many  ways  the  island 
bears  a strong  resemblance  to  Ceylon. 

“While  there  is  already  much  wealth  in  Porto  Rico,  two  causes  have  contrib- 
uted to  hamper  the  development  of  its  very  great  resources — the  total  absence  of 
means  of  transportation,  and  the  almost  incredible  dishonesty  of  the  Spanish  reg- 
ime, now  happily  superseded.  In  addition  to  these  considerable  obstacles  there  has 
long  existed  an  organized  system  of  brigandage,  taking  toll  of  all  merchandise 
going  to  or  out  of  the  interior.  The  percentage  required  by  these  highwaymen  is 
reported  at  from  10  to  50  per  cent. 

“On  the  few  miles  of  railroad  the  charges  have  been  most  exorbitant.  Be- 
tween Yauco  and  Ponce,  a distance  of  18  miles,  the  passenger  rate  was  $1.00  and 
the  freight  rate  $20  per  ton.  Even  under  these  conditions  the  island  has  flourished 
because  of  its  surpassing  fertility.  Its  mineral  resources  are  almost  absolutely  unde- 
veloped and  for  the  most  part  unknown. 

“There  is  an  abundance  of  water  power,  no  less  than  1,200  small  streams  and 
twenty-one  large  rivers  flowing  into  the  sea  along  the  coast.  The  flow  is  not  inter- 
mittent, for  even  in  the  dry  season  these  streams  are  full.  In  the  rainy  season  many 
of  them  are  raging  torrents. 

“Almost  the  first  proposition,  that  has  been  made  public  for  the  complete 
exploitation  of  Porto  Rico,  is  the  construction  of  electric  tramways  through  the 
interior.  It  has  not  been  proposed  to  build  roads,  for  it  is  now  well  recognized  that 
the  most  costly  of  ordinary  means  of  transportation  is  that  of  vehicles  drawn  by 
animals  over  ordinary  roads — especially  in  a hilly  region.  This  project  seems  so 
eminently  sensible,  especially  in  view  of  the  large  undeveloped  water  powers  of  the 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


•115 


island,  and  the  fact  that  its  whole  area  is  so  small  that  electric  power  transmission 
from  any  part  of  it  to  any  other  is  feasible,  that  it  ought  to  he  put  into  execution 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  With  the  immunity  from  the  exaction  of  brigands, 
swift  and  inexpensive  transportation  from  the  interior  to  the  coast,  and  relief  from 
the  various  forms  of  legalized  robbery  that  have  existed,  there  is  no  reason  why 
Porto  Rico  should  not  soon  be  one  of  the  richest  islands  in  the  world. 

“The  spectacle  of  electric  tramways  building  in  advance  of  ordinary  roads  is 
one  that  would  have  been  even  more  startling  five  years  ago  than  it  is  now;  but 
even  to-day  it  is  an  indication  of  the  wonderful  progress  that  has  been  made  in 
the  utilization  of  electricity  and  the  readiness  with  which  this  agency  lends  itself 
to  varied  and  useful  purposes.” 

We  quote  the  Engineering  Magazine  on  “The  Exploitation  of  Electric  Tram- 
ways in  Porto  Rico/’  by  Antonio  Mattei  Lluveras: 

“The  establishment  of  electric  tramways  throughout  the  island  of  Porto  Rico, 
from  east  to  west  along  the  central  range  of  mountains,  would  be  desirable,  easy, 
and  relatively  inexpensive.  An  electric  line,  starting  from  Naguabo  at  Humaco  at 
the  east  end,  touching  the  interior  towns  of  Juncos,  Barros,  Jayuya,  Utuado,  Ad- 
juntas,  and  Matiao,  and  terminating  at  Mayaguez,  with  branches  from  the  main 
line  to  the  villages  at  the  coast,  would  serve,  better  than  any  other  system,  to  move 
the  rich  products  of  those  districts  and  to  accommodate  the  greater  number  of  pas- 
sengers who  now  have  no  means  of  convenient  travel. 

“The  coal  problem,  and  many  other  expensive  items  of  railroad  building,  would 
not  be  a consideration  in  the  operation  and  construction  of  such  a tramway  system, 
as  there  exists  throughout  the  whole  mountain  range  natural  water  powers  available 
for  any  class  of  machinery.  The  many  and  powerful  waterfalls  having  their  sources 
in  the  mountainous  inland  region,  and  the  rivers  which  run  through  this  territory 
in  various  directions,  seem  to  have  been  created  by  nature  especially  to  aid  man 
in  the  cultivation  of  the  rich  soil  and  the  marketing  of  its  products,  which,  because 
of  the  high  altitudes  and  necessarily  heavy  grades  of  high-roads,  if  these  should  be 
built,  would  otherwise  be  very  costly.  The  interior  of  the  island  is  extremely  moun- 
tainous. Around  the  entire  extent  of  its  coast,  however,  is  a flat  belt  of  rich  low- 
land, suitable  for  the  cultivation  of  sugar  and  tobacco.  The  highest  village  in 
Porto  Rico,  Aybonito,  situated  at  an  altitude  of  2,300  feet  above  the  sea  level,  is 
on  the  line  of  the  central  highway,  which  runs  from  Ponce  to  San  Juan.  This  fine 
highway,  built  originally  by  the  Spanish  .Government  for  military  purposes,  has  no 


116 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


grade  greater  than  14  per  cent.,  which,  would  he  the  maximum  also  to  be  met  with 
in  the  construction  of  the  tramway  along  the  mountain  range. 

“Official  statistics  for  the  calendar  year,  1897,  which  was  certainly  one  of  the 
least  productive  of  the  last  decade,  show  that  the  exports  of  the  island  were  as 


follows: 

Cwt.  Value 

Cane  sugar  125,323,589  $ 4,007,999 

Molasses  25,085,069  403,519 

Coffee  51,097,823  12,222,598 

Tobacco 6,181,771  1,194,318 

Hides 822,108  71,852 


“There  was  produced,  of  course,  a considerably  greater  quantity  of  each  of 
these  products,  the  difference  going  to  the  home  consumption  of  nearly  a million 
inhabitants.  The  total  exports  for  1897  are  given  in  the  Spanish  ‘Estadistica  Gen- 
eral’ as  $18,574,678.45.  Besides,  there  is  a large  production  of  minor  fruits  which 
do  not  figure  in  exports,  although  they  are  of  considerable  importance  in  interior 
transportation.  If  these  fruits  could  be  quickly  and  cheaply  moved  to  the  coast 
for  shipment  to  American  markets  there  is  no  doubt  that  a large  and  profitable 
trade  in  them  could  be  quickly  established. 

“The  territory  which  produces  the  most  coffee  is  in  the  high  and  mountainous 
parts  of  the  island,  along  the  central  range,  and  here  it  is  that  the  greatest  need 
is  felt  for  transportation  facilities,  the  only  existing  means  of  communication  being 
by  horse-roads  or  mule-paths  built  by  the  residents.  From  the  plantations  where 
the  coffee  is  gathered  to  the  nearest  towns  on  the  coasts,  whence  the  berries  may 
be  carried  in  ox-carts  to  the  markets,  carriage  is  effected  at  the  present  time  on  the 
backs  of  horses  and  mules,  which  can  take  only  200  pounds  a trip.  These  same 
horses  bring  back  an  equal  quantity  of  provisions  and  merchandise  for  the  sub- 
sistence and  necessities  of  the  laborers  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  interior.  For 
this  transportation  on  horses  and  mules  one  dollar  a hundred  pounds  each  way  is 
paid  from  the  points  most  distant,  and  fifty  cents  from  the  nearer  points.  Among 
these  rich  coffee  plantations  are  some  of  considerable  importance,  such  as  the  Es- 
peranza  of  Pietri  Brothers  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Adjuntas,  near  the  Guilarte  range, 
which  produces  3,000  to  4,000  cwt.  This  plantation  employs  a daily  personnel  of 
350  laborers,  and  pays  $1.00  per  hundred  pounds  for  transportation  to  the  town  of 
Yauco.  In  the  jurisdiction  of  Yauco  the  plantation  Candelaria  of  Pedro  Olivari 
produces  2,000  cwt.,  and  pays  a dollar  per  cwt.  for  transportation.  The  plantation 
Mogotes,  the  property  of  Messrs.  Pieraldi,  also  produces  2,000  cwt.  of  coffee  of  the 
very  best  quality,  and  pays  50  cents  per  cwt.  for  transportation.  The  plantation 


CITY  OF  SAN  JUAN,  PORTO  RICO.  (Copyrighted,  1898,  by  J.  M.  Jordan.) 


STREET  OF  THE  CROSS,  SAN  JUAN,  PORTO  RICO.  (Copyrighted,  1898,  by  J.  M.  Jordan.) 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OP  THE  ISLAND. 


119 


Tres  Hermanos  of  P.  Cardie  gathers  and  sends  out  2,500  cwt.,  at  an  expense  of  75 
cents  for  transportation.  The  Santa  Clara  plantation  of  Mariani’s  Sons  gathers 
7,000  cwt.,  employing  a thousand  men  daily  during  the  gathering  of  the  fruit,  and 
pays  from  $1.00  to  $1.50  for  transportation.  The  plantation  of  Sr.  Viella,  in  the 
Jurisdiction  of  Lares,  gathers  some  4,000  cwt.,  paying  $2.00  per  cwt.  for  its  trans- 
portation to  Mahayiiez.  There  are  at  least  three  hundred  plantations  along  the 
same  range,  side  by  side,  in  the  short  distance  between  Marico,  Yauco  and  Ad- 
juntas.” 

McClure’s  Magazine,  on  the  commercial  promise  of  Porto  Rico,  Cuba  and  the 
Philippines,  refers  to  the  enormous  consumption  of  sugar  by  the  Americans  and 
estimates  the  sugar  product  of  Cuba  under  American  auspices  would  be  1,500,000 
tons  per  annum.  The  writer,  Mr.  Geo.  B.  Waldean,  adds: 

“Cuba,  in  the  height  of  her  former  prosperity,  had  but  a fraction  of  the  sugar 
land  under  cultivation.  Were  all  the  land  in  use  on  that  island  that  is  suited  to 
raising  sugar,  it  is  estimated  that  Cuba  alone  could  supply  the  demand  of  the  entire 
western  hemisphere.  Add  to  this  the  possibilities  in  the  other  islands  now  only  at 
the  beginning  of  their  development,  and  no  American  need  fear  a lack  of  sugar  to 
supply  his  sweet  tooth. 

“With  sugar  Americans  rank  their  coffee.  The  annual  consumption  of  this 
berry  reaches  700,000,000  pounds.  Yet,  until  Hawaii  became  ours,  not  a pound 
could  be  grown  for  commerce  within  our  borders.  Of  the  coffee  imported  scarcely 
a half  million  pounds  comes  from  these  islands  east  and  west.  Still  the  coffee 
product  of  Porto  Rico  reaches  5,000,000  pounds  a year.  Once  Cuba  far  outstripped 
her  sister  islands  in  this  group,  raising  in  a single  year  90,000,000  pounds.  But  that 
was  early  in  the  century,  before  the  island  had  been  devastated  by  frequent  wars. 

“The  Philippines  produce  a coffee  not  equal  to  the  best  Mocha  to  be  sure,  but 
with  a flavor  peculiarly  its  own,  and  so  well  appreciated  by  the  Spaniards  that  most 
of  the  600,000  pounds  annually  raised  go  to  that  country.  The  Hawaiian  islands 
are  but  at  the  beginning  of  their  coffee  raising.  Within  five  years  their  exports  have 
increased  nearly  forty  fold.  It  may  be  many  years  before  these  island  groups  will 
be  able  to  produce  coffee  enough  for  the  entire  nation,  but  in  five  years  they  will  be 
sending  us  a quarter  of  our  imports  of  this  favorite  berry,  and  in  a decade  that 
total  can  easily  be  doubled.” 

A charming  descriptive  account  of  the  West  Indies  is  found  in  Mr.  James  Rod- 
way’s  work,  published  by  G.  P.  Putnam  & Sons,  and  we  quote  a vivid  picture  and 
a condensed  volume  of  history  in  a few  paragraphs: 


120 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


“When  we  think  of  these  beautiful  islands  and  shores  they  recall  those  of 
that  other  ‘Great  Sea’  which  was  such  a mighty  factor  in  the  development  of 
Greece  and  Rome,  Phenicia  and  Carthage,  Venice  and  Genoa.  As  Ulyssys  and 
EEneas  wandered  about  the  Mediterranean,  so  the  early  voyagers  sailed  along  the 
coasts  of  the  Caribbean  sea  and  Gulf  of  Mexico  in  the  fear  of  anthropophagoi,  ama- 
zons, giants  and  fiery  dragons.  As  the  Indies  were  the  scene  of  struggles  between 
great  nations  and  the  raids  of  buccaneers,  so  also  was  the  Mediterranean  a battle- 
field for  Christian  and  Turk  and  a center  for  piracy. 

“The  seaports  of  golden  cities,  pearls  and  emeralds  in  profusion  and  wealth 
that  passed  all  description,  led  the  Spaniards  to  explore  every  island  and  river  until 
the  cannibals  became  less  alarming.  Yet  their  sufferings  were  terrible.  Hurri- 
canes sunk  their  frail  craft  on  the  sea,  and  earthquakes  wrung  their  very  souls  on 
land.  Starvation,  with  its  consequent  sickness  and  death,  destroyed  one  party  after 
another,  but  they  still  went  on.  The  discovery  of  the  riches  of  Mexico  and  Peru 
led  them  to  look  for  other  rich  nations,  and  to  travel  thousands  of  miles  on  the 
mainland,  guided  by  the  reports  of  the  Indians.  Undaunted  by  suffering  and  fail- 
ure they  would  often  try  again  and  again,  perhaps  only  to  perish  in  the  attempt 
at  last. 

“The  treasures  of  the  Indies  made  Spain  the  greatest  nation  in  Europe.  With 
her  riches  she  could  do  almost  anything.  Other  nations  bowed  down  before  her, 
and  she  became  sovereign  of  the  seas  and  mistress  of  the  world.  No  matter  how  it 
was  obtained,  gold  and  silver  flowed  into  her  coffers.  What  did  she  care  that  it 
was  obtained  by  the  bloody  sweat  of  the  poor  Indians?  Then  came  envy  and 
jealousy.  Why  should  Spain  claim  the  whole  of  the  New  World?  England,  Hol- 
land and  France  began  to  dispute  her  supremacy  and  determined  to  get  a share  of 
the  good  things.  The  ‘invincible  domination’  of  Spain  led  her  to  declare  war 
against  England,  with  the  result  that  the  hardy  sea-dogs  of  that  time  began  to 
worry  the  fat  galleons  at  sea  and  to  pillage  the  treasure  depots  on  the  main. 

“And  here  we  must  mention  that  there  were  two  important  places  in  the  Indies 
where  Spain  was  most  vulnerable — the  Mona  Passage  between  Hispaniola  and 
Porto  Rico  and  the  isthmus  of  Darien.  Through  the  first  came  the  outward  fleets 
with  supplies,  and  on  their  return  with  gold  and  silver,  while  on  the  Isthmus  was 
the  depot  for  merchandise  and  the  great  treasure-store.  At  these  two  points  the 
enemy  congregated,  either  as  ships  of  war,  buccaneers,  corsairs,  or  pirates,  and  in 
their  neighborhood  some  of  the  most  bitter  struggles  took  place.  There  was  no 
peace  in  the  Indies,  whatever  might  nominally  be  the  peace  in  Europe.  English- 
men’s blood  boiled  at  the  atrocities  of  the  Spaniards,  but  we  are  afraid  it  was  not 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


121 


love  for  the  oppressed  alone  that  made  them  massacre  the  Spaniards  whenever  they 
got  an  opportunity.  The  poor  Indian  received  but  a scant  measure  of  justice  from 
these  very  people,  when,  as  a matter  of  convenience,  they  required  possession  of 
the  Caribbee  Islands. 

“Other  nations  took  possession  of  smaller  islands  unoccupied  by  Spain,  and 
from  these  centers  continued  their  raids,  as  privateers  in  war,  and  as  pirates  at 
other  times.  Sometimes  they  were  united  among  themselves  against  the  common 
enemy,  sometimes  at  war  with  each  other.  France  and  Holland  against  England, 
England  and  Holland  against  France — nothing  but  quarrels  and  fighting.  Now  an 
island  changed  hands,  and  again  it  was  restored,  or  recaptured.  The  planters  were 
never  sure  of  being  able  to  reap  their  crops,  and  often  had  literally  to  superintend 
the  estate  work,  armed  with  sword  and  arquebuse,  while  their  black  and  white 
slaves  cultivated  the  soil. 

“Now  the  West  Indies  became  the  great  training  ground  for  three  maritime 
nations,  England,  France  and  Holland.  Spain  lost  her  prestige,  and  the  struggle 
lay  among  her  enemies  for  over  a century.  At  first  the  three  disputants  for  her 
place  were  equally  matched;  then  Holland  dropped  behind,  leaving  England  and 
France  to  fight  it  out.  The  struggle  was  a very  close  one,  which  only  ended  with 
the  fall  of  Napoleon,  and  it  was  in  the  Caribbean  Sea  where  the  great  check  to 
France  took  place.  Here  Rodney  defeated  Degrasse,  and  here  Nelson  and  many 
another  naval  officer  gained  that  experience  which  served  them  so  well  in  other 
parts  of  the  world.  Here,  also,  was  the  scene  of  that  great  labor  experiment,  the 
African  slave-trade.  The  atrocities  of  the  Spaniards  caused  the  depopulation  of 
the  Greater  Antilles  and  led  to  the  importation  of  negroes.  Whatever  may  be  said 
against  slavery,  there  can  hardly  be  any  question  that  the  African  has  been  im- 
proved by  his  removal  to  another  part  of  the  world  to  the  extent  that  was  expected 
by  his  friends  when  they  paid  such  an  enormous  sum  for  his  enfranchisement; 
still,  there  are  undoubtedly  signs  of  progress. 

“The  white  colonists  in  the  West  Indies  never  settled  down  to  form  the  nucleus 
of  a distinct  people.  Since  the  emancipation  the  islands  have  been  more  and  more 
abandoned  to  the  negroes  and  colored  people,  writh  the  result  that  although  the  gov- 
ernment is  mostly  in  the  hands  of  the  whites,  they  are  in  such  a minority  as  to  be 
almost  lost.  In  Cuba  there  appears  to  be  such  a feeling  of  patriotism  towards  their 
own  island  that  probably  we  shall  soon  hear  of  a new  republic,  but  elsewhere  in 
the  islands  our  hopes  for  the  future  must  lie  in  the  negroes  and  colored  people. 

“On  the  mainland  the  original  inhabitants  were  not  exterminated  as  in  the 
large  islands,  and  consequently  we  have  there  a most  interesting  process  in  course 


122 


RECENT  DESCRIPTIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


of  accomplishment — the  development  of  one  or  more  nations.  Here  are  the  true 
Americans,  and  as  the  Gaul  was  merged  in  the  Frank  and  the  Briton  in  the  Saxon, 
so  the  Spaniard  has  been,  or  will  be  ultimately,  lost  in  the  American.  At  the 
present  the  so-called  Spanish  republics  are  in  their  birth-throes — they  are  feeling 
their  way.  Through  trouble  and  difficulty — revolution  and  tyranny — they  have 
to  march  on,  until  they  become  stronger  and  more  fitted  to  take  their  places  among 
nations.  Out  of  the  struggle  they  must  ultimately  come,  and  it  will  be  a most  inter- 
esting study  for  those  who  see  the  result. 

“In  Hispaniola  we  have  also  a nation  in  the  course  of  development — an  alien 
race  from  the  old  world.  More  backward  than  the  Americans,  the  Africans  of  Hayti 
are  struggling  to  gain  a position  among  other  nations,  apparently  without  any  good 
result.  The  nation  is  not  yet  born  and  its  birth-throes  are  distressing.  We  look  on 
that  beautiful  island  and  feel  sorry  that  such  a paradise  should  have  fallen  so  low. 
As  a race  the  negro  has  little  of  that  internal  power  that  makes  for  progress — he 
must  be  compelled  to  move  on.  Some  are  inclined  to  believe  that  he  is  in  process 
of  degenerating  into  the  savage,  but  we,  on  the  contrary,  believe  him  to  be  pro- 
gressing slowly. 

“In  the  islands  belonging  to  European  nations  the  influence  of  the  dominating 
power  is  visible  in  the  negro,  though  he  has  no  trace  of  white  blood.  The  French, 
English  or  Dutch  negro  may  be  recognized  by  his  manners  and  even  by  his  features. 
In  some  places  East  Indians  and  Chinese  have  been  imported,  but  these  stand 
alone  and  make  little  progress.  They  are  aliens  yet,  and  take  little  part  in  the 
development  of  the  colonies. 

“Latterly  the  West  Indians  have  sunk  into  neglect  by  Europe.  Except  for  the 
difficulties  of  the  planters  their  history  is  a blank  sheet.  Few  know  anything  about 
the  beautiful  islands  or  the  grand  forests  of  the  mainland.” 

It  is  of  the  common  information  of  the  transition  period  following  the  Spanish- 
American  war  and  its  revolutionary  consequences  that  General  Maximo  Gomez, 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Cuban  forces,  long  cherished  a dream  that  he  is  to  be 
the  founder  of  a confederacy  of  the  Antilles,  and  that  his  use  for  the  independence 
of  Cuba  is  to  forward  his  ambition  to  unite  and  rule  the  West  Indies.  But  it  is 
only  a dream  within  a dream.  The  political  power  of  the  Great  Republic  of  the 
North  will  attract,  command  and  absorb  the  tropical  islands  adjacent  to  our  south- 
ern shores. 


INTRODUCTION 


It  is  well  that  Cuba  holds  the  name  the  poor  savages  gave  the  island  before 
Columbus  saw  the  mountains  that  reminded  him  of  Sicily,  and  the  rivers  over- 
hung with  trees  from  which  trailed  vines  gorgeous  with  flowers,  while  the  water 
was  full  of  glistening  fishes,  sparkling  with  shifting  colors,  and  the  air  radiant 
with  birds  of  exquisite  plumage,  so  musical  that  it  seemed,  as  they  gave  concerts 
in  the  blooming  groves,  the  angels  were  singing,  and  one  could  hut  wish,  as  the 
discoverer  wrote  to  the  Queen  of  Spain,  the  songs  to  last  forever.  All  Americans 
should  be  glad  and  proud  that  this  island  of  surpassing  endowment  is  at  last 
free,  and  hope  that  in  the  centuries  to  come  there  will  be  erased  the  stains  of 
bloody  crime  and  tearful  sorrows  that  have  pervaded  the  atmosphere  and  all  the 
stories  of  this  country  of  beauty  and  fragrance,  of  fertility  and  every  charm  of 
nature,  yet  a land  bereft  of  happiness  because  authority  has  been  identical  with 
injustice  and  oppression.  The  mountains  with  their  forests,  the  bright  rivers  and 
broad  valleys  uplifted  in  creation's  morning,  arose  from  seas  of  crystal  so  translu- 
cent that  sailors  looking  over  the  sides  of  ships  selected  smooth  sand  upon  which 
to  drop  the  anchors,  avoiding  the  coral  rocks  that  would  have  been  perilous  if 
hidden.  The  wroods  and  the  waters  were  full  of  food  fruits  and  fishes — there 
were  many  varieties  of  oranges,  nutritious  roots  and  nuts,  and  the  wilderness 
was  as  a wonderful  and  boundless  orchard,  in  which  the  royal  palms  shed  their 
stately  leaves  for  the  habitations  of  the  amiable  tribes,  that  as  children  in  an 
Eden  of  their  own,  needing  no  raiment,  gathering  food  from  the  trees  and  the  soil, 
were  unconscious  that  the  world  was  not  all  their  garden  of  bliss,  until  the 
destroying  strangers  came.  The  kindly  race  whose  simple  wants  were  satisfied 
without  tilling  or  spinning  or  any  semblance  of  toil,  soon  perished  when  their 
paradise  was  invaded.  African  slavery  was  introduced  to  save  the  children  of 
Cuba  from  sinking  under  the  tasks  beyond  their  strength  imposed  by  the  invaders, 
but  the  remorseless  Spaniards  persevered  in  their  career  of  grasping  tyranny  and 
desperate  adventure,  devoted  to  gathering  treasure  to  be  transferred  to  the 
Peninsula  without  a thought  of  compensating  the  labor  of  the  sinless  and  the 
helpless,  for  whom  there  was  no  longer  rest  or  promise  of  escape  from  dreadful 
servitude,  and  for  whose  loving  good  will  implanted  in  their  tender  hearts,  there 

127 


128 


INTRODUCTION. 


was  no  response  save  in  the  bosom  of  the  good  priest,  the  memory  of  whose 
benevolent  concern  has  given  him  a beautiful  immortality. 

The  Cuban  experience  of  Spanish  domination  was  longer  by  nearly  a century 
than  that  of  the  South  and  Central  American  States,  and  the  effect  of  the  full 
force  of  the  evils  confirmed  and  perpetuated,  are  marked  as  with  firebrands  upon 
the  island,  a bitter  inheritance  that  under  the  best  conditions  will  not  soon  be  worn 
away.  San  Domingo  became  a synonym  of  a decline  from  civilization  into  bar- 
barism a century  ago.  The  freedom  of  lofty  and  opulent  Ilayti  from  the  rule  of 
foreigners,  the  transfer  of  power  from  the  masters  to  the  slaves,  did  not  secure 
the  contentment  and  prosperity  of  the  survivors  of  the  slaughters  of  the  revolu- 
tion, for  the  blood  unshed  was  so  mixed,  and  the  traditions  that  pierced  the  dark 
gloom  of  ignorance  were  so  discouraging,  that  there  was  propagation  of  the  unfit, 
a rank  production  of  the  deplorable  that  laid  the  land  desolate  and  largely  kept 
it  so.  In  Cuba  the  Spanish  decadence  set  in  earlier  by  many  years  than  in 
Mexico  and  Peru — there  was  half  a century  more  of  it  to  be  endured,  and  the 
leading  question  is  as  of  old:  “What  shall  the  harvest  be?”  The  fortune  of  Cuba 
has  been  harder  than  that  of  the  Philippines  because  in  the  latter  the  interposi- 
tion of  Mexico  as  New  Spain  made  a modification  that  was  a betterment  of  the 
Government.  The  appointments  by  the  Mexican  Supreme  Court  of  the  highest 
Philippine  authorities  were  with  some  regard  to  character  and  capacity.  Indeed 
there  was  much  that  was  judicious,  and  the  pioneer  priests  in  the  Philippines 
devoted  themselves  to  a great  extent  to  teaching  the  people  industries  that  developed 
the  riches  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  islands. 

The  Spanish  colonial  system  as  interpreted  at  Manila  was  for  two  hundred 
years  an  improvement  upon  that  at  Havana.  The  plague  and  ruin  of  the  unmiti- 
gated Spanish  methods  were  in  the  unappeasable  hunger  and  strife  for  spoil,  the 
eager  appropriation  by  the  master  class  of  the  earnings  of  the  subjugated  masses, 
and  the  vindictive  spirit  in  which  was  cultivated  the  idea  that  the  Peninsular 
Spaniards  were  the  exclusive  rightful  rulers,  and  that  even  the  American-born 
Spaniards  must  be  inferior  to  the  favorites  of  the  Spanish  crown  who  came  upon 
the  colonies  in  successive,  unfailing  hordes  of  parasites,  their  vocation  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  people,  that  they  might  unchecked  prey  upon  all  productive  industry, 
whether  in  the  fields,  the  forests  or  the  mines.  There  is  a melancholy  monotony 
in  the  stories  of  all  the  Spanish-American  states.  There  is  always  the  presence 
of  injustice,  rankling  and  consuming,  and  a characteristic  horror  in  the  wars  for 
the  suppressions  of  rebellions  that  burst  forth  when  the  invariable  despotism 
beeame  intolerable.  Disordered  Cuba  Libre  is  the  logical  result  of  Spanish  mis- 


INTRODUCTION. 


129 


government  that  neglected  every  duty  and  improved  all  chances  to  go  wrong.  The 
government  of  the  island  hy  and  for  a crown  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic 
for  four  centuries  could  not — though  it  has  been  often  found  that  there  were 
teachings  of  wisdom  in  schools  of  sorrow — prove  an  ideal  preparation  of  a people 
for  the  establishment  of  a stable  government.  The  Cubans  now  freed  from  all 
disabilities  save  their  own,  are  a generation  stamped  with  habits  of  thought,  indoc- 
trinated with  certain  forms  of  public  business,  and  so  encumbered  with  a mis- 
leading education,  that  our  advanced  American  principles  are  not  immediately 
comprehended,  hut  often  received  with  resentment.  The  misconduct  of  the  Cuban 
Assembly  that  has  warned  our  country  it  is  charged  with  very  difficult  responsi- 
bilities and  that  the  Cubans  as  a people  have  much  to  learn  that  is  essential, 
could  not  have  been  possible  but  for  the  long  procession  of  precedents  to  he 
avoided  if  the  future  is  to  redeem  the  past.  We  may  think  of  it  with  dawning 
confidence,  however,  that  the  evolution  of  one  military  and  popular  hero  like 
General  Gomez  is  proof  that  instruments  will  be  found  in  the  Cuban  crisis  for  the 
vindication  of  the  doctrine  that  the  safest  preparation  for  self-government  is  to  be 
free,  and  that,  though  redemption  from  oppression  is  by  the  sword,  the  sword  shall 
not  devour  forever. 


CHAPTER  I. 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 

The  Changes  of  Three  Years  in  Cuba — Recollection  of  the  Weyler  Period — The 
Fiery  Invasion  of  Western  Cuba  by  Gomez — The  Fall  of  Maceo  and  Decline 
of  the  Flood  of  Rebellion — American  Intervention  and  Spanish  Retire- 
ment— The  Stars  and  Stripes  Over  Morro  Castle  and  the  Governor’s  Pal- 
ace— The  Spaniards’  Farewell  to  Havana — Wild  Cuban  Rejoicing — Spanish 
and  Cuban  Combination  Against  American  Rule — Gomez  Meets  a Special 
Commissioner  and  Listens  to  Reason — His  Triumphant  Journey  to  Havana 
and  Ovation  in  the  City — He  Does  Not  Speak  at  the  Banquet  of  Cuban 
Celebration — Spectacular  Scenes  in  the  Old  Spanish  Capital — The  Prestige 
of  Gomez  Challenged  by  the  Hysterical  Cuban  Assembly — He  Is  Removed 
from  His  Command  of  the  Army  for  Opposing  the  Creation  of  a Great 
Public  Debt  Without  Value  Received  for  the  People — The  Splendid  Letter 
with  Which  He  Thanked  the  Assembly  for  Relieving  Him  of  Responsibility 
— The  People  Are  with  Him — As  a Pacificator  He  Is  a Statesman — The 
Catastrophe  to  Spain  of  the  Loss  of  Cuba — Her  Golden  Island  in  the 
Summer  Seas — The  Land  of  Promise  for  the  Favorites  of  a Corrupt  Gov- 
ernment in  the  Details  of  Administration — The  Harvest  Field  for  the 
Degenerate  of  a Nation  Fallen  from  the  First  Place — Did  Not  Occur  With- 
out Abundant  Admonition,  and  Yet  Seemed  to  the  Spectators  a Surprise 
in  Suddenness. 

Three  years  ago  Captain-General  Weyler  had  just  developed  his  policy  oi 
severity,  and  was,  as  he  said,  “Orienting”  his  enemies.  “See  how  I am  driving 
them  eastward,”  he  cried.  “When  I came  they  were  here,  and  now  they  are  there.” 
His  words  were  accompanied  by  a sweeping  gesture  from  west  to  east,  on  a great 
map  of  Cuba,  from  the  rugged  country  of  Pinar  del  Rio  to  the  south-eastern 
swamps  and  forests  of  Matanzas.  The  enemy,  he  said,  “might  get  away,”  but 


brush,  including  thorns  and  vines;  and  they  might  as  well  be  retired  in  that  way 
as  to  be  prisoners.  When  General  Weyler  arrived  at  Havana,  General  Gomez, 
with  his  right  arm  Antonio  Maceo,  were  so  near  the  city  that  they  could,  from 
the  hill  where  they  were  resting  close  to  the  sea,  west  of  the  Yacht  Club’s  House, 
see  the  Morro  Castle  light  and  count  the  guns  of  salutes  from  the  prison  fortress 
of  Cabanas.  The  march  of  the  torch  bearers  and  cane  burners  moving  west,  mak- 
ing the  heavens  glow  by  night  with  the  flaming  fields,  had  been  halted.  The 
strength  of  this  wild  raid  ordered  by  Gomez  and  fought  to  a finish  at  last  by 
Maceo,  had  been  spent  in  the  incendiary  adventure,  and,  while  the  general  result 

130 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


131 


was  disastrous  to  the  prosperous  industries,  and  destructive  of  the  resources  of 
both  Cubans  and  Spaniards,  it  had  not  been  practicable  to  muster  an  army 
seriously  to  assail  the  Spanish  fortified  lines.  It  was  the  theory  of  Gomez  that, 
once  the  cane  fields  and  sugar  mills  were  burned,  the  tobacco  plants  neglected  or 
trampled,  and  the  sheds  for  the  precious  leaves  fired,  the  labor  employed  would 
be  diverted  in  full  force  to  the  insurgent  ranks;  and  there  was  assembled  a throng  of 
combatants  poorly  equipped  and  incapable  of  discipline.  The  invasion  of  the 
Cuban  west  was  like  the  rush  of  a torrent  that  bursts  its  channel  and  sweeps  on 
with  the  rapidity  of  a mountain  stream  and  the  destructiveness  of  lava,  until 
the  energy  of  the  irruption  declined,  its  movement  slackened,  the  flood  receded, 
and  the  vivid  fires  were  buried  in  ashes.  Then  the  retreat  commenced,  and  the 
disheartening  experience  of  retiring  in  the  midst  of  blackened  fields  and  monu- 
mental chimneys,  demoralized  the  boasted  army  that  was  jaunty  under  fiery  skies. 
It  disappeared  in  the  chaos  from  which  it  came,  and  the  best  that  high  military 
capacity,  such  as  Gomez  undeniably  possessed  could  do,  was  to  conduct  stratagems 
of  evasion  and  encourage  popular  delusions  as  to  the  strength  and  activity  of  the 
immediate  command  of  the  chief.  The  policy  of  destruction  was  ingeniously  ap- 
plied to  the  disturbance  of  the  American  people,  and  as  Gomez  was  far  away,  and 
kept  the  field  with  only  scattered  bands,  each  too  small  to  attract  the  attention  of 
the  Spanish  army,  the  telegrams  dated  at  Havana,  but  wired  from  Key  West 
to  the  American  newspapers,  placed  the  old  General,  whose  consummate  game  was 
to  be  quiet,  in  the  attitude  of  a perpetual  thunderer  at  the  gates  of  Havana. 
Maceo  was  a daring  and  brilliant  chieftain,  whose  persevering  stand  west  of 
Havana  was  the  dread  and  shame  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  trocha,  designed  to 
fence  him  away  from  the  central  provinces,  was  as  ineffectual  as  the  concentration 
of  columns  of  Spanish  regulars  to  surround  the  insurgents  were  inadequate  to 
execute  the  commonplace  plan  of  all  the  campaigns.  Weyler  was  a typical  Spanish 
chieftain.  His  strategy  was  in  two  parts,  one  to  construct  a line  of  fortified 
posts,  string  barbed  wire  from  blockhouse  to  blockhouse,  and  provide 
a road  for  the  exclusive  use  of  the  Spaniards.  The  other  was  to  “surround”  the 
enemy  and  crush  him  with  converging  columns!  Against  a man  like  Maceo 
this  was  futile,  but  it  seemed  necessary  after  some  time  that  the  insurgents 
west  of  Weyler’s  fence  should  cross  it  and  agitate  the  province  of  Havana.  In 
this  movement,  after  demonstrating  the  failure  of  the  Spanish  military  system, 
Maceo  fell  a victim  to  his  habitually  fierce  impatience  to  seek  the  hot  places 
in  all  the  combats. 

The  answer  of  Weyler  to  the  campaign  of  desolation  by  Gomez,  was  the 


132 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


camps  of  concentration,  the  imprisonment  and  starvation  of  the  peasantry.  The 
burning  of  canefields,  mills  and  plantation  palaces  by  insurgents  was  answered 
by  the  annihilation  of  the  villages.  The  killing  of  domestic  animals  by  both  sides 
followed,  and  there  was  famine.  The  young  white  men  of  Cuba  who  took  the 
field  failed  fast  through  physical  inability  to  endure  the  exposure  and  hardships 
of  swampy  camps,  exhausting  tramps  and  uncertain  rations.  The  insurgents  in 
the  ranks  were,  therefore,  in  constantly  increasing  proportions  black  men.  The 
people  at  large  of  Cuba  perished  rapidly,  and  whenever,  if  ever,  there  is  a reliable 
census,  the  development  will  be  shocking.  During  the  last  year  of  Weyler  the  insur- 
gents gained  no  ground,  and  their  fighting  men,  adhering  in  a vague  way  to 
military  organization  and  enterprise,  had  little  left  of  the  dashing  enthusiasm 
of  their  predecessors  in  the  earlier  conditions  of  warfare.  There  were  manufac- 
tured at  Key  West,  for  American  consumption,  endless  stories  of  “battles,”  many 
wholly  fanciful,  while  others  were  stuffed  with  exaggerations  until  distorted  into 
falsifications.  The  war  would  have  dragged  on  to  a weary  length,  for  there  seemed 
to  be  as  slender  ability  to  quit  pretended  fighting  as  to  perform  actions  of  serious 
war.  The  Spanish  officers  did  not  appear  to  have  an  interest  in  closing  the  war. 
There  was  still  money  of  a passable  sort  to  find  and  spend,  and  the  feeding  of 
Spanish  troops  was  a business  that  kept  up  the  garrison  towns.  Cubans  were  to 
a considerable  extent  inclined  to  look  to  the  United  States  for  their  reward,  and 
waited  for  intervention.  Those  most  in  evidence  were  personages  of  the  “Govern- 
ment,” as  they  styled  a few  committees  whose  professions  that  they  were  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  were  of  high  temperature  and  intensity,  hut  without  cor- 
roborating testimony.  The  Cuban  government  was  principally  financial  in  its 
occupations,  and  toward  the  last  their  armies,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  Garcia, 
were  like  the  fever  and  ague  in  new  countries — always  in  the  next  counties.  The 
fifty  thousand  armed  Cubans  did  not  put  in  an  appearance  until  after  the  Spanish 
surrendered,  with  the  exception  of  the  detachment  that  checked  the  Spanish 
re-enforcements  going  to  aid  in  the  defense  of  Santiago,  until  the  battle  of  El 
Caney  was  fought  and  the  city  so  beset  that  further  fighting  was  fruitless.  The 
Cubans  did  good  service  in  this  case,  contributing  largely  and  positively  to  the 
fall  of  Santiago.  It  was  in  that  part  of  Cuba  that  rebellions  always  originated 
and  that  the  insurgents  were  most  stanch  in  sentiment  and  steady  in  the  field. 

There  was  a transformation  scene  in  Cuba  after  the  Protocol  of  Peace  that 
was  of  profound  political  interest,  full  of  dramatic  situations,  and  rich  with  historic 
spectacles.  The  evacuation  of  the  Cuban  cities  by  the  Spaniards  was  after  all  the 
tragedies  of  four  centuries,  a series  of  pictures  worthy  of  the  pens  and  pencils 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


133 


of  artists,  on  pages  touched  with  the  light  of  truth  and  within  golden  frames 
where  ideals  that  inform  rude  fact  with  the  glow  of  imagination,  invest  the  com- 
monplace with  associations  of  immortality.  Three  years  ago  Morro  Castle  stood 
stained  and  scarred,  grim  and  forbidding,  frowning  across  the  harbor  at  the  white 
city  of  Havana,  the  Spanish  colors,  red  and  yellow,  not  drooping  or  faded,  but 
flaunting  over  the  weather-beaten  walls;  and  Captain-General  Weyler  stood  in  a 
hall  whose  walls  glittered  with  a hundred  Captain-Generals  gorgeous  in  uniforms 
designed  to  symbolize  power  with  pomp,  and,  with  iron  jaw  protruded,  he  was 
pleased  to  prefer  in  business  hours  a simple  suit  of  black  alpaca,  a belt  of  Spanish 
colors  two  inches  wide,  his  only  distinction  of  dress  disclosing  authority — and  there 
came  into  his  presence  the  wives,  children  and  friends  of  massacred  neighbors,  to 
plead  without  result  for  protection  against  assassins  that  called  murder  combat. 
How  the  flags  of  the  United  States  and  Cuba  float  on  palace  and  castle  and  soldiers 
of  the  United  States  stand  guard  in  the  streets,  and  there  is  liberty  and  peace, 
no  political  prisoners,  the  ceremonies  of  tyranny  discarded,  the  custom-houses 
free  of  bribe-takers,  the  streets  clean,  the  music  in  the  parks  the  national  airs 
of  the  American  nation,  the  mighty  overshadowing  Republic  of  the  North,  a 
majestical  and  healing  presence,  the  actual  people  of  Cuba  seeking  to  he  American 
citizens,  for  as  they  look  up  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes  they  see  and  know  and  say 
it  was  under  this  shining  sign  the  vampire  clutch  of  Spain  was  loosened — -that 
there  came  as  if  by  the  stroke  of  an  enchanter’s  wand,  peace  and  liberty;  and 
one  breathes  American  air,  while  dazzling  starry  eyes  look  from  the  skies  of  tropic 
blue  upon  dungeons  empty  of  prisoners  whose  offense  was  a brave  fondness  for 
freedom. 

One  heroic  figure  arose  from  the  Cuban  confusion,  and  Maximo  Gomez,  no 
longer  a destroyer,  is  vindicated  as  a constructive  statesman.  We  find  him,  instead 
of  the  enemy  of  the  armed  Americans,  the  defenders  of  Cuba,  the  one  man  com- 
petent to  guide  and  command  the  people  he  fought  for  to  put  aside  the  vain- 
glorious frenzy  of  the  demagogues  asserting  themselves  and  following  in  Cuba 
the  madness  of  the  followers  of  the  Tagalo  tyrants  in  Luzon.  Gomez,  accepting 
America  as  a friend,  asks  them  to  prove  themselves  fit  for  friendship. 

The  first  Cuban  demonstrations  after  the  close  of  the  war  were  not  encour- 
aging to  those  responsible  for  order  and  engaged  in  works  of  pacification  and 
restoration.  It  was  natural  that  those  of  the  native  population  of  all  colors  and 
conditions,  hasty  to  take  the  field  of  public  observation,  should  be  in  part  on  the 
surface  as  agitators  in  the  cities  and  re-enforced  by  the  hands  of  guerrillas  that 
found  an  occupation  in  ambushing  the  Spaniards  and  skirmishing  with  them,  but 


134 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


doing  little  for  themselves.  The  novelty  of  appearing  anywhere  within  reach 
of  the  cheap  transportation  of  common  walking,  and  going  on  parade  as  the 
gallant  soldiers  of  an  always  invincible  and  at  last  victorious  Republic,  was  power- 
ful, and  the  grand  army  that  had  flourished  in  the  speeches  of  warlike  congressmen, 
and  the  lurid  columns  of  leading  newspapers,  and  the  official  reports  of  confiding 
enthusiasts  bearing  commissions  as  generals  more  or  less  in  command,  came  out 
of  the  retiring  places  from  which  they  had  complacently  carried  on  aggressive  war 
by  the  attrition  of  inertia,  and  were  ready  to  he  rewarded  for  personal  sacrifices 
of  valuable  time,  and  valor  displayed  in  combats  by  telegraph.  The  fiction  of  a 
great  Cuban  army  had  been  received  as  fact  for  some  years,  chiefly  by  the  inquiry: 
What  were  two  hundred  thousand  Spaniards  doing  in  Cuba  if  they  were  not 
antagonized  by  an  army  at  once  vast  and  valorous?  The  contact  of  our  army  at 
Santiago  with  the  Cuban  soldiers  should  have  produced  a most  favorable  impres- 
sion upon  the  Americans,  whose  experience  made  their  evidence  competent,  espe- 
cially for  the  reason  that  Garcia’s  forces  were  in  all  points  superior  to  other  armed 
Cubans  alleged  to  be  organized,  yet  the  Santiago  insurgents  were  a disappoint- 
ment, and  the  enlisted  men  of  our  regiments,  seeing  in  the  Cuban  soldiers  the 
“cause  of  humanity”  incarnate,  were  not  as  passionate  humanitarians  as  they  had 
been.  Still,  with  the  exception  of  the  body  guard  of  Gomez,  with  his  best,  and, 
apparently,  only  regiment,  the  bands  under  the  direction  of  Garcia  were  the  elite 
of  the  grand  army,  that  in  one  of  the  well-planned  campaigns,  Major-General 
Miles  commanding,  put  on  official  paper  as  an  “auxiliary  force”  of  fifty  thousand 
men!  However,  the  Cuban  army,  battling  for  the  rising  republic,  was  rapidly 
recruited  when  by  force  of  American  arms,  assisted  by  the  division  of  Garcia’s 
troops  that  held  up  Escario’s  column  of  Spaniards,  marching  from  Holguin  by 
way  of  Bayamo,  so  that  they  did  not  get  in  until  the  evening  of  the  memorable 
day,  July  3d,  after  Cervera’s  fleet  had  departed  from  the  busy  scene  of  active 
service.  The  Cubans  came  out  of  the  hushes  in  great  shape,  and  were  unanimous 
in  the  assertion  of  a great  principle,  which  was  that  they  would  not  disband  until 
they  had  been  paid  by  somebody,  and,  as  the  island  was  devastated  and  impover- 
ished, and  so  far  as  possible  in  the  regions  the  insurgents  held  ruined,  and  there 
had  been  afflictions  of  massacre,  incendiarism,  famine  and  pestilence;  and  as  the 
United  States  had  spent  vast  sums  in  ministrations  of  beneficence  as  well  as  in 
military  and  naval  expeditions,  and  was  unselfish  in  the  intervention  by  force,  it 
was  logical  to  the  minds  of  Cubans  of  the  assembly  that  the  armed  legions  rising 
fresh  from  the  fertile  soil  when  the  soft  footsteps  o*f  the  angel  messengers  of 
peace  signaled  that  all  was  well,  should  expect  to  gather  a harvest  of  American 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


135 


gold.  There  were  found  Cuban  soldiers  ready  to  go  on  the  pay-rolls  in  great 
numbers,  and  they  clung  to  the  garrison  towns,  not  as  Gomez  had  “thundered” 
for  twelve  long  months  at  the  gates  of  Havana — distant  four  hundred  miles  from 
the  waterworks — they  actually  arrived,  entered  into  the  strong  places  and  reported 
for  hard  cash,  putting  themselves  in  evidence  as  the  vanquishers  of  Spain.  Not 
a shot  was  fired  as  they  took  possession,  and  then  there  were  occasional  hard 
rubs  between  the  Spanish  garrisons,  about  to  retire  because  Spain  had  relinquished 
her  rights,  and  the  Cubans  who  enjoyed  exceedingly  the  festival  of  peace.  In 
Havana,  General  F.  Y.  Greene  occupied  at  the  Hotel  Ingletara  the  apartments 
that  were  the  home  of  General  Fitzliugh  Lee  when  he  wrestled  with  so  much 
energy,  courage  and  discretion  with  the  Cuban-American  citizens  of  Florida 
naturalization  who  had  heaps  of  claims  and  a supply  of  grievances  never  quite 
adjusted  to  the  satisfaction  of  anybody.  Several  Cuban  gentlemen  who  had  not 
done  quite  all  that  might  have  been  expected  from  their  antecedents  when  leading 
Cuban  columns  on  the  battlefields,  populated  chiefly  by  big  coons  and  blacksnakes, 
found  their  way  to  Havana  with  an  advance  guard,  and  played  star  engagements 
before  the  curtains  in  the  theaters,  so  that  the  proud  Spanish  heart  was  filled 
with  wrath  well  nigh  to  bursting,  and  at  last  there  was  a sensational  incident. 
General  Greene  heard  firing  in  the  park  across  the  street  in  front  of  the  hotel, 
and,  stepping  upon  the  marble  balcony  so  often  adorned  with  Spanish  colors,  the 
tower  of  Morro  Castle  visible  on  the  left,  the  statue  of  the  modern  Isabella  in 
the  park  presiding  over  the  music  stand,  a strange  and  not  uqfamiliar  spectacle 
was  before  his  eyes.  A Spanish  skirmish  line  was  advancing  in  good  order  and 
rapidly,  firing  in  crossing  the  pavement,  carrying  everything  before  them,  the 
spectators  rushing  to  get  out  of  the  fire.  In  a moment  the  ring  of  the  Mausers 
was  heard  under  the  projecting  second  story  over  the  sidewalk  of  the  house,  and 
then  the  same  ominous  sounds  and  screams  of  wounded  mingled  on  the  stairs. 
The  General  threw  open  his  door,  and  in  a few  steps  met  a squad  of  Cuban  fugi- 
tives running  to  gain  protection  in  his  room.  One  was  bleeding — all  were  justified 
in  the  keenest  apprehension  as  they  rushed  quickly  behind  the  General  and 
through  his  door,  availing  themselves  of  such  facilities  of  fortification  as  the 
furniture  afforded.  The  Spaniards  were  close  at  hand,  one  officer  with  drawn 
sword,  in  the  midst  of  a dozen  men  with  rifles.  The  General  was  in  full  uniform 
and  stood  firmly  holding  up  his  right  hand  with  a gesture  of  command,  saying 
in  Spanish,  “Stand  back.  What  do  you  want  here?”  “We  want  the  Cubans.” 
“You  cannot  have  them.  They  are  unarmed  and  under  my  protection.”  The 
Spanish  officer  recognized  an  American  General,  regained  his  self-possession, 


136 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


saluted  and  ordered  his  men  to  retire,  which  they  did  promptly.  It  was  the  Amer- 
ican uniform  that  had  saved  the  Cubans,  who  had  been  celebrating  the  victories 
of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Cuban  Republic,  not  so  wisely  as  too  much.  The 
time  was  not  quite  propitious  for  a Cuban  carnival.  There  were  many  affairs  of 
friction  that  struck  fire,  but  presently  under  American  influence  there  was  a toler- 
able degree  of  forbearance  on  both  sides — that  is,  between  the  Spaniards  of  the 
Island  and  those  of  the  Peninsula.  The  actual  government  of  the  island  would 
be  about  the  same  in  the  hands  of  these  islanders  as  of  the  peninsulars.  The 
true  people  of  Cuba  are  not  of  either  party,  as  we  use  the  word,  of  Spaniards.  It 
is  possible  that  the  Dominican  origin  of  Maximo  Gomez  may  have  advantages 
unexpected.  He  was  an  absolute  despot  and  incendiary  during  the  war.  His 
bulletins  reduced  boastfulness  to  a moderation  not  characteristic  of  other  com- 
manders on  either  side  engaged  in  the  field.  He  was  a remarkably  frequent  and 
forcible  letter-writer,  but  was  not  the  author  of  the  novelettes  wired  for  American 
consumption  as  news.  Gomez  did  order  the  burning  of  cane  fields,  under  the 
force  of  a mistaken  policy  that  corresponded,  in  some  particulars — it  being  a 
strategic  error  for  one  thing — with  the  burning  of  cotton  in  the  South  during  the 
War  of  our  States,  divided  as  National  and  Confederate.  When  we  consider  how 
slender  the  military  resources  of  the  Cuban  Commander-in-Chief  were,  he  made 
a brave  show,  and  kept  the  field  with  surprising  skill  and  unflinching  courage 
and  hopefulness.  He  was  accused  constantly  by  the  Spaniards  with  having  been 
bribed  by  Martinez  Campos  at  the  close  of  the  ten  years’  war,  but  the  ladies  of 
his  family,  his  wife  and  daughters,  during  his  long  absence  as  the  military  head 
of  the  Cuban  rebellion,  were  self-supporting  at  their  Dominican  home  as  teachers 
and  dressmakers.  They  are  women  of  intelligence  and  education,  and  have  the 
merit  of  honorable  and  uncomplaining  poverty.  His  son,  on  the  staff  of  Maceo, 
though'  wounded,  chivalrously  refused  to  leave  the  body  of  his  fallen  leader,  and 
was  chopped  to  death  with  machetes.  It  has  been  accepted  as  a true  story  that 
Maximo  Gomez  has  been  from  his  youth — a long  time,  as  he  has  entered  his  seventy- 
fifth  year — in  favor  of  a West  Indian  Confederacy,  hoping  and  believing  the  Euro- 
pean possessions  would  not  be  difficult  if  the  policy  of  relinquishment  was  per- 
suasively and  forcibly  presented,  but  he  thought  the  real  obstacle  to  the  accom- 
plishment of  comprehensive  ambition  was  our  country,  and  that,  therefore,  he  was, 
in  matters  of  state,  our  enemy.  He  has  had  a right  to  infer  from  the  public 
official  records  and  the  public  press  that  “We,  the  People  of  the  United  States,” 
want  Cuba,  and  to  oppose  us  as  the  champion  of  leadership  in  the  Confederate 
Independence  of  the  Great  Antilles.  It  does  not  become  us  to  complain  of  his 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


139 


sentiments  so  long  as  they  are  respectful  and  not  an  expression  of  ingratitude 
and  ill  will.  We  had  not  anticipated,  so  ruthless  has  he  been  in  war  and  relentless 
in  his  orders  and  proclamations  and  sanguinary  and  incendiary  in  his  marches, 
that  we  were  not  prepared  to  find  him  in  his  dealings  with  us  since  the  war  ended, 
not  the  implacable  warrior  who  used  fire  and  sword,  and  by  the  ruin  of  planta- 
tions placing  “the  San  Domingo  brand'’  on  the  Cuban  struggle,  but  a conservative 
citizen,  whose  ideas  were  those  not  of  a bushwhacker  but  a statesman.  We  had 
expected  him  to  be  our  most  troublesome  adversary,  and  find  him  our  best  friend, 
and  with  the  light  thrown  upon  his  character,  we  are  able  to  offer  a satisfactory 
solution  of  the  Cuban  problem.  There  may  be  some  mistake  about  it  after  all,  but 
as  the  case  stands  it  is  a duty  to  give  a verdict  that  he  is  an  honest  man.  Being 
the  military  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Cuban  insurgents,  he  has  had  experience 
of  the  fraud  in  the  civil  organization  called  the  Cuban  Republic,  and  does  not 
countenance  the  struggles  of  those  who  have  padded  that  government  and  stuffed 
the  pretended  army  rolls  with  the  names  of  alleged  officers  to  raise  money  to  support 
their  pretensions.  Those  who  find  it  consists  with  their  duty  to  give  helpful 
consideration  to  the  fraudulency  that  has  palpably  discredited  the  Cuban  cause, 
have  made  war  upon  General  Gomez  because  he  has  been  honorably  just  in  his 
judicial  attitude.  He  never  served  Cuba  so  well,  no  matter  how  high  his  mili- 
tary service  may  be  rated,  as  in  preventing  the  Cuban  people  and  the  people  of 
the  United  States  falling  into  irreconcilable  controversy  over  impossible  demands, 
for  many  millions  from  us  on  account  of  an  army  that  came  to  the  front  power- 
fully with  peace,  though  they  were  not  in  such  array  significant  in  war.  The 
claims  were  largely  based  on  padded  pay-rolls,  and  it  is  fortunate  for  Cuba  that 
the  military  leader  whose  only  weakness  was  in  his  slender  array  of  forces,  does 
not  enter  into  the  scheme  of  paying  off  an  army  organized  for  revenue  only. 
It  is  fortunate  for  the  United  States  that  the  falsity  that  has  damaged  the  standing 
of  the  Cuban  people  is  repudiated  by  the  man  known  to  the  world  to  have  been 
the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  men  who  fought  for  freedom,  who  proves  his  in- 
tegrity by  hardihood  for  the  right,  and  opens  the  way  for  the  Cuban  people  to  aid 
the  United  States  in  the  establishment  of  a stable  Government,  for  there  must  be 
truth  and  honor  to  depend  upon  or  the  structure  of  authority  will  be  on  a founda- 
tion of  sand  and  totter  to  a speedy  fall. 

The  American  forces  in  Cuba,  since  the  Spaniards  got  in  the  way  of  getting 
out  of  the  island,  have  been  handled  by  military  men  who  were  intolerant  of  false 
pretenders  and  conducted  affairs,  great  and  small  and  of  all  kinds  on  straight  lines. 
In  Santiago  a group  of  business  men  in  the  first  days  of  resumption  of  ordinary 


140 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


avocations,  thought  it  well,  as  the  same  class  of  men  did  in  Manila,  to  propose  a 
complimentary  “concession.”  The  sum  in  Santiago  tendered  for  special  privileges  : 
was  several  thousand  dollars,  and  abruptly  refused,  while  the  permission  desired  ! 
was  granted  at  once  on  the  ground  that  it  was  perfectly  legitimate,  requiring  i 
neither  license  nor  fee.  The  difficulties  have  been  with  the  class  of  Cubans 
who  were  loud  and  lavish  in  demands  for  American  protection,  on  various  excuses, 
a fabulous  citizenship  among  others,  before  the  war.  These  persistent  persons 
were  ready  and  more  than  willing  to  take  charge  of  all  the  functions  of  govern-  ; 
ment,  and  whenever  they  were  not  accepted  at  their  own  estimate  they  showed 
signs  of  feeling  that  they  were  wronged  men  and  felt  that  bloodshed  was  neces- 
sary. There  was  one  man  not  in  a hurry  to  go  into  the  midst  of  the  commotion,  who 
bided  his  time,  was  secluded  in  his  camp,  neither  obtrusive  for  others  nor  impor- 
tunate for  himself.  He  was  really  an  old  soldier  who  had  done  enough  to  cause 
extensive  differences  of  opinion  as  to  his  character,  and  his  policy.  His  name 
was  Maximo  Gomez.  It  was  the  prevailing  impression  that  he  was  a veteran 
revolutionist,  and  a man  of  positive  ability,  who  would  be  the  master  mind  among 
the  mischief  makers.  It  turns  out  that  he  has  pursued  a course  that  rallies  to  his 
support  the  people  of  Cuba  who  are  capable  of  making  the  competency  of  Cubans 
to  govern  themselves  evident,  and  that  if  the  island  is  some  day  to  be  a responsible 
nation  or  an  acceptable  State  in  the  great  republic  of  States,  he  will  be  the  architect 
•f  the  good  fortune  of  the  people. 

January  1st,  1899,  at  noon,  the  Spanish  standard  of  gold  and  red  descended 
the  flagstaffs  on  the  palace  and  Morro  Castle,  saluted  by  American  guns.  General 
Castellanos,  the  last  of  the  Captain-Generals,  then  surrendered  the  island  to  the 
American  commissioners  of  evacuation,  General  Wade  and  General  Butler.  The  ' 
sovereignty  of  Cuba  renounced,  as  the  American  flag  flashed  on  high,  there 
was  a thundering  roar  from  the  fleet  of  the  conquerors,  and  the  band  of  the 
Sixteenth  United  States  Infantry  played  “The  Star  Spangled  Banner”  in  the  Plaza 
de  Armos,  before  the  palace,  near  the  Ceba  tree  that  stands  where  its  predecessor 
with  like  splendor  stood,  under  which  the  first  mass  was  celebrated  in  the  island — 
at  least  a tradition  says  so — and  near  at  hand,  half  a block  down  the  street,  is 
the  wharf  from  which  sailed  the  expeditions  whose  voyages  are  wonders  of  history — 
of  Cortez,  Pizarro  and  Hernando  de  Soto.  The  Cuban  Junta  had  the  accustomed 
intensity  of  anxiej:es  to  flourish  on  this  occasion  and  the  insurgent  chiefs,  after 
they  had  been  for  awhile  in  torment  because  they  were  not  to  be  the  chief  actors 
that  day,  were  consoled  by  invitations  to  attend  the  function  at  the  palace.  The 
Master  of  ceremonies  was  General  Clous,  who  issued  instructions  to  the  officers 


CUBA  AFTEK  THE  WAR. 


141 


who  were  to  take  charge  of  the  various  departments  of  the  government.  Colonel 
Dudley  was  assigned  to  the  Department  of  Justice,  office  of  the  secretary  of  the 
Captain-General;  Major  L.  W.  Y.  Kennon,  Adjutant-General  of  the  Department, 
to  the  Department  of  Commerce  and  Agriculture;  Colonel  T.  U.  Bliss,  of  the  Com- 
missary Department,  to  the  Treasury;  Captain  Frank  B.  Hanna,  Assistant  Adjutant- 
General,  to  the  Department  of  Public  Instruction,  and  Colonel  Dunwoody,  of  the 
Signal  Corps,  to  the  Public  Works  Department.  Each  of  these  officers  was  in- 
structed thus: 

“On  the  firing  of  the  last  gun  of  the  first  twenty-one  at  noon,  you  are  to 
go  the  place  assigned  you  and  demand  possession  of  the  office  in  the  name  of  the 
United  States.” 

These  orders  were  given  under  the  arcade  of  the  palace. 

On  entering  the  palace  the  American  generals  went  to  the  salon  facing  the 
plaza,  which  is  on  the  second  floor.  It  is  a lofty  chamber,  decorated  with  mirrors 
of  deep  gilt  frames,  white  satin  draperies  and  the  scarlet  arms  of  Spain  over  each 
door  and  window.  Here  were  gathered  the  members  of  the  Captain-General’s 
staff. 

After  shaking  hands  General  Brooke  sat  upon  a sofa,  while  General  Cas- 
tellanos moved  toward  the  group  of  Cuban  generals.  British  Vice-Consul  Jerome 
introduced  him  to  General  Mayia  Rodriguez.  Shaking  both  the  hands  of  the 
Cuban  officer,  in  the  usual  Spanish  fashion,  General  Castellanos  said: 

“We  have  been  enemies,  but  I respect  you  for  your  correct  attitudes  and 
opinions.  I have  pleasure  in  shaking  your  hands.” 

General  Rodriguez  replied: 

“I  thank  you.  General.  I feel  sorrow  for  the  Spanish  army,  which  has 
defended  the  banner  it  was  sworn  to  defend.  I also  have  pleasure  in  shaking 
your  hands.” 

The  hour  long  waited,  when  the  Spanish  were  to  give  up  their  greatest  and 
last  possession  in  America,  was  announced  by  the  striking  of  twelve  o’clock,  and, 
pale-faced,  with  a broken  voice.  General  Castellanos  said: 

“In  accordance  with  the  treaty  of  Paris,  it  devolves  upon  me  to  declare  on 
behalf  of  my  country  and  my  king  that  from  this  moment  Spanish  sovereignty 
in  Cuba  is  ended,  and  to  deliver  the  island  to  the  American  commission  of  evacua- 
tion. I obey  and  respect  the  order  which  my  country  has  laid  it  upon  me  to 
fulfill,  and  I declare  most  solemnly  that  I shall  be  the  first  one  to  render  «bedience 


142 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


to  the  new  government.  I speak  as  well  for  my  soldiers.  I trust  our  future 
relations  will  he  friendly  and  helpful.  The  consideration  with  which  we  treated 
the  American  army  while  it  was  our  guest  will,  we  hope,  be  given  to  us  until  the 
evacuation  of  the  island  is  completed.” 

General  Wade,  the  son  of  brave  old  Senator  “Ben”  Wade  of  Ohio,  uttered 
two  words,  “I  accept,”  and  the  command  was  turned  over  to  General  Brooke,  who 
said: 

“I  accept  this  great  trust  in  behalf  of  the  Government  and  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  (addressing  General  Castellanos)  I wish  you  and  the 
gallant  gentlemen  with  you  a pleasant  return  to  your  native  land.  May  prosperity  | 
aitend  you  and  all  who  are  with  you.” 

The  Cubans  who  watched  the  Spanish  flag  come  down  are  described  as  “a 
hysterical  mob  of  men  and  women  cheering  and  weeping.”  The  Spaniards  stripped  ■ 
the  walls  of  the  palace  of  their  glittering  paintings  of  Spanish  uniforms  for 
viceroys.  In  going  out  of  the  palace  General  Castellanos,  said,  losing  composure:  t 

“I  have  been  in  as  many  battles  as  there  are  hairs  on  my  head,  but  these  forces 
overcome  me.” 

Eight  regiments  of  American  volunteers  marched  through  the  city,  up  the 
Piado,  the  route  the  Spanish  regiments  landed  at  Havana  always  took  for  their 
first  parade  on  the  fatal  soil  of  Cuba.  The  Americans  present  at  the  surrender 
were  Brooke,  Wade,  Butler,  Ludlow,  Chaffee,  Davis,  Clous  and  Humphreys,  with 
Commodore  Cromwell  and  Captains  Cook,  Sigsbee,  Chester,  Cowles,  Eaton  and 
Merry  of  the  six  warships  in  the  bay.  ’ 

General  Lee,  after  riding  at  the  head  of  the  parade,  appeared  on  the  balcony 
of  the  palace,  where  a tedious  series  of  Captain-Generals  had  been  presented  under 
their  white-plumed  hats,  to  hear  the  shouts  of  the  populace,  who  made  fair  weather 
with  rulers.  The  reception  of  General  Lee  was  everywhere  a hearty  greeting. 
There  were  wild  cheers  always  as  he  was  recognized,  and  there  was  no  figure 
more  famous.  During  the  last  moments  of  the  farewell  of  the  Spaniards  it  is 
related  a Spanish  girl  on  a balcony  of  one  of  the  houses  along  this  street  displayed 
a Spanish  flag  and  cried,  “Viva  Espana,  viva  el  Capitan-General.”  In  an  instant 
Castellanos  and  his  staff  were  sobbing.  It  was  an  extraordinary  scene.  Their  grief 
was  respected,  and  a small  throng  of  Spaniards  at  the  wharf  embraced  them,  with 
cries  of  “Long  live  Spain”  and  “Long  live  Castellanos.”  His  staff  officers  tried 
to  respond,  but  their  emotions  made  their  replies  inaudible. 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


143 


Just  at  this  time  an  American  flag  was  raised  over  the  wreck  of  the  Maine, 
close  to  the  spot  where  the  last  footsteps  of  the  Spanish  authorities  fell  as  .they 
turned  away  from  Cuba  and  hoarded  tlieir  boats!  The  incident  has  a pathos  like 
that  of  “the  last  sigh  of  the  Moor”  when,  at  a turn  of  the  road,  he  looked  for  the 
last  time  on  the  towers  of  Granada,  surrendered  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  upon 
whom  Christopher  Columbus  was  waiting  to  obtain  their  help  to  find  a new 
world,  of  which  Cuba  was  the  gem  that  remained  longest  in  the  crown  of  Spain. 
General  Brooke,  when  the  insurgent  officers  paid  him  their  formal  respects  in  a 
body,  said: 

“You  know  the  circumstances  in  which  American  troops  have  come  to  your 
shores.  Extraordinary  efforts  may  he  necessary  on  your  part.  I expect  your  fullest 
co-operation.” 

The  official  cable  report  runs: 

“Havana,  January  1. — To  the  President,  Washington:  The  government  for- 

mally surrendered  by  General  Castellanos  ’ to  American  commission  at  12  o’clock 
and  by  latter  transferred  to  General  Brooke.  Ceremonies  successfully  carried  out. 
The  American  flag  flies  from  Morro  Castle,  Cabanas,  the  palace  and  other  build- 
ings. City  orderly. 

“WADE,  Chairman; 

“CLOUS,  Secretary.” 

The  progress  of  the  American  troops  through  Cuba  was  attended  with  gratify- 
ing expressions  of  the  kindly  feelings  of  the  people  and  their  gratitude  for  value 
received.  Mr.  James  Lacey,  of  the  Second  Illinois  Volunteers,  wrote  of  the  journey 
by  rail,  170  miles  from  Havana  to  Cienfuegos,  beginning  December  30th,  that 
at  all  stops  the  soldiers  received  ovations.  He  wrote: 

( f 

“Thousands  of  Cubans  met  us,  threw  flowers  at  us  and  gave  us  sweetmeats. 
In  some  instances  the  beautiful  Cuban  girls  could  not  restrain  their  joy  at  seeing 
their  benefactors  and  kissed  the  hoys. 

“At  Matanzas  the  streets  were  thronged,  the  houses  decorated  and  the  citizens 
dressed  in  holiday  attire,  awaiting  us.  Around  the  cars  when  the  engine  came 
to  a halt  the  residents  crowded  so  near  that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  disembark. 
When  we  did  it  was  to  meet  a reception  the  like  of  which  we  had  never  experi- 
enced before. 

“The  Cuban  girls  gave  us  relics,  cheered  us  until  their  throats  were  sore  and 
then  marched  us  to  a hall,  where  a magnificent  dinner  was  served.  The  boys 
were  not  allowed  to  spend  a cent.  In  the  cafes  and  cigar  stores  the  waiters  refused 
to  take  our  money.  Merchants  stood  on  the  pavements  and  invited  the  soldiers 


144 


CUBA  AFTEE  THE  WAE. 


inside  to  take  anything  their  eyesight  fancied.  Of  course,  none  of  these  generous 
invitations  were  accepted. 

“During  the  stop  at  Matanzas  some  of  the  boys  entertained  the  Cubans  by 
giving  an  exhibition  of  an  American  cake  walk.  Frank  Weaver,  William  J. 
Enderle,  Peter  Erickson  and  Corporal  Peter  Nelson,  of  Company  G,  led  a grand 
parade  through  the  principal  streets,  followed  by  10,000  men,  women  and  children. 
Bands  were  playing  everywhere,  the  streets  were  strewn  with  flowers  and  from 
nearly  every  throat  came  the  exultant  cry  of  Wive  Americano!’ 

“Our  next  stopping  place  was  at  Santa  Clara,  where  our  reception  was  no  less 
enthusiastic  than  at  Matanzas.  From  Santa  Clara  to  this  city  the  natives  shouted 
‘welcome’  to  us  from  every  quarter. 

“The  day  following  our  arrival  here  the  Spanish  flags  were  hauled  down  from 
all  public  buildings  and  the  Stars  and  Stripes  run  up.  Major  Dusenberry  had 
charge  of  these  formalities.  After  Old  Glory  had  been  placed  on  the  custom-house 
the  citizens  went  into  a delirium  of  joy.  Lien  hugged  each  other  and  the  women 
kissed  the  soldiers  until  some  of  the  latter  complained  of  being  tired.” 

There  were  22,000  Spanish  soldiers  still  in  the  province  where  this  reception 
of  American  soldiers  took  place. 

One  of  the  first  things  that  came  in  view  after  the  military  Spanish  evacu- 
ated Cuba  was  the  combination  understanding  reached  by  the  Spanish  civilians, 
whose  home  was  in  Cuba,  and  the  Cubans.  An  article  appeared  in  the  Diairo  de  la 
Marina,  the  principal  journal  of  Havana,  and  pro-Spanish,  January  12,  in  which 
it  “could  not  see  much  further  need  of  American  troops  in  Havana  or  Cuba.” 
It  said  “the  Spanish  understand  the  Cuban  leaders.”  The  latter,  it  claimed,  had 
demonstrated  their  ability  to  preserve  order,  as  they  had  been  in  undisputed  control 
of  96  per  cent  of  the  Cuban  towns.  The  situation,  it  was  argued,  annihilated 
annexation.  There  was  a good  deal  of  this  for  a few  days.  The  true  intent  was 
to  make  arrangements  to  minimize  the  American  influences  and  provide  for  the  sub- 
stantial continuance  of  the  old  Spanish  system. 

Bishop  Santander,  the  head  of  the  Catholic  church  in  Cuba  since  the  resigna- 
tion of  the  archbishop  of  Santiago,  accepted  the  honorary  presidency  of  the 
Spanish  Association  of  Loyal  Peninsulares,  whose  devotion  to  their  mother  coun- 
try does  not  make  them  love  Cuba  less.  The  bishop’s  acceptance  raised  a storm 
of  protest  in  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Cuban  church,  who  believe  the  prelate  should 
keep  entirely  out  of  politics.  Through  his  secretary  he  declared  that  he  would 
not  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  saying: 

“I  have  always  believed  that  Cuba’s  interests  were  best  fosterqd  by  Spanish 
rule,”  he  told  me,  “and  I see  no  reason  why  I should  change  my  conviction.”  He 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


145 

declined  to  talk  about  the  financial  status  of  the  church  or  the  plan  it  will  adopt 
to  support  the  clergy  without  state  aid. 

General  Gomez  made  a speech  at  Carilia  Rien,  urging  unity,  and  his  order  to 
keep  the  Cuban  army  under  organized  discipline  to  prevent  the  troops  from  scat- 
tering into  brigandage  was  believed  to  have  had  much  to  do  with  bringing  the 
Spanish  element  to  look  with  favor  upon  free  Cuba.  Cuban  soldiers  were  unpaid, 
poorly  fed  and  dissatisfied,  of  course.  If  turned  loose  they  would  take  to  the 
woods  and  resume  guerrilla  warfare. 

It  does  not  seem  to  them  or  to  their  advisers  that  they  had  a possible  resource 
in  going  to  work  and  assisting  to  get  in  a sugar  crop,  compensating  for  the  waste 
of  fields  with  fire. 

December  29th  Gomez  issued  from  his  camp  a proclamation  advising  the  Cuban 
army  against  disbanding  until  the  proceedings  at  Washington  regarding  the  pay 
of  the  insurgent  troops  have  been  completed.  It  is  dated  December  29  and  says: 

“The  moment  has  arrived  to  give  a public  explanation  of  my  conduct  and  my 
purposes,  which  are  always  in  accord  with  my  sense  of  duty  to  the  country  I serve. 
The  Americans,  tacitly  our  allies,  have  terminated  the  war  with  Spain  and  signed 
a treaty  of  peace.  But  Cuba  is  not  yet  free  or  independent.  Self-government  is 
not  yet  constituted.  For  that  reason  we  must  dedicate  ourselves  to  bringing  about 
the  disappearance  of  the  cause  for  American  intervention. 

“But,  above  everything  else,  in  the  spirit  of  justice  to  the  Cuban  army,  it  is 
necessary  that  before  the  liberators  of  the  people  can  dissolve,  as  a guaranty  of 
order,  that  the  debt  which  the  country  owes  to  its  soldiers  should  be  satisfied. 
Awaiting  this  result,  I remain  in  my  present  position,  always  ready  to  help  the 
Cubans  finish  the  work  to  which  I have  dedicated  my  life.” 

During  a masquerade  at  the  Havana  Club  House  on  the  night  of  January 
20th  in  honor  of  the  Cuban  Assembly  Major-General  Ludlow,  Military  Governor 
of  the  Department  of  Havana,  sent  a staff  officer  to  stop  the  discharge  of  fire- 
works in  front  of  the  clubhouse.  The  Cubans  were  at  first  disposed  to  be  resentful, 
but,  after  some  boisterous  talk,  gave  up  the  display. 

The  Cubans  of  the  sort  of  the  alleged  “Assembly”  had  from  the  first  had  the 
Junta  characteristic  of  acute  emotions  about  financial  transactions.  There  was  in 
January  a muddle  over  the  Spanish  bank  tax  collection.  The  Cuban  Assembly 
party  were  swift  to  ally  themselves  with  Spaniards  in  sympathy  as  against  Amer- 
icans, but  were  stricken  with  horror  regarding  the  Spanish  Bank.  There  was 
some  reason  for  agitation  before  the  correct  solution  was  reached,  that  the  United 
States  should  have  a fiscal  system  not  transmitted  from  the  Spaniards. 

The  privilege  which  the  bank  held  from  the  Spauish  Government  of  selling 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


146  CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 

stamped  paper  was  not  involved  in  the  controversy,  because  under  American  control 
stamped  paper  was  abolished.  The  tax  collection  bad  nothing  to  do  with  the 
legal  proceedings  which  were  commenced  to  test  the  responsibility  of  the  Spanish 
bank  for  the  billets  or  paper  currency  which  was  issued  by  direction  of  the  Spanish 
Government  during  the  insurrection.  This  action  was  foreseen,  and  when  the  issue 
was  ordered  the  bank  sought  to  protect  itself  from  liability,  and  was  thought  to 
have  done  so  successfully.  Twenty  million  dollars  of  this  money,  called  “writers’ 
scrip,”  was  known  to  have  been  issued,  and  a larger  amount  was  suspected.  Origi- 
nally $3,000,000  in  gold  was  held  in  the  bank  as  a redemption  fund.  Afterward 
$6,000,000  in  silver  was  substituted  and  10  per  cent  of  the  customs  duties  was 
exacted  in  billets.  This  was  said  to  have  been  canceled  when  paid  in.  During 
the  blockade  Blanco  took  all  the  silver  reserve  away  from  the  hank.  The  billets 
reached  a nominal  quotation  of  5 cents  on  a dollar.  Speculators  bought  bushels 
of  them,  and  they  demanded  that  the  bank  be  compelled  to  repay  the  alleged 
misappropriation  of  municipal  and  school  funds  during  Weyler’s  time. 

A dispatch  from  London  February  2d  says: 

“A  former  captain  of  the  Cuban  army,  Juan  Fernandez,  the  London  repre- 
sentative of  General  Maximo  Gomez,  issued,  by  order  of  the  latter,  to-day,  previous 
to  the  receipt  here  of  the  Remedios  dispatch  showing  the  settlement  of  the  Cuban 
difficulty,  a long,  bombastic  statement  purporting  to  explain  the  situation  in  Cuba. 
He  said: 

“ ‘The  proffered  $3,000,000  for  the  payment  of  the  Cuban  troops  has  been 
refused  as  totally  inadequate  to  meet  the  expenses  and  losses  of  the  troops,  many 
of  whom  have  lost  all  proofs  that  they  are  owners  of  property,  which  is  now  being 
monopolized  by  American  capitalists  and  railroad  magnates.  Even  twice  the 
$6,000,000  demanded  by  General  Gomez  would  not  properly  recoup  the  Cubans. 
We  all  respect  President  McKinley  and  the  American  Government,  but  we  have 
no  respect  for  the  petty  officials  employed  by  the  United  States  Government,  who 
are  exercising  as  had  tyranny  toward  the  Cubans  as  did  the  Spaniards.  This 
tyranny  and  lack  of  money  is  driving  the  Cubans  headlong  to  rebellion.  If  the 
demands  are  not  satisfied  they  will  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  the  Filipinos  and 
resist  to  the  death  the  authority  of  the  United  States  in  Cuba.  God  knows  how 
it  will  result,  but  carnage  and  the  annihilation  of  the  Cubans  is  inevitable.  God 
forbid  that  it  should  come  to  that.  I will  even  add  “Vive  la  Repub] ’ca  de  Ameri- 
canos.” ’ 

“Fernandez  recounts,  in  the  course  of  his  statement,  as  an  example  of  the 
alleged  tyranny  of  minor  officials,  the  story  of  the  alleged  employment  of  himself 
by  a United  States  naval  attache  in  London  to  proceed  to  Spain  on  secret  service 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


147 


during  the  war.  He  relates  the  clangers  he  recounted  and  the  success  he  achieved, 
and  says  that  when  he  returned  here  the  United  States  embassy  refused  to  make 
him  any  further  payments,  although  he  was  $250  out  of  pocket,  above  the  travel- 
ing expenses  given  him.  He  further  asserts  that  the  United  States  Ambassador 
refused  to  see  him,  although  he  says  he  had  a letter  from  the  Department  of  State, 
in  reply  to  his  complaint,  telling  him  to  see  the  Ambassador.” 

How  far  the  name  of  General  Gomez  was  used  without  authority  in  this  ease 
the  General  alone  can  tell,  but  the  sickening  and  bombastic  style  of  Fernandez, 
willing  to  accept  the  money  of  the  United  States  to  pay  for  the  fires  kindled  for 
Cuba  Libre,  making  the  fat  land  lean,  is  perceptible  in  every  line. 

President  McKinley,  after  watching  intently  the  course  of  the  Cubans,  whose 
conduct  by  the  time  the  Spanish  troops  had  left  the  island  was  threatening,  while 
these  demands  were  preposterous,  sent  Mr.  Robert  P.  Porter  to  find  Gomez  and 
ascertain  what  his  feeling  was  regarding  the  dissatisfaction  among  the  Cubans 
which  had  developed  dangers.  In  the  last  days  of  January  the  Special  Commis- 
sioner met  General  Gomez  at  Remedios,  Province  of  Santa  Clara.  When  Mr. 
Porter  arrived  at  the  General’s  camp  he  was  accompanied  by  Senor  Gonzales 
Quesada,  the  special  commissioner  of  the  Cuban  Junta  at  Washington;  Captain 
Campbell  of  General  Brooke’s  staff;  Lieutenant  Lianna  of  General  Wood’s  staff, 
and  a correspondent  of  the  Associated  Press. 

General  Gomez  had  gone  to  his  camp  this  morning,  but  he  returned  accom- 
panied by  his  staff  and  fifty  horsemen  on  various  kinds  of  mounts.  They  rode  past 
the  hotel  where  Mr.  Porter  was  stopping,  around  the  Plaza  and  to  a side  street 
to  the  Cuban  headquarters.  General  Gomez  was  seen  by  Senor  Quesada  this  after- 
noon, and  after  an  hour’s  conference  Mr.  Porter,  accompanied  by  Senor  Quesada, 
Captain  Campbell  and  Lieutenant  Hanna,  was  received  by  General  Gomez  in  his 
parlor,  up  one  flight  of  stairs,  and  in  the  presence  of  his  staff. 

The  old  general  wore  no  insignia  of  his  rank.  He  was  dressed  in  a linen 
coat  and  dark  trousers,  and  had  a silk  handkerchief  over  his  coat  collar.  He  also 
wore  a black  tie,  and  showed  a heavy  silver  watch  and  chain,  with  a silver  cross 
attached  to  it. 

The  Cuban  commander  was  cordial  in  greeting  Mr.  Porter  and  opened  the 
interview  by  referring  to  the  change  for  the  better  which  had  taken  place  in  Cuba 
since  he  was  last  here  in  September.  He  also  laid  stress  on  the  fact  that  some 
people  were  asking  where  was  Cuba’s  promised  liberty. 

“The  answer  to  this,”  said  Mr.  Porter,  “is  that  Cuba  now  has  commercial 
and  industrial  liberty,  and  that  President  McKinley  has.  directed  me  in  framing 


148 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


the  Cuban  tariff  to  make  no  discriminations  in  favor  of  the  United  States  in  the 
manner  that  Spain  favored  herself.  Cuba  is  free  to-day  to  buy  in  the  cheapest 
market.  People  are  returning  to  the  pursuits  of  peace,  and  our  military  govern- 
ment will  give  way  to  the  civil  government  as  fast  as  possible.” 

Mr.  Porter  also  said  that  the  purpose  of  the  American  Government  was  to 
lay  a firm  foundation  for  a stable  government  for  Cuba,  to  give  the  Cubans  all 
the  liberty  they  had  fought  for,  and  that  General  Gomez  must  remember  that,  and 
more  still.  For  instance,  there  were  25,000  or  30,000  Spanish  soldiers  at  Cien- 
fuegos  who  had  not  left  Cuba;  we  had  only  been  a month  on  the  island,  and 
President  McKinley  needed  and  was  entitled  to  the  co-operation  of  all  interested 
in  the  welfare  and  future  of  Cuba,  and  he  needed  the  co-operation  of  General 
Gomez  above  all  others. 

The  first  problem,  Mr.  Porter  then  pointed  out,  was  the  disbandment  of  the 
Cuban  army  and  the  return  of  the  Cuban  soldiers  to  work.  This  was  the  specific 
mission  which  had  brought  Mr.  Porter  to  Bemedios  and  in  which  President  Mc- 
Kinley expected  General  Gomez’  aid. 

The  Cuban  Commander-in-Chief  replied  that  he  was  ready  and  willing  to  give 
the  aid  required,  but  asked  how  he  could  do  so. 

To  this  Mr.  Porter  replied  that  President  McKinley  would  be  glad  to  have 
him  go  to  Havana  and  co-operate  with  General  Brooke  in  disbanding  the  Cubans 
and  in  paying  over  the  $3,000,000  appropriated  for  that  purpose. 

General  Gomez  said  the  amount  was  too  small,  but  that  was  not  his  fault, 
and  he  would  make  it  go  as  far  as  possible,  likening  it  to  the  miracle  of  the  loaves 
and  fishes. 

“No  man  in  history,”  said  Mr.  Porter,  “has  done  so  much  with  such  small 
resources  as  you  have  done.  Hence  your  co-operation  with  General  Brooke  will 
bring  good  results.” 

General  Gomez  especially  requested  the  money,  for  which  Mr.  Porter  had 
orders  in  his  pocket,  should  be  paid  over  to  General  Brooke  and  not  to  himself, 
as  he  did  not  want  the  personal  responsibility  of  keeping  it. 

The  Cuban  general  then  assured  Captain  Campbell  of  his  good  feeling  toward 
General  Brooke,  and  the  formal  compact  was  presented  by  Mr.  Porter  and  assented 
to  by  General  Gomez.  This  compact  was  in  these  terms: 

“I.  The  Cuban  officers  in  each  province  shall  assist  the  American  officers 
in  distributing  the  funds. 

“2.  These  officers  shall  at  once  meet  at  some  convenient  point  and  devise 
when  and  where  the  settlements  are  to  be  made  and  arrange  any  other  details. 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


149 


“3.  The  sum  paid  to  each  man  shall  not  be  regarded  as  part  payment  of  salary 
or  wages  due  for  service  rendered,  hut  to  facilitate  the  disbandment  of  the  army, 
as  a relief  of  suffering  and  as  an  aid  in  getting  the  people  to  work. 

“4.  The  Cubans  shall  surrender  their  arms  to  the  Cuban  Assembly  or  to  its 
representatives. 

“ 5 . The  committee  on  distribution  shall  use  its  best  endeavors  to  distribute 
it  among  the  population  so  that  all  may  secure  work. 

“6.  The  $3,000,000  shall  be  placed  subject  to  the  order  of  General  Brooke 
and  action  in  the  matter  shall  be  immediate.” 

Mr.  Porter  declined  to  be  interviewed  February  1st  except  to  say  that  he 
had  received  orders  from  President  McKinley  one  week  ago  to-day  to  bring  General 
Gomez  and  General  Brooke  together,  and,  having  accomplished  this,  he  was  now 
returning  home. 

Immediately  after  conference  General  Gomez  wrote  the  following  letter  to 
President  McKinley  in  Spanish: 

“Republic  of  Cuba,  Headquarters  of  the  Army,  Remedios,  February  1,  1899. — 
President  McKinley,  Washington:  It  has  been  a great  pleasure  to  me  to  confer 
with  your  commissioner,  Mr.  Porter,  introduced  by  my  friend,  Quesada,  and  I am 
now  aware  of  and  pleased  with  your  wishes.  In  a short  time  I shall  go  to  Havana 
and  confer  with  General  Brooke,  so  that  everything  will  go  well.  Following 
your  advice,  I willingly  co-operate  in  the  work  of  reconstructing  Cuba. 

“MAXIMO  GOMEZ,  General.” 

A dispatch  from  Remedios,  Santa  Clara  Province,  February  2nd  stated: 

“General  Maximo  Gomez,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Cuban  army,  placed 
himself  squarely  in  position  to-day  as  an  active  ally  of  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment in  the  work  of  the  reconstruction  of  Cuba. 

“As  a result  of  the  conference  which  Robert  P.  Porter,  the  special  commis- 
sioner of  President  McKinley,  has  had  with  General  Gomez,  the  latter  cabled  to 
President  McKinley  this  afternoon  assuring  him  of  his  co-operation  in  disbanding 
the  Cuban  army  and  in  distributing  among  the  Cuban  soldiers  the  $3,000,000 
appropriated  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  them  to  return  to  their  homes.  General 
Gomez  also  telegraphed  to  Major-General  Brooke,  saying  he  would  accept  the 
latter’s  invitation  to  go  to  Havana. 

“The  success  of  Mr.  Porter's  mission  greatly  simplifies  the  returning  of  the 
military  Cubans  to  the  pursuits  of  peace.  In  view  of  General  Gomez’  supposed 
attitude  of  hostility  toward  the  United  States  Mr.  Porter  came  here  clothed  with 
absolute  authority,  and  the  tender  of  the  $3,000,000  was  practically  a verbal  ulti- 
matum. 

“Mr.  Porter  made  plain  the  purpose  of  the  Government  and  was  gratified 


150 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


at  the  ready  response  of  General  Gomez.  The  conference  took  place  at  the  house 
here  occupied  by  the  Cuban  general  as  his  headquarters  since  coming  to  town. 

“Gomez  at  once  began  to  prepare  for  his  trip  to  Havana,  and  his  attitude  was 
more  cordial  than  Mr.  Porter  expected.  He  told  the  latter  he  was  proud  to  meet 
the  special  commissioner  of  the  President,  and  he  is  evidently  much  gratified  at 
the  prospect  of  the  early  solution  of  the  disbandment  problem.  The  money  will 
be  sent  on  Commissioner  Porter’s  order  to  General  Brooke  and  will  be  paid  out 
as  called  for  by  distribution  through  sub-committees  of  Cuban  and  American 
officers  in  the  various  provinces.  As  agreed  upon  at  the  conference,  the  entire 
amount  will  be  paid  in  silver.  Mr.  Porter  met  General  Wood  on  his  return  from 
Remedios,  at  Colon,  and  Wood  was  delighted  to  hear  of  the  outcome  of  the  con- 
ference. Cuban  officers  who  boarded  Mr.  Porter’s  special  car  in  the  province  of 
Santa  Clara  expressed  their  satisfaction  at  the  attitude  Gomez  had  taken. 

“General  Monteagudo,  commander  of  the  Cubans  in  Santa  Clara  province,  who 
went  on  board  the  train,  outlined  a plan  for  policing  Santa  Clara  with  Cuban  troops 
after  the  disbandment.  He  told  Mr.  Porter  he  had  3,000  men  in  the  province 
now  doing  police  duty  and  even  guarding  American  supplies.” 

February  24th,  nearly  two  months  after  the  Spanish  flags  disappeared  at 
Havana,  General  Gomez  arrived  at  her  doors — the  beautiful  suburb  of  Mariano 
being  the  gate.  All  the  way  from  Matanzas  his  journey  was  a veritable  triumphal 
procession.  His  train  was  the  best  that  Cuba  affords,  the  engine  and  cars  being 
festooned  with  laiirels  and  decorated  with  the  Cuban  coat  of  arms.  The  car  in 
which  Gomez  and  his  staff  rode  is  the  one  formerly  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Spanish  Governor-General.  In  it  Weyler  was  wont  to  travel  abort  the  island  as 
far  as  railroads  went. 

At  Guines  a battalion  of  American  troops  was  drawn  up  under  orders  of 
General  Douglass.  Gomez  answered  their  salute  with  much  grace,  but  was  soon 
compelled  to  pay  attention  to  the  Cubans.  He  stood  on  the  rear  platform  of  the 
train,  where  he  was  mobbed  by  women,  young  and  old,  who  demanded  the  privi- 
lege of  throwing  their  arms  about  the  old  chief’s  neck  and  kissing  each  of  his 
cheeks.  To  this  he  submitted  so  willingly  that  the  onlookers  were  compelled 
to  believe  that  he  liked  it. 

The  train  stopped  only  long  enough  to  permit  the  party  to  take  a light  lunch. 
Between  that  village  and  Cienaga,  just  outside  of  Havana,  half  a dozen  stops  were 
made  to  give  the  people  a chance  to  see  their  hero.  At  each  stop  Gomez  appeared 
on  the  platform  and  made  a short  address,  promising  under  Cuba  libre  full  liberty 
and  protection  for  all  classes. 

He  declared  the  Cubans  who  carried  the  animosities  of  the  war  into  civil 
life  to  be  traitors  to  the  country,  and  promised  speedy  punishment  for  outlawry 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


151 


of  any  sort.  He  studiously  avoided  mentioning  the  United  States  or  American 
troops. 

At  Cienaga  several  thousand  had  gathered,  and  as  the  train  came  into  sight 
one  long  cry,  “Viva  Maximo  Gomez!”  went  up,  and  for  fifteen  minutes  that  was 
all  that  could  be  heard.  Again  at  this  village  hundreds  of  women  hoarded  the  train, 
and  the  old  man  was  hugged  and  kissed  by  fair  adorers. 

At  Buena  Vista  the  train  stopped  long  enough  for  Gomez  and  Lee  to  shake 
hands.  As  it  started  the  American  soldiers  were  cheering  Gomez,  while  from  the 
cars  hundreds  were  shouting  “vivas”  for  Lee. 

As  Gomez  stepped  from  the  train  at  Mariano  he  was  pelted  with  roses  and 
laurel  wreaths  until  he  cried  for  mercy.  It  required  half  an  hour  for  the  insurgent 
troops  to  extricate  their  chief  from  the  crowd,  which  was  mad  with  enthusiasm. 
Then  he  was  escorted  by  the  Cuban  and  American  troops  to  the  residence  which 
had  been  prepared  for  him,  and  where  he  dined  with  General  Lee.  The  procession 
which  escorted  Gomez  to  the  hidalgo’s  house  was  made  up  as  follows:  The  One 

Hundred  and  Sixty- first  Indiana  Regiment,  Major  Russell  Harrison,  Provost  Mar- 
shal of  the  Province  of  Havana,  a mounted  detail,  a company  of  Cuban  cavalry, 
General  Gomez  in  a carriage  with  General  Mayia  Rodriguez,  members  of  the  Cuban 
Military  Assembly  and  other  prominent  Cubans  in  carriages,  the  Cuban  generals 
and  their  staffs,  a long  line  of  Cuban  cavalry  and  infantry,  and  finally  a company 
of  the  First  Maine  Artillery. 

General  Gomez  reached  Havana  February  24th,  escorted  by  General  Ludlow 
and  his  staff  and  Troop  A of  the  Seventh  United  States  Cavalry.  He  was  at 
the  head  of  2,000  armed  Cuban  horsemen  and  footmen.  The  people  of  the  city 
were  wild  with  enthusiasm,  throwing  themselves  in  front  of  the  General’s  horse, 
impeding  its  progress,  and  pelting  him  with  flowers. 

General  Gomez  arrived  on  the  edge  of  the  town  from  Marianao  at  12:30  P.  M., 
escorted  by  the  Second  Illinois  band  and  three  battalions.  These  battalions  then 
returned  to  their  camp  and  did  not  enter  the  city. 

It  was  the  fourth  anniversary  of  beginning  the  successful  insurrection. 

At  12:30  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  General  Gomez  left  Cerro,  the  suburb  from 
which  the  march  was  to  be  made,  with  a procession  in  the  following  order  of 
formation: 

The  band  of  the  Seventh  Regiment,  mounted,  playing  the  Cuban  hymn  and 
national  airs;  Company  L of  the  Seventh  United  States  Cavalry;  the  staff  of 
General  Gomez,  with  escort;  General  Mayia  Rodriguez  and  staff,  General  Maximo 
Gomez,  upon  whose  right  was  Major-General  Ludlow;  the  members  of  Major- 


152 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


General  Ludlow’s  staff,  then  a great  number  of  Cuban  generals  and  officers,  some 
mounted  and  some  in  carriages,  and,  finally,  2,000  Cuban  cavalry  and  infantry. 

As  General  Gomez  passed  the  crowd  went  wild  with  vivas,  bats  were  flung  in 
the  air  and  women  showered  flowers  on  all  sides.  He  bowed  and  raised  bis  bat 
incessantly  as  the  crowds  struggled  to  get  near  bis  horse  and  clung  to  the  animal’s 
sides  as  long  as  possible. 

The  procession  stopped  frequently,  eventually  filing  into  the  main  street  of 
the  city,  passing  Central  park  and  arriving  at  the  palace  at  2:30  o’clock.  The  Prado 
and  other  avenues  were  lined  with  patriotic  clubs,  taking  up  various  positions  of 
vantage  and  then  joining  the  procession  as  it  passed  on  from  the  palace,  from 
a balcony  of  which  it  was  reviewed  by  General  Gomez. 

Once  at  the  palace,  the  Cuban  Commander-in-Chief  was  welcomed  by  Federico 
Mora,  the  Civil  Governor;  Mayor  Perfecto  Lacoste,  the  members  of  the  city 
council,  the  Junta  Patriotica,  the  members  of  the  Assembly,  the  officials  of  all 
classes  and  numerous  patriotic  clubs.  The  palace  was  beautifully  decorated, 
all  previous  efforts  in  t'he  display  of  banners  and  bunting  surpassed  by  the  showing 
of  silk  embroidered  standards  and  flags,  hundreds  of  which  were  carried  by  Havana’s 
daughters. 

Following  the  procession  were  many  private  carriages,  filled  with  women 
representing  the  best  society,  some  allegorically  dressed  and  others  waving  flags. 
The  Cuban  bands  played  the  Cuban  national  hymn,  varying  this  with  “Dixie,” 
“The  Star-Spangled  Banner,”  “The  Stars  and  Stripes  Forever,”  and  popular 
American  marches. 

There  were  many  allegorical  floats  expressing  the  friendship  between  Cuba  and 
the  United  States.  Two  attracted  particular  attention,  each  drawn  by  three  yoke 
of  cattle.  One  represented  the  Cuba  of  yesterday,  a woman  standing  with  manacled 
hands — a broken  wheelbarrow  and  other  signs  of  desolation  at  her  feet;  the  other, 
the  Cuba  of  to-day,  a woman  under  a palm,  smiling  and  surrounded  by  evidences 
of  prosperity.  The  contrast  was  very  effective  and  everywhere  applauded.  There 
was  one  representative  float  in  honor  of  the  country  of  Gomez.  Several  figures 
dressed  as  North  American  Indians  were  conspicuous.  No  fewer  than  25,000 
people  were  in  line,  requiring  three  hours  to  pass  a given  point. 

After  the  review  at  the  palace  General  Gomez,  accompanied  by  his  staff,  pro- 
ceeded to  El  Vedado  to  visit  Governor-General  Brooke.  In  the  evening  he  attended 
the  charity  ball  at  the  Tac-on  theater,  where  the  best  Havana  society  was  present. 
Boxes  for  the  function  sold  at  a high  premium. 

As  the  darkness  approached  the  streets  were  still  crowded,  fireworks  exploding 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


153 


and  the  returning  bands  playing  over  and  over  again  the  national  hymn.  The 
theaters  gave  patriotic  performances  and  there  were  fireworks  and  music  in  Cen- 
tral park. 

A dispatch  from  Havana  February  28th  said: 

“This  afternoon  the  Prado  and  park  were  crowded  with  merrymakers,  it  being 
the  last  carnival  Sunday.  People  wearing  masks  and  throwing  flour  were  every- 
where. General  Gomez,  in  a four-horse  drag,  with  Miss  Herrara  seated  on  his 
right,  drove  up  and  down  the  Prado  thrice  and  around  the  park,  followed  by 
crowds  on  foot  and  horseback,  and  was  greeted  with  vivas  and  loud  cheers.  The 
drag  was  covered  with  bright-colored  paper  streamers,  and  the  carnival  license 
allowed  the  merrymakers  to  throw  flour  upon  the  General. 

“The  presence  of  General  Gomez  in  Havana  and  his  participation  in  the 
carnival  demonstrations  has  increased  the  feeling  and  the  open  talk  in  favor  of 
independence  and  of  a brief  continuance  of  the  military  occupation.  Cuban 
opinion,  however,  is  so  inconsistent  that  not  much  importance  can  be  attached  to 
this. 

“The  banquet  at  the  Tacon  theater  proved  a brilliantly  successful  affair. 
Governor-General  Brooke  and  Major-General  Lee  spoke.  Cubans  generally  regard 
the  occurrences  at  the  function  as  the  most  promising  auguries  of  Cuban  inde- 
pendence since  the  peace  protocol  was  signed.  The  theater  was  crowded  to  over- 
flowing with  spectators  and  more  than  200  covers  were  laid  for  the  banqueters. 
Besides  the  Governor-General  and  General  Lee  the  company  included  Major- 
General  Ludlow,  General  Chaffee,  the  Governor-General’s  chief  of  staff,  the  staffs 
of  Generals  Lee  and  Ludlow  and  other  army  and  navy  officers,  together  with 
many  prominent  citizens  and  Havana  officials.  General  Andrade  sat  on  the  right 
of  General  Gomez  and  Mayor  Lacoste  on  his  left. 

“The  boxes  were  filled  with  people  representing  Havana’s  best  society.  As 
the  American  generals  entered  a trumpeter  at  the  door  blew  once,  whereupon  a con- 
cealed band  played  the  “Star  Spangled  Banner.”  When  the  Cuban  commanders 
entered  the  trumpet  was  sounded  twice  and  the  band  played  the  Cuban  hymn. 

41 

Among  the  speakers  were  Sehor  Pedro  Llorento,  Colonel  Carlos  Garcia,  Cualberto 
Gomez  and  Dr.  Lanuza,  Secretary  of  the  Department  of  Justice.  The  tendency  of 
all  the  speeches  was  toward  independence  for  Cuba,  with  eulogy  of  General  Gomez 
and  assertions  that  he  must  never  more  leave  the  island.  The  spectators  called 
vociferously  for  a speech  from  Major-General  Lee.  His  remarks  and  those  of 
General  Brooke  were  translated  for  the  benefit  of  the  Assembly  by  Seiior  Pablo 
Desvernines,  Secretary  of  the  Department  of  Finance. 


154 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


“Both  the  American  generals  repeated  former  statements  of  the  military  ad- 
ministration, chiefly  along  the  lines  of  assurance  that  the  United  States  intended 
to  establish  a stable  government  in  the  island  and  then  to  deliver  it  to  the  Cubans 
themselves.  These  assurances  were  vociferously  applauded. 

“Colonel  Garcia  explained  the  disinterested  position  of  American  military 
officers  in  Cuba.  General  Gomez  himself  did  not  speak,  owing  to  the  hoarseness 
from  which  he  was  suffering.  General  Andrade  expressed  thanks  on  his  behalf, 
adding  in  his  name  that  the  banquet  had  done  much  to  bring  the  Cuban  and 
American  elements  to  a clear  understanding  and  to  define  the  position,  work  and 
aims  of  the  United  States  military  administration  in  Cuba.  General  Gomez 
withdrew  from  the  theater  about  midnight,  crowds  in  the  street  applauding  him 
wildly  as  he  emerged  and  following  his  carriage  for  blocks. 

“General  Gomez,  much  in  need  of  rest,  said  to  a friend:  ‘This  popularity 

is  killing  me.’  ” 

Of  the  scenes  on  the  24th  of  February  in  Havana  a cable  from  that  city  ran 
as  follows: 

“Cuban  patriotism  is  satisfied.  The  insurgent  soldiers  have  marched  through 
Havana  streets  bearing  their  arms,  and  General  Gomez  has  been  received  with 
military  honors  by  the  American  military  commanders.  Surrounded  by  them, 
he  watched  2,500  of  his  soldiers  defile  in  the  Plaza  of  Arms  past  the  palace. 

“At  the  Cuban  celebration  expressions  of  good-will  toward  Americans  were 
universal.  The  events  of  the  day  were  creditable  to  the  Cubans,  and  were  also 
significant  in  the  lack  of  resentment  toward  the  Spanish  classes.  It  was  not  a day 
of  rejoicing  for  Spaniards,  yet  they  could  not  fail  to  be  gratified  at  the  care  taken 
to  avoid  wounding  their  susceptibilities. 

“The  fiestas  were  not  solely  in  honor  of  Gomez,  as  this  was  the  fourth  anni- 
versary of  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  but  Gomez  was  the  hero.  There  could 
be  no  doubt  of  his  popularity.  It  seemed  to  partake  more  of  gratitude  than  of 
personal  affection,  but  the  acknowledgment  of  his  leadership  was  universal.  Some 
scenes  were  tropical  in  their  emotional  effusiveness.  The  climax  was  reached 
when  Gomez  arrived  at  the  palace,  and  was  received  by  General  Ludlow  and  other 
American  commanders. 

“The  parade  itself  gave  a good  opportunity  to  judge  of  the  sentiments  of  the 
people.  The  Americans  remarked  with  satisfaction  that  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
were  seen  everywhere.  They  floated  over  buildings  along  with  the  Cuban  emblem, 
were  interwoven  in  the  triumphal  arches,  and  among  some  of  the  patriotic  and 


TRAVELER’S  TREE,  HONOLULU.  A PLANT  CURIOSITY.  BANANA  PLANT,  HAWAII,  SHOWING  FRUIT  ON  TREE. 


STATUE  OP  KAMEHAMEHA  I,  HONOLULU, 


CUBA  AFTEB  THE  WAR. 


157 


workingmen's  societies  appeared  to  be  more  numerous  than  the  Cuban  flags.  When 
the  band  played  ‘The  Hymn  of  Bayamo'  the  people  were  delirious,  but  they  also 
went  wild  over  ‘The  Star  Spangled  Banner’  and  ‘Dixie.’  Boys  from  an  orphan 
asylum  were  paraded  by  an  instructor,  and  at  regular  intervals  cried  ‘Long  live  the 
Americans.’  A banner  carried  by  little  girls  bore  the  mottoes,  ‘Gratitude  to  the 
Americans’  and  ‘Cuba  for  the  Cubans.’ 

“Several  Dominican  flags  weTe  carried  out  of  compliment  to  General  Gomez. 
Three  Cuban  flags,  soiled  and  torn,  were  carried  by  Cuban  soldiers,  and  one,  which 
was  said  to  have  been  Maceo’s,  stirred  the  deepest  emotions.  The  Cuban  troops 
themselves  received  fewer  evidences  of  popular  feeling  than  might  have  been 
anticipated. 

“The  incident  which  attracted  the  most  attention  in  the  celebration  was  the 
blending  of  the  American,  Cuban,  and  Spanish  flags.  These  three  flags  were  sur- 
mounted by  an  emblematic  banner,  with  the  motto,  ‘Peace,  Harmony  and  Union.’ 
Ho  unfriendly  demonstration  met  this  suggestion.  It  was  received  in  respectful 
silence  at  some  places,  and  at  others  was  cheered.  Spanish  ribbons  were  also  dis- 
played, and  one  squad  of  men  marching  among  the  civilian  societies  was  pointed 
out  aS  composed,  of  peninsulars,  or  Spaniards.  Many  of  the  banners  bore  titles 
such  as  ‘Peace  and  Concord’  and  ‘How  We  Struggle  for  Peaceful  Industry.’ 

“The  celebration  has  left  a pleasing  impression.  Ho  disorder  occurred,  and 
the  absence  of  rancor  toward  the  Spanish  classes  is  causing  favorable  comment. 
These,  while  quiet,  are  not  as  sullen  as  on  January  1,  when  the  American  occu- 
pation began.  They  are  pleased  at  the  consideration  shown  to  their  feelings. 

“The  Spanish  newspapers  tell  Gomez  that  they  can  not  greet  him  as  either 
victor  or  liberator  because  the  Americans  are  the  real  conquerors  and  Cuba  is 
not  liberated,  but  they  are  grateful  for  his  influence  in  establishing  peace  and 
concord,  and  promise  their  adhesion  in  helping  him  to  get  rid  of  the  conquerors.” 

The  fact  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  sent  a special  commissioner 
to  meet  Gomez  and  promise  that  his  army  should  be  fairly  paid  modified  his  views 
as  to  the  Americans.  As  late  as  February  4th  he  authorized  the  publication  of  a 
letter  that  praised  his  soldiers  and  continued: 

“It  is  wonderful  that  any  are  left  alive  after  such  a horrible  struggle  and 
pains.  We  warn  you  that  we  may  not  yet  have  finished  the  strange  destiny  that 
presents  this  last  trial  and  humiliation.  We  are  strangers  in  our  own  country, 
still  wet  with  our  blood. 

“Forced  guidance  is  hateful  to  us.  It  appears  that  the  Americans  are  reim- 
bursing themselves  for  their  spontaneous  intervention  in  our  war  for  independ- 


158 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR 


ence.  Their  delay  in  that  intervention  is  still  a shame  upon  them.  The  Amer- 
icans, instead  of  aiding,  are  obstructing  the  establishment  of  a free  and  inde- 
pendent republic. 

“This  is  our  house.  We  are  to  live  in  it.  We  should  furnish  it  to  our  own 
liking.  I say  to  you  there  cannot  be  peace  in  Cuba  while  there  lasts  that  transi- 
tory government,  imposed  by  force,  and  which  is  hateful  in  the  eyes  of  our  people. 

“I  had  hoped  to  bid  farewell  to  Spain’s  heroic  soldiers,  inviting  them  to 
return  and  join  us  as  brothers  in  upbuilding  Cuba,  but  the  Americans  embittered 
the  joy  of  conquerors  by  the  guidance  they  impose  upon  us.  Embittering  us,  they 
have  also  added  grief  to  the  conquered. 

“In  order  to  put  an  end  to  this  abnormal  and  unjust  situation  every  one  of 
us  must  render  his  aid,  tendering  anew  all  his  energies  to  his  country,  I,  first  of 
all,  offer  myself  without  restriction  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  great  under- 
taking of  the  revolution — the  erection  of  a republic  in  Cuba.” 

The  Spaniards  did  not  rejoice  to  see  Gomez  triumphant  in  Havana,  for  they 
believed  the  rebellion  would,  if  it  had  not  been  for  him,  have  been  abandoned 
before  American  intervention  happened.  The  most  graphic  account  of  the  Cuban 
troops  in  the  celebration  in  the  capital  is  this  by  Dr.  Charles  Fisher: 

“The  insurgents  were,  perhaps,  the  most  interesting  characters  in  the  parade. 
They  were  mostly  negroes,  though  occasionally  a fair  sprinkling  of  lighter-faced 
Cubans  was  to  be  seen.  They  showed  hard  usage.  Their  garments  were  old, 
ragged,  dirty  and  torn.  Their  guns  were  of  most  ancient  style,  most  of  them 
the  discarded  Springfields  of  our  Civil  War.  Their  feet  were  for  the  most  part 
shoeless,  their  hats  of  the  pattern  made  for  the  bush,  a heavy  braided  straw, 
turned  back  over  the  head  in  front  and  coming  down  over  the  neck;  they  had 
almost  no  camp  equipage,  carried  no  commissary  stores;  their  ponies  were  half- 
starved,  undersized,  equipped  mostly  with  rope  bridles  and  with  all  styles  and  ages 
of  saddles,  and  but  few  of  them  shod,  many  only  on  one,  two  or  three  feet.  Some 
of  the  insurgents  were  mere  boys.  Others  were  stalwart  fellows  who  had  seen 
many  a guerrilla  raid  and  skirmish  with  the  Spanish.  They  looked  like  fighters, 
like  men  who  would  do  as  they  were  told  if  they  died  in  the  attempt.  Their 
march  was  utterly  without  formation  or  step,  their  curiosity  at  the  sights  around 
them  was  unbounded.  It  was  but  a remnant  of  an  army  which  had  seen  the 
hardest  kind  of  service,  the  poorest  kind  of  equipment,  the  meanest  kind  of  sub- 
sistence and  nothing  whatever  in  the  nature  of  army  comforts  or  pay.” 

On  the  last  day  of  February  General  Gomez  visited  the  graves  of  General 
Antonio  Maceo  and  of  Lieutenant  Gomez,  the  son  of  the  Cuban  commander,  who 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


was  killed  at  the  time  Maceo  was  drawn  into  an  ambush  and  slain.  The  graves 
are  situated  at  Punta  Brava,  twelve  miles  from  Havana. 

The  Cubans  have  not,  as  a rule,  been  allowed  by  the  Spaniards  to  do  much 
business  in  Cuban  cities.  It  has  been  Spanish  policy  to  reserve  the  best  things 
for  themselves,  but  the  Cuban  organizers  of  their  government,  and  their  self- 
constituted  Assembly  have  been  mad  to  turn  their  situations  into  ready  money. 
They  wanted  to  borrow  $40,000,000  to  pay  off  the  troops,  and  the  transaction,  if 
they  could  have  raised  the  cash,  would  have  been  one  of  the  most  corrupt  ever 
entered  into  through  conspiracy.  The  wretched  soldiers  would  not  have  gained 
riches  out  of  the  pool,  but  there  would  have  been  a Spanish  festival  of  finance. 
The  fact  that  General  Gomez  was  not  to  be  included  in  this  deal,  and  he  had 
been  pleased  to  accept  the  well-considered  and  entirely  reasonable  offer  of  three 
million  dollars  from  the  United  States,  filled  the  fiery  soul  of  the  organized  Cuban — 
prepared  to  mortgage  the  island  to  turn  the  Government  over  to  themselves — with 
a horrible  fury.  Of  course  Gomez,  in  cutting  down  the  impossible  forty  millions 
to  three  actual  millions  in  hand,  was  and  is  discussed  as  a traitor,  and  so  on 
through  the  vocabulary  of  denunciation  inherited,  along  with  other  valuables,  by 
the  islands  from  the  Peninsulars;  and  the  Assembly,  in  one  of  the  sessions  in 
which  pecuniary  passions  were  torn  to  tatters,  removed  General  Gomez  from  com- 
mand— to  such  an  extent  as  they  had  power,  but  they  have  little  of  it  in  contrast 
with  and  opposed  to  the  gigantic  prestige  of  Gomez,  who  philosophically  said  he 
“enjoyed  the  situation/’  Whether  the  Cuban  Assembly  can  prevent  the  payment 
of  the  real  Cuban  troops  is  the  question.  There  has  been  a rush  of  Americans  to 
the  island  with  capital,  and  this  'movement,  enormously  advantageous  to 
Cuba,  will  wither  like  a green  thing  cut  down  if  the  island  is  to  be  governed  in 
the  Junta  and  Assembly  style.  The  coveted  concessions,  if  the  American  rule  is 
to  be  continued,  will  be  wanted,  but  unless  it  is  assumed  Americans  are  to  rule 
the  land  until  the  “stable  government”  of  Cuba  is  realized  there  will  be  no 
capital  to  invest.  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  marked  out  a plain 
way  for  the  establishment  of  Cuban  order  and  liberty,  and  the  full  expression  when 
that  is  possible  of  a free  people  to  determine  the  form  of  government,  its  powers 
and  limitations  will  be  respected.  However,  there  must  be  a people,  not  a Junta, 
for  a faction — a Government  founded  on  solid  public  opinion  wrought  into  law, 
not  a group  of  self-constituted  law-givers  and  providers  of  bonds  to  be  handled 
on  large  margins  by  financiers  just  now,  to  be  redeemed  after  awhile,  if  at  all, 
by  the  industry  of  those  not  yet  consulted.  It  is  not  a matter  of  capricious  will 


160 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR, 


to  put  an  end  to  this  “feenance,”  but  of  definite  duty  to  perform  an  obligation 
to  the  people  by  one  trusted  by  them. 

That  Maximo  Gomez  is,  since  the  death  of  Maceo  and  Garcia,  the  hero  of  the 
Cuban  war  with  Spain,  and  that  the  people  of  the  island  know  it  and  hold  him 
in  esteem  beyond  all  others  is  the  most  important  fact  in  the  present  Cuban 
situation.  It  is  a happy  circumstance  that  the  military  chieftain  who  in  the 
Cuban  story  is  first  and  has  no  second,  under  the  most  trying  circumstances  shows 
qualities  not  discovered  in  any  other  man  of  his  race  and  generation.  He  received 
with  dignity  and  serenity  becoming  a sure  position,  in  his  convictions  and  deter- 
mination of  conduct,  the  information  that  the  Assembly  had  attempted  to  degrade 
him,  and  placed  himself  in  the  letter  following  on  an  elevation  unattainable 
by  those  who  sought  in  vain  to  cover  their  futile  iniquities  with  his  glory.  The 
old  general  issued  the  following  manifesto  to  the  country  and  the  army: 

“Using  its  extraordinary  powers,  the  Assembly  of  Representatives,  which  repre- 
sents the  army,  not  the  people,  has  deposed  me  from  my  rank  of  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  Cuban  army,  a place  to  which  I was  appointed  by  the  revolution, 
and  in  which  I always  did  my  duty. 

“The  Assembly  considers  it  a breach  of  discipline  and  as  showing  lack  of 
respect  that  I should  refuse  to  support  its  efforts  to  raise  loans  and  enlarge  the 
debt  of  the  country.  I think  that  the  great  financial  and  political  interests  of 
Cuba  would  be  compromised  by  such  loans. 

“The  country  ought  to  begin  to  exercise  its  sovereignty  in  the  new  republic 
inspired  by  the  concord  proclaimed  in  the  manifesto  issued  at  Monte  Cristo,  free 
from  all  financial  burdens,  and  with  its  national  honor  safe.  Because  I think  so 
the  Assembly  has  deposed  me. 

“I  thank  the  Assembly,  because  it  frees  me  of  great  duties.  How  I can  with- 
draw to  my  home,  which  I abandoned,  this  being  my  only  ambition  after  a thirty 
years’  struggle  for  the  good  of  this  country  I love  so  much. 

“Foreigner  I am,  but  I did  not  come  hired  or  with  mercenary  purposes  to 
defend  Cuba.  After  Spain  withdrew  I sheathed  my  sword  because  my  mission 
was  ended.  You  owe  me  nothing.  I withdraw  satisfied  that  I did  all  I could 
for  my  brothers,  and  wherever  it  is  my  fate  to  plant  my  tent,  Cubans  will  have  a 
friend.” 

This  is  a noble  letter.  It  has  the  merit  of  striking  the  mark  with  precision 
and  crushing  force.  The  Cuban  Assembly,  in  assailing  Gomez,  represented  the 
war  government  of  debt  makers,  whose  sole  policy  is  to  snatch  customs  revenues 
and  put  out  bonds,  helping  themselves  and  associates  to  load  the  island  with 


CUBA  AFTER  THE  WAR. 


161 


a debt,  five-sistbs  without  value  received,  and  thus  put  fetters  upon  the  industry  of 
the  people  and  work  up  a system  of  profligate  financiering  for  the  benefit  of  the  few 
against  the  many.  The  people  of  Cuba  are  with  Gomez.  The  popular  demonstra- 
tions in  his  favor  as  against  the  Assembly  in  Havana  were  overwhelming,  and 
those  who  would  place  the  liberated  people  again  in  bondage  to  a Junta  Assembly 
are  powerless,  while  the  old  hero  of  the  war,  still  leading  in  a righteous  cause,  is 
again  a conqueror. 


CHAPTER  II. 


TITE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 

Official  Information  About  the  Island  That  Is  of  the  Greatest  Importance  to  Public 
Intelligence — Some  Historical  Facts — The  Insurrections  and  Rebellions 
That  Have  Prevented  the  Development  of  the  Island’s  Resources — The 
Military  and  Civil  Governments — Climate,  Soil  and  Productions — Sanitary 
Conditions  and  Prevailing  Diseases — Abundance  of  Pestiferous  Insects — 
Extensive  Mineral  Resources — Island  Abounds  in  Valuable  Woods — Classi- 
fication of  the  Inhabitants. 

The  military  notes  on  Cuba  issued  from  the  office  of  the  Adjutant-General  of 
the  Army  of  the  United  States,  published  in  June,  1898,  though  containing 
a great  deal  of  important  information,  were  found  imperfect  and  have  been  care- 
fully enlarged  and  perfected.  The  intention  of  the  compilers  and  producers  of 
the  book  is  that  it  shall  be  used  in  connection  with  the  Official  Atlas  of  Cuba. 
This  work  is  an  example  of  the  thoroughness  of  the  Adjutant-General’s  office 
that  would  be  held  in  high  esteem  even  by  the  painstaking  Germany  who  make 
preparation  for  war  the  most  serious  business  of  the  country. 

In  proportion  as  our  army  is  small,  compared  to  its  duties,  is  the  necessity 
that  the  material  shall  be  of  the  best  and  that  there  shall  be  minute  and 
intimate  knowledge  of  countries  where  our  armies  may  be  required  by  the 
national  honor  and  the  material  necessities  of  the  powers  that  are  influential 
on  the  earth.  We  quote  liberally  from  the  historical  introduction  of  the  matter 
that  is  military  in  character: 

“The  Island  of  Cuba  was  discovered  October  28,  1492,  by  Christopher  Colum- 
bus, who  took  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  Spain.  The  first  attempt  at  a per- 
manent settlement  was  made  in  1511  by  Don  Diego  Columbus,  a son  of  Christo- 
pher Columbus,  and  Diego  Velasquez,  who  landed  at  Baracoa  with  300  men.  The 
first  settlement,  at  Santiago  de  Cuba,  was  made  in  1514,  and  the  following  year 
a settlement  was  made  at  Trinidad. 

“The  island  was  first  called  Juana,  then  Fernandina,  and  later  Ave  Maria. 
It  received  its  present  name  from  the  natives  of  the  island,  whom  Columbus 
described  as  a peaceful,  contented,  and  progressive  race.  Habana  was  founded 

162 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


163 


on  its  present  site  in  1519.  It  was  totally  destroyed  in  1538  by  French  privateers, 
but  was  immediately  rebuilt.  The  capital  of  the  island  was  located  at  Santiago 
de  Cuba  until  1550,  when  it  was  moved  to  the  city  of  Habana.  The  first  governor 
of  the  island  was  Fernando  de  Soto,  afterwards  famous  as  an  explorer.  In  1554 
the  city  of  Habana  was  again  destroyed  by  the  French. 

“The  early  settlers  devoted  themselves  principally  to  raising  cattle,  but  in 
1580  the  cultivation  of  tobacco  and  sugar  cane  was  commenced,  and  this  led 
to  the  introduction  of  negro  slavery. 

“During  the  seventeenth  century  the  island  was  kept  in  a state  of  per- 
petual fear  of  invasions  by  the  French,  Dutch,  English,  and  the  pirates  who 
infested  the  seas. 

“In  1762  the  English,  under  Lord  Albemarle,  attacked  the  city  of  Habana,  and 
on  August  14,  after  a siege  of  two  months,  the  city  and  island  capitulated.  By 
the  treaty  of  Paris,  February,  1763,  Cuba  was  returned  to  Spain. 

“In  1790  Las  Casas  was  appointed  Captain-General,  and  during  his  regime 
the  island  passed  through  an  epoch  of  prosperity  and  advancement.  He  inaugu- 
rated a system  of  public  improvements,  built  macadamized  roads,  laid  out  parks, 
erected  many  public  buildings,  and  constructed  fortifications,  many  of  which  are 
standing  to-day. 

“In  1796  the  Count  of  Santa  Clara  succeeded  Las  Casas,  and  he  also  took  a 
great  interest  in  the  welfare  of  Cuba. 

“A  royal  decree  was  issued  in  1825  giving  the  Captain-General  of  Cuba 
absolute  control,  making  him  subject  only  to  the  reigning  power  of  Spain.  The 
consequence  has  been  that  since  that  time  Cuba  has  been  ruled  by  a succession 
of  autocrats,  sent  from  the  Peninsxda,  with  no  interest  whatever  in  the  welfare 
of  the  island  or  its  people,  save  to  raise  a revenue  for  the  crown  greater  than 
that  of  his  predecessor,  pay  the  expenses  of  his  regime,  enrich  his  own  purse,  and 
then  return  to  Spain  to  be  the  envy  of  the  grandees. 

“During  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  and  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth 
century  a number  of  insurrections  and  revolts  were  instituted,  but  were  successfully 
put  down  by  the  Spaniards.  The  most  important  of  these  occurred  in  1827-29, 
when  Cuban  refugees  in  Mexico  and  the  United  States  planned  an  invasion  of  Cuba. 
They  organized  throughout  Mexico,  the  United  States,  and  Colombia  branches 
of  a secret  society  known  as  the  “Black  Eagle.”  On  account  of  the  anti-slavery 
sentiment,  which  was  beginning  to  show  itself  in  these  countries,  the  scheme 
proved  a failure. 

“A  more  serious  insurrection  occurred  in  1844,  when  the  slaves  on  the  sugar 


164 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


1 

plantations,  especially  in  the  Province  of  Matanzas,  revolted.  They  were  finally 
subdued,  and  over  1,300  persons  convicted  and  punished. 

“President  Polk  made  a proposition  in  1848  for  the  purchase  of  the  island 
by  this  Government  for  $100,000,000,  but  the  proposition  was  withdrawn  on 
account  of  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  North  and  West. 

“In  1854  preparation  was  made  in  Cuba  and  the  United  States  for  another 
attempt  at  insurrection,  but  before  the  plans  of  the  revolutionists  were  fully  matured 
the  leaders  were  betrayed,  arrested,  and  executed. 

“During  the  next  fourteen  years  the  island  enjoyed  a period  of  comparative 
quiet  and  prosperity. 

“In  1868  a revolution  broke  out  in  Spain,  and  in  October  the  natives  of  Cuba 
took  up  arms  and  declared  their  independence.  Diming  this  period  many  of  the 
nations  of  the  Western  Hemisphere  recognized  the  Cubans  as  belligerents.  Spain 
did  not  succeed  in  putting  down  this  rebellion  until  1878. 

“About  this  time  Spain  was  engaged  in  wars  with  Morocco,  Chili,  Mexico, 
Peru,  and  Cochin  China,  and  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  up  these  wars  Cuba  was 
called  on  to  furnish  the  larger  portion  of  the  means.  Revenues  were  raised,  and 
the  poor  Cubans  taxed  to  the  utmost,  each  paying  from  three  to  six  dollars  per 
capita.  At  one  time  the  Cuban  debt  reached  nearly  a billion  and  a quarter  of 
dollars,  and  for  the  past  twenty  years  the  island  has  been  paying  an  annual 
revenue  to  the  Crown  of  from  $25,000,000  to  $40,000,000.  It  was  during  this 
war  that  the  American  ship  Yirginius  was  captured  by  the  Spaniards,  her  cargo 
confiscated,  and  many  of  her  passengers  executed  as  revolutionists.  This  act 
nearly  brought  on  a war  between  Spain  and  the  United  States. 

•fin  1880  slavery  was  totally  abolished  in  the  island. 

“During  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1894  another  revolution  broke  out  on 
the  island.  At  first  the  Spaniards  considered  it  nothing  more  serious  than  a riot, 
but  they  soon  found  the  revolution  to  be  general  throughout  the  island  and 
backed  by  the  most  influential  of  its  citizens.  It  was  a down-trodden  people 
fighting  for  independence. 

“On  February  15,  1898,  the  United  States  battleship  Maine  was  blown  up 
in  the  harbor  of  Habana. 

“So  much  sympathy  had  been  shown  by  the  citizens  of  this  country  for  the 
Cubans  and  their  cause  that  the  Administration  soon  took  a decisive  step  in  the 
matter.  By  an  Act  of  Congress,  approved  April  25,  1898,  it  was  declared  that  war 
did  exist,  and  had  existed  since  April  21,  1898,  between  the  United  States  and 
the  Kingdom  of  Spain,  whereupon  the  President,  in  a proclamation  date'd  April 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


165 


26,  1898,  declared  and  proclaimed  the  existence  of  war.  After  an  unprecedented 
campaign  by  the  United  States,  Spain  asked  for  terms  of  peace,  and  on  August 
12  an  agreement  was  signed  by  representatives  of  the  two  countries  for  a suspension 
of  hostilities,  and  a committee  appointed  from  each  country  to  arrange  the  terms 
of  peace. 

“Cuba  is  larger  than  all  the  rest  of  the  Antilles  put  together.  Its  length, 
following  a curved  line  through  its  center,  is  730  miles,  and  its  average  breadth 
is  80  miles.  Its  area  is  43,319  square  miles.  It  is  irregular,  shaped  somewhat  like 
a half  moon,  long  and  narrow,  extending  from  east  to  west,  its  convex  part  facing 
the  north.  It  has  a coast  line  of  about  2,200  miles,  or,  including  all  indentations, 
nearly  7,000  miles. 

“It  lies  between  74°  and  85°  west  longitude  and  19°  and  23°  north  latitude. 
It  is  situated  at  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  divides  that  entrance  into 
two  passages,  that  to  the  northwest  being  130  English  miles  wide  at  the  narrowest 
part,  between  the  points  of  Ycacos,  in  Cuba,  and  Sable,  on  the  Florida  coast,  and 
the  southwest  passage  of  nearly  the  same  width,  between  the  Cabo  de  San  Antonio 
of  Cuba,  and  the  Cabo  de  Catoche,  on  the  most  salient  extremity  of  the  Peninsula 
of  Yucatan.  It  is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Florida,  Ocampo,  and  Old  Bahama 
channels;  on  the  east  by  the  Strait  of  Maisi;  on  the  south  by  the  Strait  of 
Colon  and  the  sea  of  the  Antilles;  and  on  the  west  by  the  Strait  of 
Yucatan.  The  neighboring  countries  are:  On  the  north,  Florida,  100  miles  dis- 

tant; on  the  east,  Haiti  or  San  Domingo,  48  miles  distant;  on  the  south,  Jamaica, 
87  miles  distant,  and  on  the  west,  the  Peninsula  of  Yucatan,  124  miles  distant. 

“Cuba  and  her  adjacent  islands  are  of  the  utmost  strategic  importance.  Situ- 
ated as  the  islands  are,  where  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  Gulf  of  Mexico  join,  they 
are  the  keys  which  control  that  vast  body  of  water  between  the  two  Americas. 
And  when  the  great  canal  of  Nicaragua  is  completed,  the  occupancy  and  possession 
of  Cuba  will  not  only  give  us  the  control  of  the  western  Atlantic,  but  make  us 
sovereigns  over  the  eastern  Pacific,  as  far  as  situation  is  concerned. 

“In  case  of  war,  during  the  invasion  of  our  country  by  a foreign  foe,  our 
control  of  these  islands  would  become  almost  a necessity  for  the  protection  of 
our  southern  coast. 

“The  extent  of  the  Cuban  coast  line,  its  numerous  harbors,  and  the  many 
directions  from  which  it  can  be  approached,  are  especially  advantageous,  for  they 
convey  power.  They  decrease  the  danger  of  a total  blockade,  to  which  all  islands 
are  subject,  to  a minimum. 

“Regarded  as  a naval  base,  Cuba  renders  itself  self-supporting  by  its  own 


166 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


products,  and  by  the  accumulation  of  foreign  imports.  Its  peculiar  shape  is  such 
that  supplies  can  be  conveyed  from  one  point  to  another  according  to  the  needs 
of  the  fleet,  on  short  notice,  and  its  many  magnificent  bays  and  harbors  could  be 
used  as  a refuge  for  vessels  where  they  could  make  repairs,  obtain  supplies,  and 
concentrate  their  forces,  safe  from  the  scrutinizing  gaze  of  the  enemy,  and  at  the 
same  time  protect  the  American  ports  along  the  gulf.  On  account  of  the  close 
proximity  of  the  island  to  the  United  States,  its  possession  by  a foreign  power 
would  be  advantageous  to  its  fleet  in  sustaining  a blockade  of  our  southern  coast. 
On  the  other  hand,  our  possession  of  the  island  would  render  such  a blockade 
very  difficult. 

“The  island  being  situated  midway  between  North  and  South  America,  and 
being  within  easy  sailing  distance  of  the  most  important  Atlantic  ports  of  both 
Europe  and  America,  as  shown  by  the  table  of  distances  given  below,  makes  it 
a good  rendezvous  for  the  mobilization  of  our  naval  forces,  should  it  ever  become 
necessary  to  establish  a patrol  of  the  Atlantic. 


TABLE  OF  DISTANCES  FROM  HABANA. 


Key  West  . . . 
New  Orleans 


Miles. 

100 

690 


Mobile 


640 


Tampa  350 

Savannah 613 

Charleston  662 

Philadelphia  1,137 

New  York  1,215 

Boston 


1,348 


Quebec  2,421 

Vera  Cruz  809 

Rio  de  Janeiro 3,536 

Buenos  Ayres  4,653 

Montevideo  4,553 

Port  of  Spain 1,521 

Bermuda 1,150 

Gibraltar 4,030 

Plymouth  (Eng.)  3,702 


“Cuba  has  enjoyed  representation  in  the  Spanish  Cortes  since  the  passage  of 
the  act  of  January  9;  1879.  The  Province  of  Habana  sends  three  senators  to 
Madrid,  and  each  of  the  other  five  provinces  two.  The  archbishopric  of  Santiago 
sends  one,  the  University  of  Habana  sends  one,  and  the  Society  of  the  Friends  of 
the  Country  one.  Thirty  deputies,  allotted  according  to  population,  are  sent 
to  the  House  of  Deputies.  These  are  elected  by  popular  ballot,  in  the  ratio  of  one 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


167 


representative  for  every  50,000  inhabitants.  It  is  said  that  out  of  30  deputies 
elected  in  1896,  26  were  natives  of  Spain,  and  therefore  the  natives  were  in  a 
hopeless  minority,  worse  than  the  Irish  members  in  the  British  Parliament.  The 
divisions  of  provinces  and  their  parliamentary  representation  are  regulated  by  the 
decree  of  June  9,  1878.  , 

“The  military  government  has  at  its  head  a captain-general  (ipso  facto  gov- 
ernor-general) with  a Spanish  army  of  13,000  troops,  paid  out  of  the  Cuban 
budget. 

“The  captain-general  is  appointed  by  the  Crown,  usually  for  three  or  five 
years,  with  rank  of  lieutenant-general  and  full  title  of  governor  and  captain- 
general.  He  is  the  supreme  head  of  the  civil,  ecclesiastical,  military,  and  naval 
organizations  in  the  island.  He  has  a council  of  administration  of  30  members, 
15  appointed  by  the  Crown  and  15  elected  by  the  provinces,  according  to  popula- 
tion. These  elections,  however,  are  so  controlled  as  to  give  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment a safe  majority  of  25  to  5.  To  make  this  majority  still  more  safe,  the 
governor-general  may  suspend  from  one  to  fourteen  at  will,  or  all  upon  consulting 
a peculiar  body  called  the  “Council  of  Authorities.”  The  members  of  this  council 
serve  without  pay.  Its  duties  are  to  prepare  the  budget  and  pass  resolutions  (quasi 
acts)  on  all  necessary  public  matters.  If  the  governor-general  likes  these  resolu- 
tions he  gives  effect  to  them. 

“The  council  of  authorities  is  composed  of  the  archbishop  of  Santiago  (when 
present),  the  bishop  of  Habana,  the  commanding  officers  of  the  army  and  navy, 
the  chief  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Habana,  the  attorney-general,  the  head 
of  the  department  of  finance,  and  the  director  of  the  local  administration.  The 
heads  of  executive  departments  are  not  members  of  this  council,  but  the  heads 
of  departments  are.  They  do  not  hold  regular  sessions,  but  are  called  together 
as  occasion  may  require,  but  their  conclusions  have  no  binding  effect. 

“The  administration  in  each  province  is  conducted  by  a governor,  appointed 
by  the  Crown,  who  is  an  officer  of  the  army  of  the  rank  of  major-general  or  briga- 
dier-general, and  is  directly  responsible  to  the  governor-general.  There  is  also 
in  each  province  an  elective  assembly  of  not  less  than  twelve  nor  more  than  twenty 
members,  according  to  population.  They  are  elected  for  four  syears,  and  one-half 
the  number  are  replaced  every  second  year.  The  elections  are  held  in  the  first  half 
of  September,  and  sessions  twice  a year.  On  meeting,  the  first  business  is  to  ballot 
for  three  candidates,  from  which  list  the  captain-general  appoints  one  as  speaker. 
He  may,  however,  disregard  the  names  presented  and  appoint  any  other  member. 
Moreover,  the  governor  of  the  province  may,  at  his  pleasure,  preside  and  vote;  and 


168 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


if,  in  Lis  judgment,  the  public  interest  demands  it,  he  may  prorogue  the  assembly 
and  report  his  action  to  the  governor-general.  The  latter  has  the  authority  to 
suspend  any  of  the  provincial  assemblies  and  report  the  fact  to  the  Government 
at  Madrid. 

“The  provincial  governor  nominates  five  members  of  the  assembly,  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  governor-general  as  a local  council  or  cabinet.  As,  however,  the 
powers  and  duties  of  the  provincial  governments  are  only  equal  to  those  of  county 
boards  in  the  United  States,  it  is  easily  seen  that  the  home  rule  accorded  to  Cuba 
has  its  limits. 

“City  governments  are  formed  on  the  same  general  plan  as  the  provincial. 
The  hoard  of  aldermen  may  consist  of  any  number,  from  five  to  thirty  inclusive, 
according  to  population.  They  elect  one  of  their  number  as  mayor,  but  the  ij 
governor-general  may  substitute  any  other  member. 

“The  judicial  system  of  Cuba  includes  two  superior  courts  (audiencias),  one 
sitting  at  Puerto  Principe,  for  the  two  eastern  provinces,  and  the  other  at  Habana 
for  the  four  western  provinces.  Inferior  to  these  is  a network  of  judicial  districts  I 
and  local  magistracies.  The  judicial  system  is  less  important,  because  under  the 
decree  of  June  9,  1878,  the  governor-general  has  authority  to  overrule  any  decision 
of  any  court,  and  even  to  suspend  any  law  or  order  emanating  from  the  Govern- 
ment at  Madrid. 

“Cuba  is  generally  low  and  swampy  along  its  coast.  Especially  is  this  true 
of  the  southern  coast,  while  the  interior  of  the  island  is  high  table-land. 

“There  are  many  mountain  ranges  in  the  interior,  some  reaching  an  elevation 
of  over  6,000  feet  above  sea  level.  There  are  also  a few  ranges  close  to  the  coast 
in  the  provinces  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  and  Pinar  del  Rio.  While  the  mountain 
ranges  as  a rule  run  east  and  west,  there  are  numerous  short  spurs  at  either 
extremity  of  the  island  which  take  a northeasterly  and  southwesterly  direction, 
and  a few  run  north  and  south.  There  are  no  known  volcanoes  in  Cuba  or  in 
the  Isle  of  Pines. 

“The  various  ranges  will  be  described  under  the  provinces  in  which  they 
are  located. 

“On  account  of  the  peculiar  shape  of  the  island,  being  long  and  narrow,  with 
its  highlands  in  the  interior,  nearly  all  of  the  rivers  flow  to  the  north  or  south,  and 
are  therefore  necessarily  short.  The  majority  of  them  are  mere  streams  and 
creeks,  rising  in  the  mountains  of  the  interior,  and  emptying  into  the  sea  on  the 
north  or  south  coast.  There  are  few  navigable  rivers,  and  these  for  hut  a short 
distance  from  their  mouths,  and  only  for  small  coasters  and  canoes.  The  longest 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


169 


and  most  important  river  of  Cuba  is  the  Cauto,  in  the  province  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba. 

“In  the  interior  there  are  many  pretty  lakes  and  bayous,  and,  while  some  of 
them  are  very  picturesque,  like  the  rivers,  they  are  of  little  importance  commer- 
cially. Many  of  these  lakes  and  bayous  are  salt-water  bodies. 

“Situated  within  and  near  the  border  of  the  northern  tropical  zone,  the  climate 
of  the  low  coast  lands  of  Cuba  is  that  of  the  torrid  zone,  but  the  higher  interior  of 
the  island  enjoys  a more  temperate  atmosphere.  As  in  other  lands  on  the  border  of 
the  tropics,  the  year  is  divided  between  a hot,  wet  season,  corresponding  to  the 
northern  declination  of  the  sun,  and  a cool,  dry  period.  From  May  to  October 
is  called  the  wet  season,  though  rain  falls  in  every  month  of  the  year.  With 
May  spring  begins,  rain  and  thunder  are  of  almost  daily  occurrence,  and  the 
temperature  rises  high,  with  little  variation.  The  period  from  November  to  April 
is  called  the  dry  season.  For  seven  years  the  mean  annual  rainfall  at  Habana 
in  the  wet  season  has  been  observed  to  be  27.8  inches,  and  of  the  dry  months  12.7, 
or  40.4  inches  for  the  year.  The  eastern  part  of  the  island  receives  more  rain 
than  the  western.  There  are  seldom  over  twenty  rainy  days  in  any  one  month, 
the  average  being  from  eight  to  ten.  The  rainfall  is  generally  in  the  afternoon, 
and  on  an  average  there-  are  only  seventeen  days  in  the  year  in  which  it  rains 
in  both  forenoon  and  afternoon.  At  Habana,  in  the  warmest  months,  those  of 
July  and  August,  the  average  temperature  is  82°  F.,  the  maximum  being  88° 
and  the  minimum  76°;  in  the  cooler  months,  December  and  January,  the  ther- 
mometer averages  72°,  the  maximum  being  78°  and  the  minimum  58°.  The 
average  temperature  of  the  year  at  Habana,  on  a mean  of  seven  years,  is  77°; 
but  in  the  interior,  at  elevations  of  over  300  feet  above  the  sea,  the  thermometer 
occasionally  falls  to  the  freezing  point  in  winter.  Hoar  frost  is  not  uncommon, 
and  during  north  winds  thin  ice  may  form,  though  snow  is  unknown  in  any  part 
of  the  island.  It  hails  frequently.  The  prevailing  wind  is  the  easterly  trade 
breeze,  but  from  November  to  February  cool  north  winds,  rarely  lasting  more  than 
forty-eight  hours,  are  experienced  in  the  western  portion  of  the  island,  by  which 
is  added  a third  seasonal  change.  From  10  to  12  o’clock  are  the  hottest  hours  of 
the  day;  after  noon  a refreshing  breeze  sets  in  from  the  sea.  Hurricanes  may 
occur  from  August  to  October,  but  sometimes  five  or  six  years  pass  without  such 
a storm. 


170 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


“The  following  table  shows  the  meteorological  conditions  at  Habana: 


Condition  of 
sky. 


Months. 

Tem- 

pera- 

ture. 

Ilumidity. 

Rainfall. 

Cloudy 

days. 

Clear 

days. 

° F. 

Per  cent. 

Inches. 

January  

71 

82 

8 

2.5 

5 

26 

February  

74 

84 

7 

2.1 

8 

20 

March  

74 

82.8 

6 

2.4 

7 

24 

April  

76 

82.4 

4 

1.2 

5 

25 

May 

78 

85.4 

8 

3.6 

8 

23 

June  

81 

85 

10 

5.1 

6 

24 

July  

82 

87.6 

12 

5.6 

6 

25 

August 

82 

88.2 

12 

4.8 

6 

25 

September  

80 

88.2 

14 

6 

7 

23 

October  

79 

85.2 

9 

3.2 

7 

24 

November 

75 

86.2 

8 

3.3 

8 

22 

December 

73 

84.8 

6 

1.2 

7 

24 

Means  or  totals 

77 

85.15 

104 

41.0 

80 

285 

“The  worst  place  for  foreigners  on  their  arrival  in  Cuba  is  the  coast,  and  the  j 
important  cities  are  generally  located  along  the  worst  part  of  the  coast.  It  is 
better  to  arrive  in  a cool  season,  and  even  then  the  heat  will  necessitate  the 
changing  of  all  woolen  garments  for  those  of  linen  or  cotton.  The  sickly  or 
indolent  appearance  of  the  whites  of  the  country  is  soon  acquired,  activity  and 
spirits  diminish,  the  body  becomes  heavy,  and  the  skin  becomes  covered  with 
abundant  perspiration,  due  to  anaemia,  all  of  which  shows  that  the  person  is  becom- 
ing acclimated.  This  period  will  not  usually  exceed  a year,  during  which  time  one 
should  guard  against  any  excess  of  work  or  pleasure,  late  evenings,  bodily  or 
mental  fatigue,  exposure  to  the  sun,  or  rapid  cooling  off,  or  any  cause  that  might 
produce  illness.  Exposure  to  the  sun  in  an  unhealthy  country  may  bring  on 
fever,  which  generally  assumes  the  character  of  yellow  fever;  sudden  cooling 
off  is  also  the  cause  of  many  diseases.  When  the  skin  is  covered  with  perspiration 
it  should  not  he  exposed  to  a draft  of  cold  air,  nor  should  clothes  saturated  with 
water  or  perspiration  he  left  on,  hut  should  be  changed,  if  possible,  the  body  being  , 
first  wiped  dry  and  rubbed  with  cane  brandy  or  rum. 

“Exercise  on  foot,  horseback,  or  in  a carriage  is  necessary  for  one  who  is  I 
visiting  this  land  for  the  first  time,  hut  only  in  the  morning  and  evening;  wash- 
ing and  bathing  are  also  very  good,  first  in  tempered  and  after  a few  days  in 
cold  water;  baths  should  not  be  taken  after  hard  work,  and  the  best  time  is  the 
morning  or  at  noon,  after  the  body  has  been  at  rest. 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


171 


“While  ready  perspiration  is  one  of  the  essentials  to  the  preservation  of  health, 
danger  also  lurks  in  it,  for  when  in  such  a condition,  a few  moments  in  the  shade, 
exposed  to  a breeze,  will  bring  on  a cold  more  quickly  here  than  in  any  other 
place  outside  the  tropics.  If  it  is  noticed  that  the  perspiration  is  stopping  on  a 
warm  day,  a physician  should  he  consulted  immediately,  and  also  in  the  case  of 
giddiness,  headache,  etc. 

“Cotton  garments  are  much  better  than  those  of  linen,  for  they  absorb  less 
perspiration  and  render  the  skin  less  susceptible  to  chills.  The  soldiers  of  the 
French  and  English  armies  in  the  Antilles  use  flannel  waistcoats  to  guard  the 
body  as  much  as  possible,  and  prevent  evaporation,  by  keeping  it  always  at  an  even 
temperature;  this  article  of  clothing  is  very  suitable  for  those  who  are  predisposed 
to  chest  ailments. 

“The  best  field  outfit  is  a light-weight  poncho  of  such  proportions  that  it  can 
be  used  for  an  external  blanket,  or,  when  spread  over  a hammock,  forms  a pro- 
tection from  dew  at  night.  This  hammock  cover  should  be  a very  light  blanket, 
preferably  of  some  other  material  than  woolen,  in  order  to  discourage  vermin. 

“As  to  food,  the  visitor  should  neither  imitate  the  sober  habits  of  the  Creole, 
nor  continue  the  diet  observed  at  home,  but  he  should  adopt  a medium,  and  use 
wholesome  and  nutritious  meats,  and  the  salt  and  fresh  water  fish  that  abound  in 
these  regions.  He  should  not  disdain  the  vegetables  and  plants  which  the  Creoles 
do  not  like.  It  is  also  well  to  use  certain  condiments,  such  as  pepper,  cloves, 
allspice,  cinnamon,  and  others  that  heighten  and  flavor  food  and  aid  digestion; 
though  used,  they  should  not  be  abused.  The  moderate  use  of  certain  tropical 
fruits  to  which  northerners  are  accustomed,  such  as  oranges,  lemons,  limes,  and 
pineapples,  is  advantageous  without  question,  but  there  are  hosts  of  others,  mostly 
of  a soft,  squashy  nature,  and  a sweet,  sickish  taste,  such  as  the  mango,  sapote, 
alligator  pear,  etc.,  that  it  is  wise  to  avoid.  The  combination  of  alcohol  with 
them  is  almost  deadly,  and  here,  on  its  native  heath,  it  is  well  to  let  the  banana 
alone. 

“Persons  from  the  north  are  always  anxious  to  taste  Cassava  bread.  It  is 
wise,  therefore,  to  wTarn  those  not  fully  acquainted  with  the  poisonous  character 
of  the  root  from  which  it  is  made  not  to  try  experiments  in  this  direction  unless 
satisfied  that  the  product  is  made  by  some  loyal  Cuban  who  is  familiar  with  the 
substance  that  is  being  dealt  with. 

“Excess  in  eating  and  drinking  should  be  avoided,  as  it  produces  intestinal 
disorders  which  result  in  grave  diseases.  The  slow  and  continuous  use  of  alcohol 
causes  a marked  deterioration  in  the  constitution,  being  one  of  the  greatest 


172 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


obstacles  to  acclimatization;  it  diminishes  the  appetite  and  retards  acclimatiza- 
tion. However,  a .little  rum  mixed  with  water  is  a stimulating  and  wholesome 
drink,  especially  on  hot  days.  Soft  drinks  and  lemonade  are  not  good,  as  they 
cause  a kind  of  plethora  which  turns  into  diarrhoea.  Fruits  produce  the  same 
effect,  and  it  is  necessary  to  be  careful  of  the  least  indisposition  which  tends 
toward  diarrhoea. 

“In  Cuba  the  slightest  wounds  on  the  legs  or  feet  quickly  ulcerate.  A scratch, 
which  might  be  cured  by  two  or  three  days’  rest,  turns  into  an  ulcer  from  con- 
tinual marching  and  friction,  and  a soldier  is  soon  unfitted  for  service. 

“The  following  suggestions  regarding  health  will  be  found  useful: 

“Never  start  out  early  in  the  morning  without  having  taken  at  least  a cup 
of  coffee,  but  do  not  eat  heartily  at  that  time. 

“Breakfast  should  be  taken  before  the  troops  are  called  upon  for  marching, 
work,  or  exercise  of  any  kind.  Meals  should  be  taken  at  regular  hours,  and  should 
be  warm.  No  raw  food  of  any  kind  should  ever  be  eaten.  Hot  coffee  and  a biscuit 
should  be  eaten  by  each  man  before  going  on  guard  at  night. 

“Only  boiled  water  should  be  used  for  drinking;  if  one  must  march  during 
the  day,  he  should  fill  his  canteen  with  coffee  or  tea  before . starting  out;  this 
will  insure  the  water  having  been  boiled.  No  intoxicating  liquor  of  any  kind 
should  be  drunk.  Drink  cocoanut  milk  in  preference  to  anything  else. 

“Do  the  hardest  work  of  the  day  between  6 and  11  in  the  morning,  then 
eat  breakfast,  take  a siesta,  and  remain  quiet  until  3 P.  M.  Avoid  the  midday 
sun  as  much  as  possible,  but  if  exposed  to  it,  be  careful  in  cooling  off.  All 
marching  should,  if  possible,  be  avoided  during  the  heat  of  the  day. 

“Dress  lightly,  avoiding  woolen,  medical  statements  to  the  contrary  notwith- 
standing. Protect  the  legs,  preferably  with  canvas  leggings. 

“Always  examine  your  bed  and  blankets  before  retiring.  If  possible,  bedding 
should  be  aired  daily. 

“Always  have  quinine  and  antiseptics  with  you.  The  former  should  be  taken 
every  morning  before  breakfast. 

“Men  should  not  be  allowed  to  sleep  on  the  ground,  if  it  can  possibly  be 
avoided;  a hammock  should  be  used,  on  which  a poncho  should  be  placed  beneath 
the  other  bedding. 

“If  occupying  a house,  the  windows  and  doors  should  be  closed  at  dusk. 

“Avoid  getting  wet,  and  change  wet  clothes  as  soon  as  possible;  never  put 
on  damp  clothing.  Alternate  with  two  suits  of  underclothing,  allowing  the  under- 
suit worn  one  day  to  hang  and  dry  during  the  next. 


VIEW  OF  THE  BUGASONG  RIVER,  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES,  NOTED  FOR  ITS  AURIFEROUS  SAND. 


A BATHING  PLACE  IN  THE  FALLS  OF  THE  ULIAN  V TAGBACAN  RIVER,  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES, 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


175 


“Straw  hats  should  be  worn  during  the  day,  but  at  night  the  men  should  wear 
some  sort  of  cap  which  they  can  keep  on  their  heads  while  sleeping. 

“When  in  camp  all  refuse  from  the  kitchen  should  be  burned;  latrines  should 
he  inspected  daily,  and  disinfected  as  far  as  possible. 

“The  grayest  as  well  as  the  most  common  of  the  diseases  in  Cuba  are  the 
following: 

“Yellow  fever,  diarrhoea,  dysentery,  and  paludism  (swamp  or  malarial  fever), 
to  which  must  be  added  liver  complaints,  which  often  accompany  them,  and 
diseases  produced  by  certain  insects  and  worms.  Traumatic  and  infantile  tetanus, 
convulsions,  intermittent  fevers,  smallpox,  and  phthisis  are  frequent,  as  well  as 
cardiac  affections.  Cases  of  pneumonia,  strangles,  and  hydrophobia  are  rare. 

“Every  foreigner,  upon  arriving  in  Cuba,  should  observe  a severe  regime  in 
his  manner  of  living  until  he  has  become  acclimated.  He  must  impoverish  his 
blood  to  an  extent  which  in  other  climates  might  cripple  his  health,  but  rich  blood, 
so  enviable  in  northern  countries,  is  injurious  in  Cuba.  He  will  inevitably  have 
to  suffer  the  “vomito”  or  acclimating  fever;  in  order  to  prevent  this  from  turning 
into  yellow  fever  (vomito  negro),  he  must  purge  himself  thoroughly  upon  his 
arrival,  preferring  for  the  purpose  acid  purgatives.  He  must  drink  no  coffee  or 
alcoholic  drinks.  At  his  meals,  which  ought  to  be  as  plain  as  possible,  he  should 
drink  water  mixed  with  a little  wine.  Orangeade  or  lemonade  are  very  good  if 
taken  before  breakfast  or  between  meals,  but  they  are  very  injurious  if  taken 
during  the  process  of  digestion.  He  should  bathe  frequently  in  lukewarm  water; 
cold  water  may  be  more  agreeable,  but  it  is  very  injurious. 

“Fear  and  apprehension  are  fatal  to  this  disease.  One  should  remember  that, 
if  hygiene  be  observed,  “the  vomito”  is  not  always  dangerous,  and  that  many 
have  passed  through  it  without  realizing  serious  effects. 

“The  symptoms  of  this  disease  are  always  alike.  The  first  day  there  is  a 
great  headache  and  sometimes  dizziness.  On  the  second  day  all  the  bones  of  the 
body  ache  as  in  the  grip,  and  when  the  pain  fixes  itself  in  the  hips  and  about  the 
waist  the  pulse  becomes  altered.  Upon  feeling  the  first  headache,  one  should 
refrain  from  eating.  If  it  is  three  hours  since  the  last  meal,  there  should  be  taken 
immediately,  even  before  the  doctor’s  arrival,  a strong  purgative  of  oil,  although 
a purgative  of  lemonade  or  citrate  of  magnesia  may  have  been  taken  the  day  before. 
One  or  the  other  of  the  above  remedies  should  be  taken  once  a week  after  arriving 
in  Cuba.  The  day  on  which  the  weekly  purgative  is  taken  a strict  diet  should  be 
observed.  Until  acclimated  it  is  well  not  to  dance  or  become  overheated  in  any 
way. 


176 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


“It  may  be  stated  of  yellow  fever  that,  if  properly  treated,  less  than  8 per 
cent  of  the  patients  die.  The  remedies  ordinarily  used  are  citrate  of  magnesia  or 
castor  oil  and  lime  juice.  In  general,  the  yellow  fever  epidemic  appears  every 
ten  years.  It  is  well,  if  possible,  to  leave  the  coast  regions  and  go  to  the  moun- 
tainous ones,  as  the  fever  seldom  goes  beyond  certain  altitudes. 

“Tetanus,  or  lock  jaw,  is  the  most  fatal  of  the  diseases  which  attack  unaccli- 
mated persons,  especially  those  whose  work  involves  much  exposure  to  the  weather. 
Injuries  to  the  feet  are  exceedingly  prone  to  result  in  tetanus.  Any  injury  to 
the  foot  should  be  very  carefully  looked  after,  and  open  sores  should  be  guarded 
from  the  wet. 

“Intermittent  fever  is  usually  contracted  in  the  swampy  districts.  There  is 
little  use  in  keeping  the  patient  on  the  island  after  the  fever  has  been  contracted; 
he  should  be  gotten  away  as  soon  as  possible.  This  is  also  true  of  all  the  forms 
of  malaria. 

“Leprosy  is  a disease  that  prevails  to  a considerable  extent,  and  it  is  said 
there  are  more  lepers  in  Cuba  than  in  the  Sandwich  Islands.  In  the  opinion 
of  a physician  from  Toledo,  Ohio,  no  white  man  is  liable  to  its  attacks,  though 
he  advised  avoiding  too  close  contact  with  those  afflicted,  especially  with  the 
Chinese,  who  frequently  have  it,  but  who  conceal  the  fact  as  long  as  possible.  That 
form  of  it  known  as  elephantiasis,  producing  abnormal  swelling  of  the  lower 
extremities,  is  frequently  seen  in  the  streets  of  Habana,  and  is  in  no  sense  con- 
sidered contagious. 

“While  much  that  has  been  written  concerning  Cuba  would  seem  to  indicate 
that  it  is  a veritable  pest  hole,  such  descriptions  actually  cover  only  the  worst 
conditions,  and  comparatively  a small  portion  of  the  island,  for  probably  at  least 
two-thirds  of  it  is  as  healthy,  even  in  the  summer,  as  any  country  in  the  world. 

“Cases  of  longevity  are  not  -wanting;  there  are  numerous  instances  where 
natives  have  attained  100  years,  some  130  years,  and  there  is  even  one  known  to  have 
lived  to  the  age  of  150.  Longevity  is  most  frequent  among  the  colored  population. 

“The  sickly  season,  according  to  the  latest  edition  of  £The  Navigation  of  the 
Caribbean  Sea  and  Gulf  of  Mexico,’  is  as  follows: 

“Fevers,  more  or  less  malignant,  prevail  from  May  to  November. 

“Baracoa. — Remittent  fever  is  at  times  prevalent  at  Baracoa,  but  the  place  is 
generally  healthy,  owing  to  the  exposed  position. 

“Nuevitas  del  Principe. — The  health  of  the  city  is  good,  the  sickly  season 
being  from  April  to  September. 

“Habana. — Yellow  fever  is  endemic.  The  sickly  season  is  from  June  to  Octo- 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


17? 


ber.  As  there  is  little  ebb  and  flow  of  the  tide  in  the  harbor,  the  water  is  filthy 
and  foul  smelling.  The  water  should  not  be  used  for  washing  decks  or  clothing. 

“Bahia  Honda. — The  health  of  the  place  is  good,  except  in  the  sickly  season, 
which  commences  in  April  and  lasts  through  the  summer. 

“Port  Mariel. — It  is  generally  healthy,  the  sickly  season  being  from  April 
to  September. 

“Santiago  de  Cuba.— The  place  is  healthy,  but  in  summer  yellow  fever  occurs. 
The  mornings  and  afternoons  are  pleasant.  Liberty  to  go  ashore  should  not  be 
given  here. 

“Cienfuegos. — The  sanitary  condition  is  good,  the  city  being  clean. 

“Yellow  fever  has  appeared  in  the  island  at  various  times  and  points  as 
follows: 

“1.  Habana. — Annual  prevalence  since  1761,  the  chief  center  of  infection, 
and  most  dangerous  to  shipping. 

“2.  Matanzas. — Annual  prevalence  since  1828,  and  probably  much  longer; 
an  important  center  of  infection,  but  less  dangerous  to  shipping  than  Habana. 

“3.  Cardenas. — Annual  prevalence  certainly  since  1836,  and  it  was  not 
founded  until  1828.  It  is  an  important  center  of  infection,  but  not  specially 
dangerous  to  shipping,  because  of  the  distance  at  which  vessels  anchor  from  shore. 

“4.  Cienfuegos.- — Annual  prevalence  since  at  least  1839,  and  it  wras  not 
founded  until  1819-1825.  It  is  a dangerous  center  of  infection,  but,  like  Ma- 
tanzas, has  a very  large  harbor,  and  is  less  dangerous  than  Habana  to  shipping. 

“5.  Sagua. — Some  cases  of  yellow  fever  occur  annually,  but  vessels  are  very 
rarely  infected,  as  these  anchor  several  miles  distant  from  the  coast,  and  Sagua  is 
ten  miles  inland. 

“6.  Baracoa. — Yellow  fever  occurs  occasionally,  but  not  annually  as  an 
epidemic. 

“7.  Caibarien. — Cases  of  yellow  fever  occur  frequently,  but  not  every  year. 
Very  little  danger  to  vessels,  as  these  anchor  many  miles  distant. 

“8.  Trinidad. — Annual  prevalence  certainly  since  1838,  and  probably  longer. 
The  harbor  is  not  believed  to  be  specially  dangerous  to  vessels. 

“9.  Santiago  de  Cuba. — Annual  prevalence  certainly  since  1851,  and  prob- 
ably very  much  longer.  It  is  a noted  center  of  infection,  and  its  small  harbor  is 
more  dangerous  to  the  shipping  than  any  other  port  in  the  whole  island. 

“10.  Manzanillo.- — Annual  prevalence.  It  is  in  constant  communication  with 
Santiago  de  Cuba,  Trinidad,  and  Cienfuegos.  As  vessels  anchor  in  the  open  sea  sev- 
eral miles  from  shore,  they  probably  suffer  little. 


178 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


“11.  Las  Nuevitas  del  Principe. — Annual  prevalence.  Vessels  anchor  a mile 
or  more  distant,  and  are  in  but  little  danger. 

“12.  Guantanamo. — Annual  prevalence.  The  town  is  about  seven  miles  from 
the  harbor,  and  vessels  are  probably  little  exposed  to  infection. 

“13.  Gibara. — Cases  of  yellow  fever  do  not  occur  every  year.  Vessels  anchor 
distant  from  the  shore,  and  are  in  little  danger. 

“If.  Zaza. — Cases  of  yellow  fever  do  not  occur  every  year.  Vessels  are 
probably  in  very  little  danger. 

“15.  Santa  Cruz. — Cases  of  yellow  fever  occur  in  the  majority  of  years.  Ves- 
sels anchor  far  from  shore,  and  are  in  little  danger. 

“16.  Bahia  Honda. — Yellow  fever  is  not  endemic;  it  is  even -said  to  be 
‘unknown/  and  to  present  no  cases  ‘either  indigenous  or  imported.’ 

“17.  Batabano. — Very  few  cases  occur. 

“18.  Cabanos. — Cases  occur  very  rarely,  and  the  disease  is  not  endemic. 

“19.  Isla  de  Pinos. — Cases  occur  very  seldom,  and  it  is  as  remarkably  free 
as  Bahia  Honda  from  the  disease. 

“20.  Mariel. — Yellow  fever  is  not  endemic  here. 

“21.  Puerto  Padre.— The  disease  is  not  endemic. 

“22.  Bayamo. — Occasionally  epidemic,  but  not  annually  endemic. 

“23.  Bejucal. — Suffers  little  from  yellow  fever. 

“24.  Ciego  de  Avila. — Not  endemic. 

“25.  Cobre. — Yellow  fever  is  not  endemic. 

“26.  Colon. — Yellow  fever  is  not  endemic. 

“27.  Guanabacoa. — Cases  occur  annually. 

“28.  Guanajay. — Cases  occur  in  the  majority  of  years. 

“29.  Guines. — Yellow  fever  is  not  endemic. 


“30.  Holguin. — Several  epidemics  since  1851,  but  cases  do  not  occur  every 


year. 


“31.  Jucaro. — Endemic. 

“32.  Marianao. — Endemic. 

“33.  Mayari. — Not  endemic. 

“34.  Palma  Soriano. — Not  endemic. 
“35.  Pinar  del  Rio. — Not  endemic. 
“36.  Puerto  Principe. — Endemic. 
“37.  Remedios. — Endemic. 

“38.  San  Antonio. — Endemic. 

“39.  Saneti  Spiritus. — Endemic. 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


1A 

“40.  San  Jose  de  las  Lajas. — Endemic. 

“41.  Santa  Clara. — Cases  occur  in  the  majority  of  years. 

“42.  Santiago. — Endemic. 

“43.  Victoria  de  las  Tunas. — Cases  occur  in  the  majority  of  years. 

“The  above  forty-three  places  are  all  those  from  which  trustworthy  informa- 
tion was  secured,  and  it  appears  that  of  twenty-one  seaports,  yellow  fever  occurs 
annually  in  ten  of  them  and  does  not  occur  annually  in  the  remaining  eleven, 
while  in  the  twenty-two  inland  towns  its  prevalence  varies  in  proportion  to  the 
extent  of  their  commerce  with  permanently  infected  centers  and  with  the  number 
of  immigrants,  so  that  the  above  list  tends  very  strongly  to  prove  that  seaports  in 
Cuba  are  no  more  liable  to  yellow  fever,  solely  because  located  on  the  sea,  than 
are  inland  towns.  Yet  the  contrary  has  long  been  taught. 

“The  Isle  of  Pines,  Bahia  Honda,  Cabanas,  Mariel,  Zaza,  and  other  pre- 
eminently maritime  places  in  Cuba  suffer  little,  if  at  all,  with  yellow  fever. 

“Among  the  poisonous  insects  are  centipedes,  tarantulas,  scorpions,  mosqui- 
toes, and  sand  flies. 

“Of  flies  alone  over  300  species  are  known.  The  one  most  to  be  dreaded 
is  called  rodador  (the  roller),  thought  by  the  people  to  be  a mosquito,  which  fills 
itself  with  blood  like  a leech  and  when  satiated  drops  off  and  rolls  away.  Still 
worse  is  the  jejen  (another  supposed  mosquito),  so  small  as  not  to  be  visible  to 
the  naked  eye,  but  its  sting  is  felt.  Neither  nets,  smoke  nor  any  other  defenses 
are  of  any  avail  against  it.  The  only  recourse  is  flight. 

“An  annoying  and  dangerous  pest  is  found  in  the  chigoe  or  jigger,  a small 
insect  closely  resembling  the  common  flea.  The  female  burrows  under  the  skin 
of  the  foot  or  under  the  finger  or  toe  nails,  and  soon  acquires  the  size  of  a pea,  its 
body  being  distended  with  eggs.  If  these  eggs  be  allowed  to  hatch  underneath  the 
skin,  irritating  and  dangerous  sores  result.  The  insect  must  be  extracted  entire 
and  with  great  care  as  soon  as  its  presence  is  discovered.  Similar  precautions 
must  be  taken  in  regard  to  common  ticks,  which  abound  especially  in  fields  where 
hogs  have  been  allowed  to  run  at  large.  The  wound  made  by  extracting  a chigoe 
or  a tick  should  be  carefully  washed,  coal  oil  applied,  and  outside  moisture  excluded 
for  at  least  forty-eight  hours. 

“The  only  peculiar  animal  in  the  island  is  the  jutia,  shaped  like  a rat  and 
from  twelve  to  eighteen  inches  long,  exclusive  of  the  tail.  A few  deer  are  found 
about  the  swamps,  but  they  are  supposed  to  have  been  introduced  from  Europe. 
The  woods  abound  in  wild  dogs  and  cats,  sprung  from  those  animals  in  a domestic 


180 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


state  and  differing  from  them  only  in  form  and  size.  Of  domestic  animals,  the 
ox,  the  horse,  and  the  hog  are  the  most  valuable  and  form  a large  proportion  of 
the  wealth  of  the  island;  sheep,  goats,  and  mules  are  less  numerous.  There  are 
some  4,000,000  head  of  the  domestic  animals  just  mentioned.  The  rnanati  (sea-cow) 
frequents  the  shore.  The  domestic  fowls  include  geese,  turkeys,  peacocks,  and 
pigeons.  There  are  over  200  species  of  indigenous  birds,  and  more  than  700  kinds 
of  fish  in  the  rivers,  bays  and  inlets.  Numerous  insects  and  nonvenomous  reptiles 
inhabit  the  woods  and  mountains.  Oysters  and  other  shellfish  are  numerous,  but 
of  inferior  quality.  Turtles  abound,  and  the  cayman  (crocodile)  and  iguana  (a 
kind  of  lizard)  are  common.  Snakes  are  not  numerous.  The  maja,  twelve  or 
fourteen  feet  in  length,  and  eighteen  or  twenty  inches  in  circumference,  is  the 
largest,  but  is  harmless;  the  juba,  which  is  about  six  feet  long,  is  venomous. 

“The  domestic  animals  let  loose  in  the  island  from  the  earliest  period  of  its 
occupation  have  found  a place  favorable  for  their  reproduction;  but,  while  in- 
creasing, they  have  also  undergone  certain  modifications.  Cuban  horses  of  the 
Andalusian  race  have  lost  in  stature  and  breadth  of  chest,  but  they  have  gained 
in  sobriety,  endurance,  and  vitality.  Before  the  great  insurrection  of  1868  they 
were  so  numerous  throughout  the  island,  and  especially  in  the  central  and  western 
regions,  that  nobody  traveled  afoot.  To-day  the  number  of  saddle  animals  has 
greatly  diminished  in  proportion  to  the  inhabitants,  and  nowhere  are  wild  horses 
found,  as  they  formerly  were  in  Romano  Cay,  in  the  Nipe  savannas,  and  other 
isolated  regions.  Asses  are  not  numerous,  being  kept  mainly  for  breeding  pur- 
poses. Mules  are  used  for  transportation  in  the  mountainous  regions.  The  camel 
of  the  Canaries,  which  was  introduced  at  one  time,  did  not  succeed,  owing  to 
the  niguas,  a species  of  insect  which  wounded  its  feet.  In  certain  parts  of  the 
island,  especially  in  the  district  of  Baracoa,  the  ox  is  used  both  as  a beast  of 
burden  and  in  driving.  Goats , and  sheep  have  not  thrived  so  well  in  Cuba  as 
hogs  and  cattle;  the  goat  has  lost  its  vivacity,  while  the  sheep,  being  poorly  cared 
for,  has  replaced  its  fleece  by  a coat  of  hair. 

“The  larger  portion  of  the  following  description  is  taken  from  Humboldt’s 
Narrative,  Yol.  VII.  Although  the  work  is  old,  yet  it  is  still  the  best  authority 
on  the  above  subjects  obtainable: 

“The  Island  of  Cuba,  for  more  than  four-fifths  of  its  extent,  is  composed  of 
low  lands.  The  soil  is  covered  with  secondary  and  tertiary  formations,  formed 
by  rocks  of  gneiss,  granite,  syenite,  and  euphotide.  The  island  is  crossed  from 
east-southeast  to  west-northwest  by  a chain  of  hills,  which  approach  the  southern 
coast  between  the  meridians  of  the  cities  of  Puerto  Principe  and  Villa  Clara; 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


181 


while  more  to  the  west,  near  Alvarez  and  Matanzas,  they  stretch  toward  the 
northern  coast,  going  from  the  mouth  of  the  Bio  Grande  to  Villa  de  la  Trinidad. 
The  hills  of  San  Juan  on  the  northwest  form  needles  or  horns  more  than  900  feet 
high,  from  which  declivities  go  regularly  toward  the  south.  This  calcareous  group 
has  a majestic  aspect,  seen  from  the  anchorage  near  Cayo  de  Piedras.  Sagua  and 
Batabano  are  low  coasts,  and  west  of  the  meridian  of  Matanzas  there  is  no  hill 
more  than  1,200  feet  high,  with  the  exception  of  Pan  de  Guaixabon.  The  land  of 
the  interior  is  generally  undulating,  and  rises  from  250  to  325  feet  above  sea-level. 

“The  decreasing  level  of  the  limestone  formations  of  the  Island  of  Cuba  toward 
the  north  and  west  indicates  a submarine  connection  of  those  rocks  with  the 
lands  equally  low  of  the  Bahama  Islands'  of  Florida  and  of  Yucatan. 

“It  is  probable  that  the  alluvial  deposits  of  auriferous  sand,  which  were 
explored  with  so  much  ardor  at  the  beginning  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  came  from 
the  granite  formations  in  the  western  part  of  the  island.  Traces  of  the  sand  are 
still  to  be  found  in  the  Holguin  and  Escambray  rivers. 

“The  central  and  western  portions  of  the  island  contain  two  formations  of 
compact  limestone,  one  of  clayey  sandstone,  and  another  of  gypsum.  The  former 
is  white,  or  of  a clear  ochre  yellow,  with  dull  fractures,  sometimes  conchoidal. 
and  sometimes  smooth,  and  furnishes  petrifications  of  pecten  cardites,  terebellidae 
and  madrepores.  No  oolitic  beds  are  found,  but  porous  beds  almost  bulbous  are 
seen  near  Batabano.  Yellowish,  cavernous  strata,  with  cavities  from  three  to 
four  inches  in  diameter,  alternate  with  strata  altogether  compact  and  poorer  in 
petrifications. 

“The  chain  of  hills  that  borders  the  plain  of  Giiines  towards  the  north  belongs 
to  the  latter  varietjq  which  is  reddish-white  and  almost  lithographic.  The  com- 
pact and  cavernous  beds  contain  pockets  of  brown  ochraceous  iron.  Perhaps  the 
red  earth  so  much  sought  after  by  the  planters  of  coffee  is  produced  by  the  decom- 
position of  some  superficial  beds  of  oxidized  iron  mixed  with  silica  and  clay,  or, 
perhaps,  by  reddish  sandstone  superposed  on  limestone.  The  whole  of  this  forma- 
tion might  be  designated  as  the  limestone  of  Giiines,  to  distinguish  it  from  another 
much  more  recent.  It  forms,  in  the  hills  of  San  Juan,  steep  declivities,  resem- 
bling the  mountains  of  limestone  of  Coripe  in  the  vicinity  of  Cumana.  They 
contain  great  caverns,  the  most  prominent  being  near  Matanzas  and  Jaruco.  There 
are  numerous  caverns,  and  where  the  pluvial  waters  accumulate  and  disappear  in 
small  rivers,  they  sometimes  cause  a sinking  of  the  earth. 

“To  the  secondary  soil  belongs  the  gypsum  of  the  island.  It  is  worked  in 
several  places.  We  must  not  confound  this  limestone  of  Giiines,  sometimes 


182 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CBBA. 


porous,  sometimes  compact,  with  another  formation  so  recent  that  it  seems  to  have 
augmented  in  our  days,  i.  e.,  the  calcareous  agglomerates,  on  the  islands  that 
border  the  coast  between  Batabano  and  the  Bay  of  Xagua. 

“At  the  foot  of  Castillo  de  la  Punta  are  shelves  of  cavernous  rocks,  which 
are  covered  with  verdant  alvse  and  living  polypiers.  Enormous  masses  of  madre- 
pores and  other  lithophyte  corals  are  set  in  the  texture  of  those  shelves.  This 
would  lead  one  to  the  conclusion  that  the  whole  of  this  limestone  rock,  which 
constitutes  the  greater  part  of  the  island,  is  due  to  the  uninterrupted  action  of 
productive  organic  forces,  an  action  which  is  still  in  operation  in  the  depths  of 
the  ocean;  but  these  limestone  formations  soon  vanish  when  the  shore  is  quitted, 
and  series  of  coral  rocks  are  seen,  containing  formations  of  different  ages — the 
muschelkalk,  the  Jura  limestone,  and  the  coarse  limestone.  The  same  coral  rocks 
as  those  of  Castillo  and  La  Punta  are  found  in  the  lofty  inland  mountains,  accom- 
panied by  petrifications  of  bivalve  shells,  very  different  from  those  which  are 
actually  seen  on  the  coasts  of  the  Antilles.  There  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  relative 
antiquity  of  that  rock,  with  respect  to  the  calcareous  agglomerates  of  the  Cayos. 
The  globe  has  undergone  great  revolutions  between  the  periods  when  those  two 
soils  were  formed,  one  containing  the  great  caverns,  the  other  daily  augmenting 
by  the  agglomeration  of  fragments  of  coral  and  quartzous  sand. 

“On  the  south  of  the  Island  of  Cuba  the  latter  of  these  soils  seems  to  be 
superposed,  sometimes  on  the  Jura  limestone  of  Guines,  and  sometimes  imme- 
diately on  the  primitive  rocks. 

“The  secondary  formations  on  the  east  of  Habana  are  pierced  in  a singular 
manner  by  syenitic  and  euphotide  rocks,  united  in  groups.  The  southern  bottom 
of  the  bay,  as  wTell  as  the  mouth,  are  of  Jura  limestone,  but  on  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Ensenadas  de  Regia  and  Guanabacoa  the  whole  is  transition  soil.  In  going 
from  north  to  south  we  find  syenite,  composed  of  a great  quantity  of  amphibole, 
partly  decomposed,  a little  quartz,  and  a reddish-white  feldspar,  seldom  ■ crystal- 
lized. Farther  south,  toward  the  small  bays  of  Regia  and  Guanabacoa,  the  syenite 
disappears,  and  the  whole  soil  is  covered  with  serpentine,  rising  in  hills  from  190 
to  255  feet  high,  and  running  from  east  to  west. 

“This  rock  is  much  fissured,  externally  of  a bluish  brown,  covered  with  detritus 
of  manganese,  and  internally  of  a leek  and  asparagus  green,  crossed  by  small  veins 
of  asbestos.  It  contains  neither  granite  nor  hornblende,  but  metalloide  diallage 
is  disseminated  throughout  the  mass.  Many  of  the  pieces  of  serpentine  have 
magnetic  poles.  In  approaching  Guanabacoa,  the  serpentine  is  crossed  by  veins 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


183 


from  twelve  to  fourteen  inches  thick,  filled  with  fibrous  quartz,  amethyst,  fine 
mammelones  and  stalactiform  chalcedonies. 

“Some  copper  pyrites  appear  among  these  veins,  accompanied,  it  is  said,  by 
silvery  gray  copper.  In  some  places  petroleum  runs  out  from  rents  in  the  ser- 
pentine. Springs  of  water  are  frequent,  containing  sulphureted  hydrogen,  and  a 
deposit  of  oxide  of  iron. 

“Volcanic  rock  of  a more  recent  period,  as  trachyte,  dolerite,  and  basalt,  has 
not  been  discovered  on  the  island. 

“The  Island  of  Cuba  has  a great  variety  of  minerals,  gold,  silver,  iron,  copper, 
lead,  asphaltum,  antimony,  platinum,  petroleum,  marble,  jasper,  etc.,  being  found 
in  a greater  or  less  quantity.  As  yet,  no  coal  has  been  found,  although  a substance 
resembling  it  is  much  used  as  fuel,  and  generally  called  coal  by  the  natives.  Gold 
and  silver  have  not  been  found  in  paying  quantities,  although  the  early  settlers 
mined  a considerable  amount  of  each. 

“Lead. — So  little  seems  to  be  produced  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  consider  the 
output. 

“Iron. — Large  deposits  are  found  in  the  province  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  and 
Pinar  del  Bio.  Its  output  to  the  United  States  is  very  large. 

“Copper. — Large  deposits  are  founded  in  Santiago  de  Cuba,  but  have  not 
been  much  mined,  on  account  of  the  revolution  and  heavy  taxes. 

“Asphaltum. — Deposits  of  asphaltum  are  of  frequent  occurrence  in  various 
parts  of  the  island,  and  have  been  mined  and  exported  to  some  extent. 

“Antimony. — Antimony,  with  lead,  is  said  to  exist  near  Holguin. 

“Petroleum. — Crude  oil  is  found,  but  the  mineral  oil  in  use  comes  from  the 
United  States  in  the  crude  state.  There  are  several  refineries  near  Habana. 

“Sulphur. — Deposits  of  pure  sulphur  probably  do  not  exist,  but  the  presence  of 
sulphur  is  shown  in  the  various  mineral  springs. 

“Salt.— Salt  is  deposited  in  great  quantities  in  various  parts  of  the  island. 

“Quicksilver. — It  is  said  that  in  former  times  some  quicksilver  was  found 
near  Bemedios. 

“Clays. — Valuable  deposits  of  clays  are  found,  especially  in  the  Isle  of  Pines. 

“Lime. — Most  of  the  soft  limestones  make  excellent  lime,  and  about  Habana 
are  many  limestone  quarries  and  amongst  them  kilns  for  burning. 

“Building  Stone. — A soft  carbonate  of  calcium  is  very  common,  and  is  much 
used  for  building  material  on  the  island. 

“Ochre. — Some  ochre  is  found  in  Manzanillo,  Santiago  de  Cuba,  Santa  Maria 
del  Bosario,  and  Guanabacoa. 


184 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


“Chrome. — Deposits  of  this  pigment  have  been  worked  near  Holguin. 

“Chalk. — Chalk  is  found  near  Manzanillo  and  Moron. 

“Marble.— This  is  found  in  great  abundance  in  many  places. 

“Loadstone. — Large  quantities  of  loadstone  also  exist. 

“Molding  Sand. — Near  Nueva  Filipina  a fine  quality  of  molding  sand  is 
found. 

“Talc. — Talc  is  also  found  in  the  island. 

“It  is  estimated  that  there  are  about  20,000,000  acres  of  wild  and  uncultivated 
land  in  the  Island  of  Cuba,  12,000,000  acres  of  which  are  virgin  forest.  These 
forests  are  to  a great  extent  dense  and  almost  impenetrable  in  some  sections,  espe- 
cially the  eastern  portion  of  Santa  Clara  Province,  Puerto  Principe,  and  some 
parts  of  Santiago  de  Cuba.  The  Isle  of  Pines  is  also  heavily  wooded.  The  forests 
preserve  their  verdure  throughout  all  seasons  of  the  year. 

“The  palm  is  the  most  common  of  all  the  Cuban  trees,  and,  perhaps,  the 
most  valuable.  There  are  a great  many  varieties.  Of  these  the  Palma  Real 
(Royal  Palm)  is  the  most  common,  and,  like  the  maguey  of  Mexico,  is  the  main- 
stay of  the  natives.  The  other  woods  of  importance  are  the  mahogany;  ebony; 
cedar;  acana,  a tree  with  a hard  reddish  wood;  ginebrahacha,  a kind  of  fir;  guaya- 
can;  jigui;  maranon,  a tree  which  yields  a gum  resembling  gum  arabic;  oak;  pino 
de  tea,  a torch  pine;  evergreen  oak;  sabicu;  ocuje,  a wood  much  used  for  con- 
struction purposes;  sabina;  nogal;  walnut;  majagua,  a tree  from  which  very  durable 
cordage  is  made;  Brazilian  wood;  capeche  wood;  fustic;  cocoa;  banana,  and  the 
magnificent  cieba. 

“The  lands  most  celebrated  for  their  fertility  are  the  districts  of  Sagua,  Cien- 
fuegos,  Trinidad,  Matanzas,  and  Mariel.  The  Valley  of  Gfiines  owes  its  reputa- 
tion to  artificial  irrigation.  Notwithstanding  the  want  of  great  rivers,  and  the 
unequal  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  Island  of  Cuba,  due  to  its  undulating  surface, 
its  continually  renewing  verdure,  and  the  distribution  of  its  vegetable  forms, 
presents  at  every  step  the  most  varied  and  beautiful  landscape. 

“The  agriculturists  of  the  island  distinguish  two  kinds  of  earth,  often  mixed 
together  like  the  squares  of  a draft  board,  black  earth,  clayey  and  full  of  moisture, 
and  red  earth,  more  silicious  and  mixed  with  oxide  of  iron. 

“The  black  earth  is  generally  preferred  for  the  cultivation  of  the  sugar  cane, 
because  it  conserves  humidity  better,  and  the  red  earth  for  coffee;  nevertheless, 
many  sugar  plantations  are  established  in  red  soil. 

“The  section  around  Habana  is  not  the  most  fertile,  and  the  few  sugar  plan- 
tations that  existed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  capital  are  now  replaced  by  cattle  farms 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


185 


and  fields  of  maize  and  forage,  on  which  the  profits  are  considerable,  on  account 
of  the  demand  from  the  city. 

“The  principal  agricultural  products  of  Cuba  are  sugar  cane,  coffee,  tobacco, 
cocoa,  cotton,  sarsaparilla,  vanilla,  copal,  China  root.  Cassia,  Palma  Christi,  mustard, 
pepper,  ginger,  licorice,  balsam  de  Guatemala,  india  rubber,  etc.  The  three  most 
important  are  sugar,  tobacco,  and  coffee. 

“The  fruits  of  Cuba  are  numerous  and  delicious.  Among  them  are  the 
pineapple,  custard  apple,  cocoanut,  plum,  guava,  banana,  orange  (the  Cuban 
orange  is  not  particularly  fine),  citron,  lemon,  mango,  etc. 

“While  the  area  of  Cuba  and  its  dependent  islands  is  nearly  as  great  as  that 
of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,*  it  has  less  than  one-third  as  many  inhabitants.  Yet, 
when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  desert  sand-keys  that  skirt  the  island,  the 
impassable  swamps  that  line  its  south  coast,  and  the  rugged  and  unexplored 
uplands  of  its  eastern  extremity,  altogether  occupy  fully  one-fifth  of  its  area, 
it  is  seen  that  Cuba  is  fairly  well  inhabited.  Estimating  its  habitable  area  at 
32,500  square  miles,  it  is  seen  to  be  twice  as  densely  populated  as  the  State  of 
Missouri, f or  in  about  the  same  ratio  as  Virginia. i 

“Of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  Cuba,  none  survived  to  see  the  seventeenth 
century.  The  present  population  may  be  divided  into  five  classes: 

“1.  Natives  of  Spain — ‘Peninsulars.’ 

“2.  Cubans  of  Spanish  descent — Tnsulars.’ 

“3.  Other  white  persons. 

“4.  Persons  wholly,  or  in  part,  of  the  African  race. 

“5.  Eastern  Asiatics. 

“By  reckoning  the  first  three  classes  together  and  excluding  the  fifth  entirely 
the  usual  division  of  whites  and  negroes  is  obtained.  It  has  been  customary  to 
reckon  among  negroes  persons  having  one-fourth,  one-half,  or  three-fourths  white 
blood,  and  there  is  no  end  to  the  subdivision.  This  is  philosophically  unjust  and 
makes  the  negro  element  appear  larger  than  it  really  is.  It  is  also  to  be  remem- 
bered that  the  blood  of  the  Latin  nations  mingles  with  that  of  other  races  more 
readily  than  does  the  Saxon.  The  following  statistics  of  the  two  main  races  at 
different  dates  show  the  percentage  of  negroes: 


*Area  of  Pennsylvania,  45,215  square  miles;  estimated  population  1894,  5,550,550. 
Area  of  Cuba,  43,124  square  miles;  estimated  population  in  1894,  1,723,000. 
f State  of  Missouri:  Area,  69,415  square  miles;  population,  1,875,900. 
t State  of  Virginia:  Area,  42,450  square  miles;  population,  1,705,198. 


186 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CUBA. 


' 

- 


Year. 

White. 

Negro. 

Per  cent. 

1804 

234,000 

198,000 

45.8 

1819 

239,830 

213,203 

47 

1830 

332,352 

423,343 

56 

1841 

418,291 

589,333 

58.4 

1850 

479,490 

494,252 

50.75 

1860 

632,797 

566,632 

47 

1869 

797,596 

602,215 

43 

1877 

985,325 

492,249 

33 

1887 

1,102,689 

485,187 

30.55 

“It  is  especially  worthy  of  note  that  for  thirty  or  forty  years  the  negro 
element  has  been  both  relatively  and  absolutely  decreasing,  and  probably  at  the 
present  time  it  composes  a little  more  than  one-fourth  of  the  whole  population. 

“The  number  of  white  persons  of  other  blood  than  Spanish  is  trifling,  and 
has  been  estimated  at  10,500. 

“There  is  yet  another  class  of  population — the  coolies,  or  Asiatic  laborers 
imported  from  the  Philippines.  The  statements  of  their  numbers  are  so  con- 
flicting as  to  be  a mere  guess;  but  that  guess  would  put  them  at  30,000  to  40,000. 

“The  most  recent  official  census  is  that  of  December,  1887.  The  figures  in 
the  following  table  are  taken  from  it,  and  give  the  population  by  provinces,  as  well 
as  the  density  of  population  (number  of  inhabitants  per  square  kilometer)  in  each: 


Provinces.  Inhabitants.  Kilometers  Density. 


Pinar  del  Rio  225,891  14,967  15.09 

Habana 451,928  8,610  52.49 

Matanzas 259,578  8,486  30.59 

Santa  Clara 354,122  23,083  15.34 

Puerto  Principe 67,789  32,341  2.10 

Santiago  de  Cuba 272,379  35,119  7.76 


Totals 1,631,687  122,606  13.31 


“The  only  language  spoken  in  the  island  is  Spanish. 

“The  Eoman  Catholic  has  been  the  only  religion  tolerated.  There  are  no 
Jewish  or  Protestant  places  of  worship,  while  a person  complying  with  all  the 
requirements  might  be  permitted  to  remain  on  the  island,  he  would  not  be  allowed 
to  promulgate  doctrines  at  variance  with  those  of  the  established  church.  Catholi- 
cism is  supported  by  the  general  revenues  of  the  island,  and  all  the  items  of 
expense  are  determined  at  Madrid.  The  amount  estimated  in  the  Cuban  budget 
of  1893-94  is  $385,588. 

“The  educational  system  of  Cuba,  under  Spanish  rule,  is  under  the  direction 
of  the  governor-general  and  rector  of  the  University  of  Habana,  both  being  natives 
of  Spain  and  appointed  by  the  Crown.” 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  the  Ancient  City  of  the  Island — Location  and  Commercial  Im- 
portance—Its  Strategic  Position  and  Defenses  as  Set  Forth  in  the  United 
States  Military  Notes- — Havana,  the  Capital  and  Largest  City  in  Cuba — Its 
Defenses,  Water  Supply  and  Sanitary  Condition — Density  of  Population. 

There  was  the  fortune  cf  good  judgment  in  attacking  the  Spaniards  in  Cuba 
at  Santiago  and  Porto  Rico,  the  points  of  Spanish  possession  in  the  West  Indies 
farthest  south  and  east,  instead  of  striking  at  the  west,  landing  at  Pinar  del  Rio, 
the  western  province,  and  moving  upon  the  fortifications  of  Havana,  where  the  diffi- 
culties and  dangers  that  proved  so  formidable  at  Santiago  would  have  been  quad- 
rupled, and  our  losses  in  the  field  and  hospital  excessive.  The  unpreparedness  of  this 
country  for  war  has  not  even  up  to  this  time  been  appreciated  except  by  military 
experts  and  the  most  intelligent  and  intent  students  of  current  history.  The  mili- 
tary notes  prepared  in  the  War  Department  of  the  United  States  at  the  beginning 
of  the  war  with  Spain,  contain  the  following  of  Santiago  de  Cuba: 

This  city  was  founded  in  1514,  and  the  famous  Hernando  was  its  first  mayor.  It 
is  the  most  southern  place  of  any  note  on  the  island,  being  on  the  twentieth  degree 
of  latitude,  while  Havana,  the  most  northern  point  of  note,  is  23  degrees  9 minutes 
26  seconds  north  latitude.  The  surrounding  country  is  very  mountainous,  and  the 
city  is  built  upon  a steep  slope;  the  public  square,  or  Campo  de  Marte,  is  140  to 
160  feet  above  the  sea,  and  some  of  the  houses  are  located  200  feet  high.  The  charac- 
ter of  the  soil  is  reported  to  he  more  volcanic  than  calcareous;  it  has  suffered  re- 
peatedly from  earthquakes.  It  is  the  second  city  in  the  island  with  regard  to  popu- 
lation, slightly  exceeding  that  of  Matanzas  and  Puerto  Principe.  So  far  as  Ameri- 
can commerce  is  concerned,  it  ranks  only  ninth  among  the  fifteen  Cuban  ports  of 
entry.  It  is  located  on  the  extreme  northern  bank  of  the  harbor  of  Santiago  de  Cuba, 
a harbor  of  the  first  class  and  one  of  the  smallest;  hence,  as  is  believed,  the  great  lia- 
bility of  its  shipping  to  infection.  According  to  the  chart  of  the  Madrid  hydro- 
graphic bureau,  1863,  this  harbor  is,  from  its  sea  entrance  to  its  extreme  northern 
limit,  5 miles  long,  the  city  being  located  4 miles  from  its  entrance,  on  the  north- 
eastern side  of  the  harbor.  The  entrance  is  for  some  little  distance  very  narrow — 

187 


188 


CITIES  OE  THE  QUEEN  OE  THE  ANTILLES. 


not  more  than  220  yards  wide — and  may  be  considered  about  2 miles  long,  with 
a width  varying  from  one-eiglith  to  five-eighths  of  a mile.  For  the  remaining  3 
miles  the  harbor  gradually  widens,  until  at  its  northern  extremity  it  is  about  2 miles 
wide.  The  city  is  so  situated  in  a cove  of  the  harbor  that  the  opposite  shore  is 
only  about  one-half  mile  distant.  At  the  wharves  from  10  to  15  feet  of  water  is 
found,  and  within  300  to  500  yards  of  the  shore  from  20  to  30  feet.  This,  therefore, 
is  probably  the  anchorage  ground.  Three  or  more  so-called  rivers,  besides  other 
streams,  empty  into  this  harbor,  and  one  of  these,  the  Caney  River,  empties  into  the 
harbor  at  the  northern  limit  of  the  city,  so  that  its  water  flows  from  one  island  ex- 
tremity through  the  whole  harbor  into  the  sea.  The  difference  here,  as  elsewhere 
in  Cuba,  between  low  and  high  tide  is  about  2 feet.  Population  in  1877  was  40,835, 
and  5,100  houses.  This  city  is  one  of  the  most  noted  yellow-fever  districts  in  the 
island.  The  population  in  1896  was  42,000. 

The  following  has  been  reported: 

Preparations  for  mounting  new  and  heavy  ordnance  is  now  going  on  at  the  en- 
trance of  the  bay  (March  5,  1898). 

New  and  heavier  guns  are  also  ordered  for  Punta  Blanca,  on  the  right  of  the  bay 
near  Santiago  City. 

Plans  have  been  made  for  constructing  two  batteries  in  the  city  of  Santiago, 
one  about  25  yards  in  front  of  the  American  consulate  and  the  other  about  two 
blocks  in  rear. 

Cayo  Rolones,  or  Rat  Island,  located  near  the  middle  of  the  bay,  is  the  Govern- 
ment depository  for  powder,  dynamite,  and  other  explosives. 

The  elevation  on  the  right  of  the  entrance,  where  stands  Castle  Morro,  is  40 
yards  above  the  sea  level,  while  the  hill  on  the  left  is  20  yards. 

“La  Bateria  Nueva  de  la  Estrella”  is  mounted  with  four  revolving  cannons. 

The  fortifications  of  Havana  were  carefully  covered  in  the  military  notes,  and 
thus  enumerated: 

There  are  fifteen  fortifications  in  and  about  the  city  of  Havana,  more  or  less 
armed  and  garrisoned,  besides  a work  partly  constructed  and  not  armed,  called  Las 
Animas,  and  the  old  bastions  along  the  sea  wall  of  the  harbor.  These  works  are  as 
follows: 

Nos.  1 and  2 are  earthen  redans  on  the  sea  coast,  east  of  Havana. 

Velazo  Battery,  just  east  of,  and  a part  of,  El  Morro. 

El  Morro,  a sea  coast  fort,  with  flanking  barbette  batteries,  east  of  harbor  entrance. 


CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 


18'9 


The  Twelve  Apostles,  a water  battery  lying  at  the  foot  of  Morro,  with  a field 
of  fire  across  the  harbor’s  mouth.  It  is  a part  of  Morro. 

La  Cabana,  a stone-bastioned  work  with  both  land  and  water  front,  in  rear  of  El 
Morro,  and  directly  opposite  the  city  of  Havana. 

San  Diego,  a stone-bastioned  work  with  only  land  fronts,  east  of  Cabana. 

Atares,  a stone-bastioned  work  on  hill  at  southwestern  extremity  of  Havana  Bay, 
near  the  old  shipyard  called  the  arsenal. 

San  Salvador  de  la  Punta,  a stone-bastioned  work  west  of  harbor  entrance,  with 
small  advanced  and  detached  work,  built  on  a rock  near  harbor  mouth. 

La  Reina,  a stone  work,  in  shape  the  segment  of  a circle,  placed  on  the  seacoast, 
at  western  limits  of  city,  on  an  inlet  called  San  Lazardo. 

Santa  Clara,  a small  but  powerful  seacoast  battery  of  stone  and  earth,  placed 
about  miles  west  of  harbor. 

El  Principe,  a stone-bastioned  redoubt  west  of  Havana. 

Nos.  3 A,  3 B,  and  4 are  earthen  redans  on  the  seacoast  west  of  Havana. 

There  are,  in  addition,  several  works  built  for  defense,  but  now  used  for  other 
purposes  or  abandoned.  These  are: 

The  Torreon  de  Vigia,  a martello  tower  placed  on  the  inlet  of  San  Lazaro  opposite 
La  Reina. 

The  old  fort  called  La  Fuerza,  built  three  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago,  near  the 
present  Plaza  de  Armas,  and  now  used  for  barracks  and  public  offices. 

The  work  called  San  Nazario,  situated  north  of  El  Principe,  but  now  used  in 
connection  with  the  present  cartridge  factory,  abandoned  for  defensive  purposes. 

The  partially  constructed  fort  called  Las  Animas,  southeast  of  Principe,  lying 
on  a low  hill,  partly  built  but  useless  and  unarmed. 

The  old  sea  wall  extending  from  near  La  Punta  to  the  Plaza  de  Armas,  unarmed, 
and  useless  except  as  a parapet  for  musketry. 

The  old  arsenal,  on  the  west  of  the  inner  bay,  now  used  as  repair  works  for 
ships,  useless  for  defense. 

The  old  artillery  and  engineer  storehouses  near  La  Punta,  probably  once  used  as 
strongholds,  now  mere  storehouses  for  munitions  of  war. 

There  are,  besides,  in  the  vicinity  of  Havana,  three  old  and  now  useless  stone 
works — one  at  Chorrera,  the  mouth  of  the  Almendarez  River,  about  4 miles  from 
Havana  harbor;  another  at  Cojimar,  on  the  coast,  about  3 miles  eastward  of  Cabana, 
and  the  third  at  the  inlet  called  La  Playa  de  Mariano,  about  7 miles  west  of  Havana. 


190 


CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES: 


Batteries  Nos.  1 and  2 were  equipped  with,  No.  1,  four  Hontoria  6-inch  guns; 
two  Nordenfeldt  6-pounders;  No.  2,  two  Krupp  12-inch  guns;  four  Hontoria 
3-inch  mortars.  The  12-inch  Krupps  were  to  stand  off  battleships  attempting  to 
force  the  harbor,  or  to  bombard  the  Morro.  The  Yalago  battery,  a part  of  the  Morro, 
an  out-work  on  the  edge  of  the  cliff,  mounting  four  11-inch  Krupp  guns  separated  by 
earth  traverses. 

The  Morro,  commenced  in  1589  and  finished  in  1597,  is  important  for  historical 
associations.  It  is  a most  picturesque  structure,  and  is  useful  as  a lighthouse  and 
prison,  and  is  mounted  with  twelve  old  10-inch,  eight  old  8-inch,  and  fourteen 
old  4-inch  guns. 

Cabana,  finished  in  1774  at  a cost  of  $14,000,000,  lies  some  500  yards  southeast 
of  El  Morro,  on  the  east  side  of  Havana  Bay.  Toward  the  city  it  exposes  a vertical 
stone  wall  of  irregular  trace,  with  salients  at  intervals.  Toward  the  Morro  is  a 
bastioned  face  protected  by  a deep  ditch,  sally  port,  and  drawbridge.  Eastward  and 
southward  a beautifully  constructed  land*  front  incloses  the  work.  This  front  is 
protected  by  ditches  40  or  more  feet  deep,  well  constructed  glacis,  stone  scarp,  and 
counterscarp.  Cabana  is  a magnificent  example  of  the  permanent  fortifications 
constructed  a century  ago.  Probably  10,000  men  could  be  quartered  in  it. 

The  entrance  to  Cabana  is  by  the  sally  port  that  opens  upon  the  bridge  across  the 
moat  lying  between  Cabana  and  El  Morro.  Upon  entering,  the  enormous  extent  of 
the  work  begins  to  be  perceived,  parapet  within  parapet,  galleries,  casemates,  and 
terrepleins  almost  innumerable,  all  of  stone  and  useless.  There  are  no  earth  covers 
or  traverses,  and  no  protection  against  modern  artillery. 

Cabana  is  the  prison  for  offenders  against  the  State,  and  the  scene  of  innumer- 
able executions.  From  an  exterior  or  salient  corner  of  the  secretary’s  office  of  the 
headquarters  there  leads  a subterranean  passage  326  meters  long,  2.5  meters  wide, 
and  1.86  high,  excavated  in  the  rock.  It  conducts  to  the  sea,  debouching  at  the 
mouth  of  a sewer,  87  meters  from  the  Morro  wharf.  At  exactly  132  meters  along 
the  road  rising  from  the  Morro  pier  or  wharf  to  the  Cabana,  there  will  be  found 
by  excavating  the  rock  on  the  left  of  the  road,  at  a depth  of  3 meters,  a grating,  on 
opening  which  passage  will  be  made  into  a road  107  meters  long,  1.6  high,  and  1.42 
wide,  leading  to  the  same  exit  as  the  Cabana  secret  way.  These  passages  are  most 
secret,  as  all  believe  that  the  grating  of  the  sewer,  seen  from  the  sea,  is  a drain. 

The  battery  of  Santa  Clara  is  the  most  interesting  of  the  fortifications  of  Havana, 
and  one  of  the  most  important.  It  lies  about  100  yards  from  the  shore  of  the  gulf, 
at  a point  where  the  line  of  hills  to  the  westward  runs  back  (either  naturally  or  I 

. 

7 


jjj-UfcJsjT 


LAVA  FORMATION  AT  KILAUEA  CRATER,  4,040  FEET  HIGH,  ISLAND  OF  HAWAII, 


SECTION  OF  FLUME  TO  CONVEY  WATER  TO  SUGAR  MILLS  IN  HAWAII. 


CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 


193 


artificially)  into  quarries,  thus  occupying  a low  salient  backed  by  a hill.  Here  art 
three  new  Krupp  11-inch  guns,  designed  to  protect  El  Principe,  the  land  side  of 
Havana.  It  is  187  feet  above  sea  level  and  completely  dominates  Havana,  the  bay, 
Morro,  Cabana,  the  coast  northward,  Atares,  and  from  east  around  to  south,  the  ap- 
proaches of  the  Marianao  Hoad,  Cristina,  and  the  Western  Railroad  for  about  3 kilo- 
meters, i.  e.,  between  Cristina  and  a cut  at  that  distance  from  the  station.  Principe 
gives  fire  upon  Tulipan,  the  Cerro,  the  Hill  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  valley  through 
which  passes  the  Havana  Railroad,  sweeping  completely  with  its  guns  the  railroad 
as  far  as  the  cut  at  Cienaga,  2$  to  3 miles  away.  It  dominates  also  the  hills  south' 
ward  and  westward  toward  Puentes  Grandes  and  the  Almendarez  River,  and  country 
extending  toward  Marianao,  also  the  Calzada  leading  to  the  cemetery  and 
toward  Chorrera;  thence  the  entire  sea  line  (the  railroad  to  Chorrera  is 
partly  sheltered  by  the  slope  leading  to  Principe).  This  is  by  all  means  the  strongest 
position  about  Havana  which  is  occupied.  Lying  between  it  and  the  hill  of  the  Cerro 
is  the  hill  of  the  Catalan  Club,  right  under  the  guns  of  the  work  and  about  one-half 
mile  away.  The  Marianao  Road  is  more  sheltered  than  the  Havana,  as  it  runs  near 
the  trees  and  hill  near  the  Cerro.  The  only  points  which  dominate  the  hill  of  the 
Principe  lie  to  the  south  and  southeast  in  the  direction  of  Jesus  del  Monte  and  be- 
yond Regia.  On  its  southern,  southeastern,  and  southwestern  faces  the  hill  of  Prin- 
cipe is  a steep  descent  to  the  calzada  and  streets  below.  The  slope  is  gradual  west- 
ward and  around  by  the  north.  From  this  hill  is  one  of  the  best  views  of  Havana 
and  the  valley  south.  El  Principe  lies  about  one-half  mile  from  the  north  coast, 
from  which  hills  rise  in  gradual  slopes  toward  the  work.  It  is  Havana  gossip  that 
El  Principe  is  always  held  by  the  Spanish  regiment  in  which  the  Captain-General 
has  most  confidence.  The  military  notes  pronounce  El  Principe  undoubtedly  the 
strongest  natural  position  about  Havana  now  occupied  by  defensive  works.  Its 
gnns  sweep  the  heights  of  the  Almendares,  extending  from  the  north  coast  south- 
ward by  the  hills  of  Puentes  Grandes  to  the  valley  of  Cienaga,  thence  eastward  across 
the  Hill  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  long  line  of  trees  and  houses  leading  to  the  Cerro. 
The  country  beyond  the  Cerro  is  partly  sheltered  by  trees  and  hills,  but  eastward  El 
Principe  commands  in  places  the  country  and  the  bay  shore,  and  gives  fire  across 
Havana  seaward. 

The  most  vulnerable  spot  in  the  defenses  of  Havana  is  the  aqueduct  of  Isabella 
II,  or  the  Yento.  The  water  is  from  the  Vento  Springs,  pure  and  inexhaustable,  nine 
miles  out  of  Havana. 

All  three  of  the  water  supplies  to  Havana,  the  Zanja  and  the  two  aqueducts  of 


194 


CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 


Ferdinand  VII  and  of  the  Vento,  proceed  from  the  Almendares  and  run  their  course 
near  to  each  other,  the  farthest  to  the  west  being  the  Zanja  and  to  the  east  the  Vento. 

At  Vento  Springs  is  constructed  a large  stone  basin,  open  at  the  bottom,  through 
which  springs  bubble.  From  this  reservoir  the  new  aqueduct  leads.  It  is  an  ellip- 
tical tunnel  of  brick,  placed  under  ground,  and  marked  by  turrets  of  brick  and 
stone  placed  along  its  course. 

From  the  Vento  Reservoir  the  new  aqueduct  crosses  the  low  valley  south  of 
Havana,  following  generally  the  Calzada  de  Vento,  which  becomes,  near  the  Cerro, 
the  Calzada  de  Palatino,  to  a point  on  the  Western  Railway  marked  5 kilometers 
(about);  hence  the  calzada  and  the  aqueduct  closely  follows  the  railway  for  about  a 
mile,  terminating  at  a new  reservoir. 

The  Vento  water  is  the  best  thing  Havana  has,  and  indispensable.  The  old 
sources  of  supply  are  intolerable.  The  mam  water  supply  is  the  Zanja.  Through- 
out the  most  of  its  course  this  river  flows  through  unprotected  mud  banks;  the  fluids 
of  many  houses,  especially  in  the  Cerro  ward  which  it  skirts,  drain  into  them;  men, 
horses,  and  dogs  bathe  in  it;  dead  bodies  have  been  seen  floating  in  it,  and  in  the 
rainy  season  the  water  becomes  very  muddy.  In  fine,  the  Zanja  in  its  course  receives 
nil  which  a little  brook  traversing  a village  and  having  houses  and  back  yards  on  its 
anks  would  receive.  The  water  can  not  be*  pure,  and  to  those  who  know  the  facts 
the  idea  of  drinking  it  is  repulsive.  This  supply  had  long  been  insufficient  to  the 
growing  city,  and  in  1835  the  well-protected  and  excellent  aqueduct  of  Ferdinand 
VII  was  completed.  It  taps  the  Almendares  River  a few  hundred  yards  above  filters 
mentioned,  hence  carried  by  arches  to  the  east  El  Cerro,  and  for  some  distance 
nearly  parallel  to  the  Calzada  del  Cerro,  but  finally  intersecting  this.  These  works 
are  succeeded  by  the  Famous  Vento.  When  Havana  is  fought  for  hereafter  the 
fight  will  be  at  the  Vento  Springs.  This  remark  is  not  made  in  the  military  notes, 
but  the  military  men  know  it  well.  When  General  Miles  expected  to  attack  Havana 
he  procured  all  the  accessible  surveys  and  detail  of  information,  official  and  through 
'pecial  observation  and  personal  knowledge  obtainable  of  the  water  works.  Life 
could  not  be  sustained  many  days  in  the  city  of  Havana  without  the  water  of  the 
adorable  Vento. 

A special  interest  attaches  to  Havana,  as  it  is  to  be  a city  under  the  control  of 
the  United  States.  The  surface  soil  consists  for  the  most  part  of  a thin  layer  of 
red,  yellow,  or  black  earths.  At  varying  depths  beneath  this,  often  not  exceeding 
1 or  2 feet,  lie  the  solid  rocks.  These  foundation  rocks  are,  especially  in  the  north- 
ern and  more  modern  parts  of  the  city  toward  the  coast  of  the  sea  and  not  of  the 


195 


CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 

harbor,  Quarternary,  and  especially  Tertiary,  formations,  so  permeable  that  liquids 
emptied  into  excavations  are  absorbed  and  disappear. 

In  other  parts  of  the  city  the  rocks  are  not  permeable,  and  pools  are  formed. 
In  proportion  as  the  towns  of  Cuba  are  old,  the  streets  are  narrow.  In  Havana 
this  peculiarity  is  so  positive  that  pedestrians  cannot  pass  on  the  sidewalks,  nor 
vehicles  on  the  streets.  Less  than  one-third  of  the  population  live  on  paved  streets, 
and  these  are  as  well  paved  and  kept  as  clean,  it  is  believed  cleaner,  than  is  usual  in 
the  United  States.  The  remainder  live  on  unpaved  streets,  which,  for  the  most 
part,  are  very  filthy.  Many  of  these,  even  in  old  and  densely  populated  parts  of  the 
city,  are  no  better  than  rough  country  roads,  full  of  rocks,  crevices,  mud  holes,  and 
other  irregularities,  so  that  vehicles  traverse  them  with  difficulty  at  all  times,  and 
in  the  rainy  season  they  are  sometimes  impassible  for  two  months.  Rough,  muddy, 
or  both,  these  streets  serve  admirably  as  permanent  receptacles  for  much  decom- 
posing animal  and  vegetable  matter.  Finally,  not  less,  probably  more,  than  one- 
half  the  popirlation  of  Havana  live  on  streets  which  are  constantly  in  an  extremely 
insanitary  condition,  but  these  streets,  though  so  numerous,  are  not  in  the  beaten 
track  of  the  pleasure  tourist. 

In  the  old  intramural  city,  in  which  live  about  40,000  people,  the  streets  vary  in 
width,  but  generally  they  are  6.8  meters  (about  22  feet  wide,  of  which  the  side- 
walks occupy  about  7.5  feet.  In  many  streets  the  sidewalk  at  each  side  is  not  even 
18  inches  wide.  In  the  new,  extramural  town,  the  streets  are  generally  10  meters 
(32.8  feet)  wide,  with  3 meters  (nearly  10  feet)  for  the  sidewalks,  and  7 meters  (23 
feet)  for  the  wagonway.  There  are  few  sidewalks  in  any  except  in  the  first  four 
of  the  nine  city  districts. 

More  than  two-thirds  of  the  population  live  in  densely  inhabited  portions  of  the 
city,  where  the  houses  are  crowded  in  contact  with  each  other.  The  average  house 
lot  does  not  exceed  27  by  112  feet  in  size.  There  are  17,259  houses,  of  which  15,494 
are  one-story,  1,552  are  two  stories,  186  are  three  stories,  and  only  27  are  four  stories, 
with  none  higher.  At  least  12  in  every  13  inhabitants  live  in  one-story  houses;  and 
as  the  total  civil,  military,  and  transient  population  exceeds  200,000  there  are  more 
than  12  inhabitants  to  every  house.  Tenement  houses  may  have  many  small  rooms, 
but  each  room  is  occupied  by  a family.  Generally  the  one-story  houses  have  four  or 
five  rooms;  but  house  rent,  as  also  food  and  clothing,  is  rendered  so  expensive  bv 
taxation,  by  export  as  well  as  import  duties,  that  it  is  rare  for  workmen,  even  when  paid 
$50  to  $100  a month,  to  enjoy  the  exclusive  use  of  one  of  these  mean  little  houses; 
reserving  one  or  two  rooms  for  his  family,  he  rents  the  balance.  This  condition  of 


196 


CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 


affairs  is  readily  understood  when  it  is  known  that  so  great  a necessity  as  flour 
cost  in  Havana  $15.50  when  its  price  in  the  United  States  was  $6.50  per  barrel. 

In  the  densely  populated  portions  of  the  city  the  houses  generally  have  no  hack 
yard,  properly  so  called,  but  a flagged  court,  or  narrow  vacant  space  into  which  sleep- 
ing rooms  open  at  the  side,  and  in  close  proximity  with  these,  at  the  rear  of  this  con- 
tracted court  are  located  the  kitchen,  the  privy,  and  often  a stall  for  animals.  In 
the  houses  of  the  poor,  that  is,  of  the  vast  majority  of  the  population,  there  are 
no  storerooms,  pantries,  closets,  or  other  conveniences  for  household  supplies.  These 
are  furnished  from  day  to  day,  even  from  meal  to  meal,  by  the  corner  groceries; 
and  it  is  rare,  in  large  sections  of  Havana,  to  find  any  one  of  the  four  corners  of 
a square  without  a grocery. 

The  walls  of  most  of  the  houses  in  Havana  are  built  of  “mamposteria”  or 
rubble  masonry,  a porous  material  which  freely  absorbs  atmospheric  as  well  as 
ground  moisture.  The  mark  of  this  can  often  he  seen  high  on  the  walls,  which 
varies  from  2 to  7 feet  in  the  houses  generally.  The  roofs  are  excellent,  usually 
flat,  and  constructed  of  brick  tiles.  The  windows  are,  like  the  doors,  unusually 
high,  nearly  reaching  the  ceiling,  which,  in  the  best  houses  only,  is  also  unusually 
high.  The  windows  are  never  glazed,  hut  protected  by  strong  iron  bars  on  the  out- 
side and  on  the  inside  by  solid  wooden  shutters,  which  are  secured,  like  the  doors, 
with  heavy  bars  or  bolts,  and  in  inclement  weather  greatly  interfere  with  proper  ven- 
tilation. Fireplaces  with  chimneys  are  extremely  rare,  so  that  ventilation  depends 
entirely  on  the  doors  and  windows,  which,  it  should  be  stated,  are  by  no  means 
unusually  large  in  most  of  the  sleeping  rooms  of  the  poor.  Generally  in  Havana, 
less  generally  in  other  cities,  the  entrances  and  courtyards  are  flagged  with  stone, 
while  the  rooms  are  usually  floored  with  tile  or  marble.  With  rare  exceptions  the 
lowest  floor  is  in  contact  with  the  earth.  Ventilation  between  the  earth  and  floor 
is  rarely  seen  in  Cuba.  In  Havana  the  average  height  of  the  ground  floor  is  from 
7 to  11  inches  above  the  pavement,  but  in  Havana,  and  more  frequently  in  other 
Cuban  towns,  one  often  encounters  houses  which  are  entered  by  stepping  down  from 
the  sidewalk,  and  some  floors  are  even  below  the  level  of  the  street.  In  Havana 
some  of  the  floors,  in  Matanzas  more,  in  Cardenas  and  Cienfuegos  many  are  of  the 
bare  earth  itself,  or  of  planks  raised  only  a few  inches  above  the  damp  ground. 

The  narrow  entrance  about  400  yards  in  width  and  1,200  in  length,  opens  into 
the  irregular  harbor,  which  has  three  chief  coves  or  indentations,  termed  “ensena- 
das.”  The  extreme  length  of  the  harbor  from  its  sea  entrance  to  the  limit  of  the 
most  distant  ensenada  is  3 miles,  and  its  extreme  breadth  1^  miles;  but  within  the 


CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 


197 


entrance  the  average  length  is  only  about  1,  and  the  average  breadth  about  two-thirds 
of  a mile.  However,  because  of  the  irregularly  projecting  points  of  land  which  form 
the  ensenadas,  there  is  no  locality  in  the  harbor  where  a vessel  can  possibly  anchor 
farther  than  500  yards  from  the  shore.  Its  greatest  depth  is  about  40  feet,  but  the 
anchorage  ground  for  vessels  drawing  18  feet  of  water  is  very  contracted,  not  exceed- 
ing one-half  the  size  of  the  harbor.  The  rise  and  fall  of  the  tide  does  not  exceed 
2 feet. 

The  Cuban  city  next  in  celebrity  to  Havana  is  Matanzas,  and  it  is  one  likely  to 
become  a favorite  of  Americans,  as  the  country  in  the  vicinity  is  distinguished  by 
beauty  as  well  as  remarkable  for  fertility.  Matanzas  was  first  regularly  settled  in 
1693.  It  is  in  the  province  of  Matanzas,  54  miles  west  of  Havana,  by  the  most  di- 
rect of  the  two  railroads  which  unite  these  two  cities,  and  is  situated  on  the  western 
inland  extremity  of  the  bay  of  Matanzas,  a harbor  of  the  first  class.  Matanzas  is 
divided  into  three  districts,  viz,  the  central  district  of  Matanzas,  which,  about  half 
a mile  in  width  across  the  center  of  population,  lies  between  the  two  little  rivers, 
San  Juan  to  the  south,  and  the  Yumuri  to  the  north;  the  Pueblo  Nuevo  district, 
south  of  the  San  Juan,  and  around  the  inland  extremity  of  the  harbor;  and  the  dis- 
trict of  Versalles,  north  of  the  Yumuri,  nearest  to  the  open  sea,  as  also  to  the  an- 
chorage ground,  and,  sanitarily,  the  best  situated  district  in  the  city.  About  two- 
thirds  of  the  population  are  in  the  district  of  Matanzas,  and  the  Pueblo  Nuevo  district 
has  about  double  the  population  of  Versalles.  Pueblo  Nuevo  stands  on  ground 
originally  a swamp,  and  is  low,  flat,  and  only  3 or  4 feet  above  the  sea.  The  Ma- 
tanzas district  has  many  houses  on  equally  low  ground,  on  the  harbor  front,  and  on 
the  banks  of  the  two  rivers  which  inclose  this  district;  but  from  the  front  and  be- 
tween these  rivers  the  ground  ascends,  so  that  its  houses  are  from  2 to  even  100  feet 
above  the  sea;  however,  the  center  of  population,  the  public  square,  is  only  about  20 
feet  above  sea  level.  Versalles  is  on  a bluff  of  the  harbor,  and  its  houses  are  situated, 
for  the  most  part,  from  15  to  40  feet  above  the  sea.  The  district  of  Matanzas  has 
ill  constructed  and  useless  sewers  in  only  two  streets,  and  no  houses  connected 
therewith.  So  much  of  this  district  and  of  Versalles  as  is  built  on  the  hill  slope  is 
naturally  well  drained,  but  the  Pueblo  Nuevo  district,  and  those  parts  of  Matanzas 
built  in  immediate  proximity  to  the  banks  of  the  river,  are  very  ill  drained. 

Since  1872  Matanzas  has  had  an  aqueduct  from  the  Bello  spring,  7 miles  distant. 
The  supply  is  alleged  to  be  both  abundant  and  excellent.  But  of  the  4,710  houses 
in  the  city  840  stand  on  the  hills  outside  the  zone  supplied  by  the  waterworks,  while 
of  the  remaining  3,870  houses  within  this  zone  only  about  2,000  get  their  water 


198 


CITIES  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 


from  the  waterworks  company.  Hence  more  than  half  of  the  houses  of  Matanzas 
(2,710)  do  for  the  most  part  get  their  supply  in  kegs  by  purchase  in  the  streets. 
There  are  a few  public  fountains,  as  also  some  dangerous  wells.  The  streets  are 
30  feet  wide,  with  24  feet  wagon  way.  Few  of  them  are  paved,  some  are  very  poor 
roads,  hut,  for  the  most  part,  these  roads  are  in  good  condition.  In  the  Matanzas  dis- 
trict some  of  the  streets  are  of  solid  stone,  and  natural  foundation  rock  of  the  place, 
for  the  superficial  soil  is  so  thin  that  the  foundation  rocks  often  crop  out.  Of  this 
very  porous  rock  most  of  the  houses  are  built.  The  houses  have  wider  fronts,  larger 
air  spaces  in  rear,  are  not  so  crowded,  and  are  better  ventilated  than  the  houses  of 
Havana.  As  is  usual  in  Cuba,  the  ground  floors  are  generally  on  a level  with  the 
sidewalk,  and  some  are  even  below  the  level  of  the  streets.  A heavy  rain  floods  many 
of  the  streets  of  Matanzas,  the  water  running  hack  into  and  beneath  the  houses.  The 
porous  limestone  of  which  the  houses  are  built  greatly  favors  absorption. 

The  population  of  Matanzas  and  suburbs  was  about  50,000  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war. 


Longitude  West  from  Greenwich | Ka  Lae  Lae 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  imperial  Japanese  and  American  sugar  kings,  next  to  the  royalists  of 
Honolulu — the  owners  of  opiate  and  lottery  franchises — crown  land,  and  other 
affiliated  rings,  around  them — were  the  most  bitterly  disappointed  personages  and 
people  when  the  American  flag,  after  an  up  and  down  unforgotten,  ascended  the 
flagstaff  of  state  in  the  Hawaiian  capital  to  remain,  significant  of  the  sovereignty 
of  the  greater  American  Republic.  Honolulu  is  1,200  miles  from  San  Francisco 
and  has  long  been,  in  its  material  interests  and  customs  and  principles,  American- 
ized. The  teachings  of  its  most  influential  inhabitants  have  had  this  auspicious 
result.  There  were  many  American  flags  left  when  Commissioner  Blount  removed 
the  one  disapproved  by  President  Cleveland,  who  believed  the  United  States  had 
covertly  conquered  the  kingdom,  depriving  the  queen  of  the  royal  rights  she  had 
asserted.  The  flag  controversy  and  the  question  of  the  restoration  of  the  mon- 
archy have  disappeared  together.  The  American  element  in  the  archipelago  is 
established  in  law  to  rule.  We  are  under  obligation  to  defend  Honolulu  just  as 
much  as  if  the  city  was  on  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  American  continent.  A disposi- 
tion to  contention  has  been  noted  in  various  quarters  to  the  effect  that  the  pros- 
perity in  worldly  goods  of  the  missionaries  and  their  descendants,  is  to  be  regarded 
as  acquisitiveness,  rather  than  an  illustration  of  Christian  virtue.  But  a slight 
examination  of  available  facts  is  convincing  that  many  of  the  accumulations  pointed 
out  for  criticism  may  be  attributed  rather  to  the  original  inheritance  of  intelligence 
and  industry  that  improved  legitimate  opportunities,  than  to  the  organization  of 
monopolies  through  Christian  endeavor.  It  is  possible,  perhaps  we  should  say  pal- 
pable, that  the  missionaries  and  their  children  and  grandchildren,  have  qualities 
that  energize  their  activities  and  that  their  right  to  say  according  to  what  they 
do  is  considerably  greater  than  the  percentage  they  make  in  the  census  records  of 
the  mass  of  the  population.  We  are  not  aware  that  the  missionaries  have  done 
anything  in  the  course  of  their  labors  for  two  generations  that  would  rationally 
explain,  much  less  justify,  the  persecution  of  their  posterity.  There  is  a certain 
latitude  allowed  descendants  of  ministers  of  the  gospel  even  in  Hew  England,  be- 
cause it  is  assumed  they  are  subjected  by  the  retroactive  tendencies  manifest  in 
mankind,  to  especial  temptation.  But  so  long  as  the  privilege  is  not  a prerogative 

303 


204 


INTRODUCTION. 


there  is  no  evident  occasion  to  rise  up  and  turn  and  overturn  to  the  extent  of 
disturbing  the  civic  repose  of  orderly  communities.  Before  the  missionaries 
arrived  there  was  a good  deal  of  testimony  that  the  natives  needed  other  instruc- 
tion in  Christian  civilization  than  that  which  they  got  from  the  sailors.  Captain 
Cook  and  Vancouver  and  other  navigators  who  discovered  the  islands  and  explored 
them  on  the  way  to  seek  what  was  known  as  “the  north-west  passage”  have  been 
blamed  for  dispensations  that  were  disastrous.  It  is  not  regarded  as  certain, 
however,  that  Captain  Cook  had  not  Spanish  predecessors.  Just  as  it  was  the 
policy  of  Spain  to  falsify  on  the  charts  the  depth  of  water  in  Manila  bay — 
Admiral  Dewey  ploughed  with  ships  drawing  twenty-five  feet  without  scraping 
bottom,  to  get  at  Montejo’s  squadron,  where  the  official  Spanish  map  recorded 
fifteen  feet.  This  sort  of  deception  influenced  the  surveys  and  reports  of  the 
Spanish  voyages  in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  furnished  ground  for  belief  that  they  might 
have  discovered  the  “Sandwich  Islands”  a good  while  before  Captain  Cook  was 
born. 

The  Hawaiians  are  so  soft  a race  that  they  seem  to  require  the  help  of  races 
of  tougher  fiber  and  greater  energy.  The  grievance  of  the  natives  most  lamentable 
in  their  complaints  is  that  the  “poy”  they  once  wound  around  their  fingers  and 
swallowed  without  effort — a paste  made  of  a prolific  tuber  with  a certain  sour- 
ness of  fermentation  in  it — a food  that  is  a luxury  to  a cultivated  taste  somewhat 
hard  to  acquire,  owing  to  the  use  of  fingers  and  fancies  of  uncleanliness,  is  not 
as  plentiful  and  cheap  as  once  upon  a time.  The  native  theory  of  objection  to 
the  progress  found  fault  with  for  this  privation  is  therefore  that  life  is  not  as 
easy  living  as  in  other  days  when  the  abundance  of  succulent  food  that  was  pro- 
duced with  little  care  and  almost  cooked  itself,  was  greater.  The  advance  in  the 
cost  of  living  is  the  saddest  of  native  sorrows.  It  is  held  to  favor  a tendency  to 
food  monopoly.  It  is  necessary  to  say  that  the  trouble  is  with  the  natives  them- 
selves. If  there  is  any  commandment  the  Hawaiian  does  not  understand  or  at  all 
apply  to  himself,  it  is  that  in  the  sweat  of  the  face  shall  bread  be  eaten.  In  fact, 
that  never  applied  to  “poy.”  The  requirement  that  perspiration  induced  by  labor 
goes  before  eating  is  not  approved  by  the  native.  The  tuber  that  is  converted  into 
the  paste  that  is  the  favorite  and  fattening  food  of  the  common  people,  who  are 
rounded  out  into  fair  proportions  with  it,  if  they  eat  it  early  and  often,  though 
indigenous,  and  of  abounding  proclivity,  has  to  be  planted,  and  there  must  be  some 
place  to  plant  it  and  the  toil  of  a few  minutes  preliminary  to  the  production  of 
a crop  implies  irksome  forethought;  and  a great  deal  of  land  is  taken  up  by 
agriculturists  who  know  not  the  tuber.  It  is  dreadful  that  the  task  of  planting 


INTRODUCTION". 


205 


the  vegetable  that  freely  yields  the  “poy”  is  not  gratuitously  carried  on  by  the 
government,  or  even  by  the  missionaries  who  are  charged  with  having  a great  deal 
of  good  land.  Somebody  has  to  look  after  the  welfare  of  the  islanders,  for  they 
are  inattentive,  and  the  field  is  open  for  the  production  of  the  food  of  the  people 
as  a matter  of  beneficence.  It  is  not  loyalty  to  royalty  or  repining  about  political 
rights,  that  troubles  the  gentle  airs  of  the  ever-blowing  trade  winds — whose  mois- 
ture is  condensed  into  showers  by  the  mountain  peaks  and  delivered  through 
arches  of  rainbows — for  the  sun  will  shine  when  it  rains,  and  the  valleys  are 
spanned  with  bows  of  promise — but  it  is  the  iron  grasp  of  progressive  civilization 
holding  the  principles  that  reliable  food  products  are  dependent  upon  the  disturb- 
ance of  the  soil!  It  is  the  native  contention  that  the  advocacy  of  this  principle 
in  Hawaii  is  an  error.  It  is  a hardship  even  to  plant  coeoanut  palms,  bananas 
and  the  tubers  that  are  so  facile  and  fattening.  We  may  say  in  the  simplest 
terms  that  the  bed  rock  of  the  legal  and  social  structures  in  which  the  natives  of 
Hawaii  must  be  preserved,  or  if  neglected  perish,  is  that  somebody  must  take  care 
of  the  natives  and  cherish  them.  It  is  a bad  thing  when  a man  and  woman  of 
the  Hawaiian  race  are  married.  They  have  to  look  out  for  themselves.  It  is 
much  the  better  way  for  the  native  woman  to  marry  a Chinaman,  a Japanese 
or  a Portuguese,  and  that  the  native  man  should  find  a wife  outside  his  race,  for 
if  there  is  an  outsider,  so  to  speak,  in  each  house,  there  is  somebody  to  take  care  of 
folks,  keep  house  and  feed  the  children,  and  that  sort  of  thing. 

The  Japanese  took  the  annexation  of  Hawaii  to  the  United  States  very  hard. 
They  wanted  the  islands  for  themselves.  Driven  from  the  Asian  continent  by 
Russia,  they  need,  according  to  their  estimation,  all  the  Pacific  archipelagoes.  They 
have  not  been  able  to  do  much  in  Formosa,  but  swallowing  that  island,  instead  of 
satiating  them,  has  increased  their  appetite.  It  is  a very  good  thing  to  have  the 
consent  of  the  governed  all  the  time  about  everything,  but  there  has  been  lati- 
tudinarianism  touching  the  application  of  this  dogma  in  our  own  country,  not  in 
territories  so  much  as  in  states.  We  began  to  discriminate  against  Asiatics  some 
time  ago,  and  the  importation  under  contract  of  labor  from  China  and  Japan, 
and  the  conditions  of  Hawaii  in  this  matter  are  phenomenal,  as  so  many  Asiatics 
have  come — from  that  sometimes  frosty  part  of  Asia  it  is  notable,  above  the  tropics 
— with  so  small  a per  cent  of  women  that  there  is  no  sign  of  home  life,  and  this 
situation  calls  for  the  adoption  and  execution  of  regulations  to  associate  suffrage, 
at  least  with  the  possibility  of  families,  and  to  be  slow  in  demanding  or  consent- 
ing that  those  who  are  ignorant  of  all  the  experiences  of  peoples  in  governing 
themselves  shall  have  political  equality,  particularly  if  they  are  residing  upon  our 


206 


INTRODUCTION. 


land  under  contracts  necessarily  transient  and  opposed  to  our  laws  and  customs 
and  to  the  instincts  of  the  preservation  of  respect  for  citizenship.  There  must  in 
Hawaii  be  restraint  upon  the  exercise  of  suffrage. 

Hawaii  comes  to  us  after  a generation  of  American  predominance  without  uni- 
versal suffrage.  This  new  possession  has  not  cost  us  a war;  it  will  help  us  to  keep 
the  peace.  It  would  have  been  preposterous  for  us  not  to  take  it,  for  the  appro- 
priation was  according  to  the  indisputable  logic  of  the  presence  of  our  states 
looking  upon  the  Pacific  Ocean.  We  should  have  made  the  Allegheny  or  the 
Rocky  Mountains  or  the  Mississippi  river  our  western  boundary  if  we  had  not 
meant,  so  far  as  the  course  of  enterprise  and  empire  had  a meaning,  to  become  a 
power  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  a factor  in  the  future  of  Asia.  If  the  expansion 
of  the  United  States  over  our  new  possessions  is  to  be  found  fault  with,  our  ten- 
dencies to  imperialism  in  the  acquisition  of  territory  should  have  been  checked 
before  we  broke  over  the  boundaries  of  the  original  thirteen  colonies.  Mischief 
was  afoot  when  Tennessee,  Kentucky  and  Ohio  were  accepted  as  new  possessions! 
Let  us  exalt  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  by  Thomas  Jefferson  as  a public  service 
in  the  spirit  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  an  accomplishment  worthy  of  the 
author  of  that  document,  and  ranking  with  it  for  all  time,  magnifying  his  glorious 
memory.  It  was  under  his  direction  that  Lewis  and  Clarke  ascended  the  Missouri, 
descended  the  Columbia,  and  standing  on  our  soil  looked  upon  the  surf  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean.  There  were  those  who  thought  then,  as,  perhaps,  some  think 
now,  that  this  was  going  too  far,  that  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  farewell  address 
and  the  Declaration  of  Independence!  There  were  many  who  believed  that  if  we 
ventured  upon  expansion  to  the  Pacific  the  policy  would  dissolve  the  Union.  It 
was  contended  then  that  the  distance  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  was  so  tre- 
mendous, six  months  being  the  shortest  time  within  which  we  could  cross  the 
continent,  that  our  magnificent  Republic  would  break  in  pieces,  if  we  planted  our- 
selves on  the  sundown  side  of  North  America.  The  same  alarm  about  distance 
is  heard  in  the  outcry  against  our  permanency  in  the  Philippines.  This  cry  was 
raised  in  warning  against  our  authoritative  occupation  of  Hawaii.  Great  men  in 
New  England  before  this  generation  had  deep  misgivings  of  the  policy  of  “grasping” 
Oregon  and  California.  Now  we  may  name  those  glorious  states  as  precedents 
of  expansion  justifying  “imperial”  enterprise  then  as  now;  and  we  may  with  confi- 
dence point  to  them,  and  follow  the  illustrious  example  of  the  venerated  Fathers, 
whose  primary  ambition  when  they  achieved  independence  was  to  get  new  land  for 
the  people. 


CHAPTER  I. 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 

The  Star  Spangled  Banner  Up  Again  in  Hawaii,  and  to  Stay — Dimensions  of  the 
Islands — Wliat  the  Missionaries  Have  Done — Religious  Belief  by  Nation- 
ality— Trade  Statistics — Latest  Census — Sugar  Plantation  Laborers — Coinage 
of  Silver — Schools — Coffee  Growing. 

The  star  spangled  banner  should  have  been  waving  in  peaceful  triumph  over  our 
central  possessions  in  the  Pacific  for  five  years.  Now  Old  Glory  has  ascended  the 
famous  flag-staff,  from  which  it  was  mistakenly  withdrawn,  and  is  at  home.  Its 
lustrous  folds  are  welcomed  by  a city  that  is  strangely  American,  in  the  sense  that 
it  is  what  the  world  largely  calls  “Yankee,”  and  does  not  mean  bad  manners  by 
the  most  expressive  word  that  has  so  vast  a distinction.  The  shops  of  Honolulu 
are  Americanized.  There  is  a splendid  blossoming  of  the  flag  of  the  country.  The 
British  parties  of  opposition  have  faded  out.  There  is  the  wisdom  in  English 
statesmanship  to  be  glad  to  see  us  with  material  interest  in  the  Pacific  Ocean.  In 
this  connection  there  is  something  better  than  a treaty. 

Do  not  mispronounce  the  name  of  the  capital  city  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  Call 
it  Hoo-noo-luu-luu  and  let  it  sing  itself.  Remember  that  this  city  is  not  on  the 
larger  of  the  islands,  but  the  third  in  size.  The  area  of  Hawaii,  the  greater  island, 
is  4,210  square  miles.  Oahn,  the  Honolulu  island,  has  600  square  miles,  with  a 
population  of  40,205,  and  Hawaii  has  33,285  people.  The  area  of  the  islands,  told 
in  acres  is,  Hawaii,  2,000,000;  Nani,  400,000;  Oahu,  260,000;  Kauai,  350,000; 
Malokai,  200,000;  Lauai,  100,000;  Nichan,  70,000;  Kahloolawe,  30,000.  The 
dimensions  of  the  tremendous  volcanoes  that  are  our  property  now  are  startling: 

DIMENSIONS  OF  KILAUEA,  ISLAND  OF  HAWAII. 

(The  largest  active  Volcano  in  the  World.) 

Area,  4.14  square  miles,  or  2,650  acres. 

Circumference,  41,500  feet,  or  7.85  miles. 

Extreme  width,  10,300  feet,  or  1.95  miles. 

Extreme  length,  15,500  feet,  or  2.93  miles. 

Elevation,  Volcano  House,  1,040  feet. 

207 


208 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 


DIMENSIONS  OF  MOKUAWEOWEO. 

(The  Summit  Crater  of  Mauna  Loa,  Island  of  Hawaii.) 


Area,  3.70  square  miles,  or  2,370  acres. 
Circumference,  50,000  feet,  or  9.47  miles. 
Length,  19,500  feet,  or  3.7  miles. 

Width,  9,200  feet,  or  1.74  miles. 
Elevation,  13,675  feet. 


DIMENSIONS  OF  HALE  AN  ALA. 

(The  great  Crater  of  Maui,  the  Largest  in  the  World.) 


Area,  19  square  miles,  or  12,160  acres. 

Circumference,  105,600  feet,  or  20  miles. 

Extreme  length,  39,500  feet,  or  7.48  miles. 

Extreme  width,  12,500  feet,  or  2.37  miles. 

Elevation  of  summit,  10,032  feet. 

Elevation  of  principal  cones  in  crater,  8,032  and  7,572  feet. 
Elevation  of  cave  in  floor  of  crater,  7,380  feet. 


DIMENSIONS  OF  IAO  VALLEY,  MAUL 


Length  (from  Wailuku)  about  5 iniles. 

Width  of  valley,  2 miles. 

Depth,  near  head,  4,000  feet. 

Elevation  of  Puu  Ivukui,  above  head  of  valley,  5,788  feet. 
Elevation  of  Crater  of  Eke,  above  Waihee  Valley,  4,500  feet. 


Honolulu’s  importance  comes  from  the  harbor,  and  the  favor  of  the  missionaries. 
As  to  the  general  judgment  of  the  work  of  the  missionaries,  there  is  nothing  better 
to  do  than  to  quote  Mr.  Richard  H.  Dana’s  “Two  Years  Before  the  Mast.”  He 
said  in  that  classic: 

“It  is  no  small  thing  to  say  of  the  missionaries  of  the  American  Board,  that  in 
less  than  forty  years  they  have  taught  this  whole  people  to  read  and  write,  to  cipher 
and  to  sew.  They  have  given  them  an  alphabet,  grammar  and  distionary;  pre- 
served their  language  from  extinction;  given  it  a literature  and  translated  into  it 
the  Bible,  and  works  of  devotion,  science  and  entertainment,  etc.  They  have 
established  schools,  reared  up  native  teachers,  and  so  pressed  their  work  that  now 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 


209 


the  proportion  of  inhabitants  who  can  read  and  write  is  greater  than  in  New  England. 
And,  whereas,  they  found  these  islanders  a nation  of  half-naked  savages,  living  in 
the  surf  and  on  the  sand,  eating  raw  fish,  fighting  among  themselves,  tyrannized 
over  by  feudal  chiefs  and  abandoned  to  sensuality,  they  now  see  them  decently 
clothed,  recognizing  the  law  of  marriage,  knowing  something  of  accounts,  going  to 
school  and  public  worship  more  regularly  than  the  people  do  at  home,  and  the 
more  elevated  of  them  taking  part  in  conducting  the  affairs  of  the  constitutional 
monarchy  under  which  they  live,  holding  seats  on  the  judicial  bench  and  in  the 
legislative  chambers,  and  filling  posts  in  the  local  magistracies.” 

Take  away  the  tropical  vegetation  and  the  gigantic  scenery  and  we  have  here,  in 
our  new  Pacific  possessions,  a new  Connecticut.  The  stamp  of  New  England  is  upon 
this  lofty  land,  especially  in  Honolulu,  where  the  spires  of  the  churches  testify. 
There  is  much  that  is  of  the  deepest  and  broadest  interest  in  the  possible  missionary 
work  here,  on  account  of  the  remarkable  race  questions  presented.  Here  are  the 
nations  and  the  people  of  mixed  blood — the  Chinese,  Japanese  and  Portuguese — a 
population  immensely  representative  of  Oriental  Asia.  The  measure  of  success  of 
the  missionaries  under  our  flag  in  dealing  with  these  people  can  hardly  fail  to  be 
accepted  by  the  world  as  a test  of  the  practical  results  of  the  labor  with  the  Asiatica. 
In  this  connection,  the  figures  following,  from  the  Hawaiian  Annual  of  1898,  fur- 
nish a basis  of  solid  information  for  study: 


TABLE  OP  RELIGIOUS  BELIEF,  BY  NATIONALITY. 
(So  Far  as  Reported  in  Census  Returns,  1896.) 


Nationalities. 

Protestants. 

Roman 

Catholics. 

Mormons. 

Hawaiians 

. . 12,842 

8,427 

4,368 

Part  Hawaiians 

. . 3,242 

2,633 

396 

Hawaiian  born  foreigners. . 

. . 1,801 

6,622 

15 

Americans 

. . 1,404 

212 

34 

British 

. . 1,184 

180 

7 

Germans 

592 

83 

2 

French 

6 

57 

Norwegians . 

154 

8 

Portuguese 

146 

7,812 

1 

Japanese 

711 

49 

4 

Chinese 

837 

67 

49 

South  Sea  Islanders 

178 

42 

3 

Other  nationalities 

176 

171 

7 

Totals 

. . 23,273 

26,363 

4,886 

NOTE. — This  table  shows  but  54,522  of  the  population  (just  about  one-half) 
to  have  made  returns  of  their  religious  belief.  With  21,535  Japanese  and  18,429 


210 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED 


Royal  Street  in  Lipa,  Batangas  Province.  18.  School  of  Arts  and  Commerce  in  Ilo-Ilo.  19.  Molo 
in  Ilo-Ilo.  20.  A Filipino  Funeral  Party  in  Ilo-Ilo,  Grouped  Around  the  Tomb.  21.  A View  of  the 
Highway,  Manila.  22.  Romblon — Capital  of  the  Island  of  Su  Nombre.  23.  View  of  the  Paseo 
Aguadas,  Manila.  24.  Filipino  Carpenters  of  Ilo-Ilo  at  Work. 

VIEWS  FROM  THE  PHILIPPINES 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 


213 


Chinese  (probably  Buddhists  and  Confucians)  unreported  because  not  provided  for 
in  the  schedules,  the  great  difference  is  largely  accounted  for. 

The  latest  census  returns  show  that  of  the  whole  population,  109,020,  there  are: 
Males,  72,517;  females,  36,503.  The  latest  information  of  labor,  under  contract  for 
sugar-making,  make  the  number  of  males  on  the  island  more  than  double  that  of  the 
females.  There  has  been  an  increase  of  population  of  more  than  50,000  in  the 
eighteen  years  from  1878  to  1896.  The  census  of  the  several  islands,  taken  Septem- 
ber 27,  1896,  shows: 

Population.  Dwellings. 


Oahu . . 
Hawaii. . 
Molokai. 
Lanai  . 
Maui.  . 
Niihau.. 
Kauai  . 

Male. 

26,164 

..  ..22,632 

1,335 

51 

11,435 

..  ..  76 

10,824 

Female.  Total. 

14,041  40,205 

10,653  33,285 

972  2,307 

54  105 

6,291  17,726 

88  164 

4,404  15,228 

Unin- 
Inhab-  habi- 

ited.  ted. 

6,685  1,065 

5,033  955 

651  92 

23  13 

3,156  650 

31  3 

2,320  299 

Build-  Total. 
Ing. 

60  7,010 

35  6,027 

3 746 

36 

18  3,824 

34 

8 2,627 

Totals  ..72,517 

36,503  109,020 

17,099  3,081 

124  21,104 

Hawaii’s  annual  trade  balance  since  1879  is 

a notable  record 

Excess  Export 

Custom  House 

Year. 

Imports. 

Exports. 

Values. 

Receipts. 

1880... 

$3,673,268.41 

$4,968,444.87 

$1,295,176.46 

$402,181.63 

1881. . . 

4,547,978.64 

6,885,436.56 

2,337,457.92 

423,192.01 

1882. . . 

4,974,510.01 

8,299,016.70 

3,324,506.69 

505,390.98 

1883... 

5,624,240.09 

8,133,343.88 

2,509,103.79 

577,332.87 

1884. . . 

4,637,514.22 

8,184,922.63 

3,547,408.41 

551,739.59 

1885. . . 

3,830,544.58 

9,158,818.01 

5,328,273.43 

502.337.38 

1886. . . 

4,877,738.73 

10,565,885.58 

5,688,146.85 

580,444.04 

1887. . . 

4,943,840.72 

9,707,047.33 

4,763,206.61 

595,002.64 

1888. . . 

4,540,887.46 

11,903,398.76 

7,362,511.30 

546,142.63 

1889... 

5,438,790.63 

14,039,941.40 

8,601,150.77 

550,010.16 

1890. . . 

6,962,201.13 

13,142,829.48 

6,180,628.35 

695,956.91 

1891. . . 

7,438,582.65 

10,395,788.27 

2,957,205.62 

732,594,93 

1892. . . 

4,028,295.31 

8,181,687.21 

4,153,391.90 

494,385.10 

1893. . . 

4,363,177.58 

10,962,598.09 

5,599,420.51 

545,754.16 

1894. . . 

5,104,481.43 

9,678,794.56 

4,574,313.13 

524,767.37 

1895... 

5,714,017.54 

8,474,138.15 

2,760,120.61 

547,149.40 

1896. . . 

7,164,561.40 

15,515,230.13 

8,350,668.73 

656,895.82 

The  percentage  of  imports  from  the  United  States  in  1896  was  76.27; 

jiritain,  10.54;  Germany,  2.06;  France,  .25;  China,  4.17;  Japan,  3.86.  Im  1895 
le  export  of  sugar  was  294,784,819  pounds;  value,  $7,975,500.41. 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 


314 


NATIONALITY  OF  VESSELS  EMPLOYED  IN  FOREIGN  CARRY- 
ING TRADE,  1889-1896. 


Nations. 

No. 

1889. 

Tons. 

No. 

1890. 

Tons. 

No. 

1891. 

Tons. 

No. 

1892. 

Tons. 

American . . . 

.185 

125,196 

224 

153,098 

233 

169,472 

212 

160,042 

Hawaiian.  . 

..  44 

56,670 

35 

43,641 

21 

26,869 

11 

4,340 

British 

. 22 

21,108 

16 

22,912 

33 

52,866 

30 

58,317 

German . . . . 

. 5 

3,337 

9 

7,070 

9 

9,005 

5 

5,978 

J apanese . . . 
All  others.  . 

.'  *9 

’12*268 

’*9 

’*9*980 

5 

10 

8,239 

8,401 

3 

11 

4,701 

8,201 

Total  . 

..269 

218,579 

293 

236,701 

311 

274,852 

722 

242,579 

BONDED  DEBT,  ETC.,  HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS,  JUNE  30,  1897. 


Under  Loan 


u u 
a u 
a u 
u u 
u « 
u a 
a a 


Act  of  1876 
“ 1882 
“ 1886 
“ 1888 
“ 1890 

“ 1892 

“ 1893 

“ 1896 


Per  Cent. 


7 $ 1,500.00 

6 67,400.00 

6 2,000,000.00 

6 190,000.00 

5 and  6 124,100.00 

5 and  6 82.100.00 

6 650,000.00 

5 222,000.00 


Due  Postal  Sayings  Bank  Depositors 


3,337,100.00 

782,074.25 


Total 


$4,119,174.25 


NUMBER  AND  NATIONALITY  OF  SUGAR  PLANTA- 
TION LABORERS. 

(Compiled  from  latest  Report  of  Secretary  Bureau  of  Immigration,  December 


31,  1897.) 

Hawaii- 

Portu- 

Japan- 

S.  S. 

All 

Islands. 

ans. 

guese. 

ese. 

Chinese. 

Isl’ders. 

Others. 

Total. 

Hawaii  

..  594 

980 

6.245 

2,511 

24 

232 

10,586 

Mauai 

..  580 

526 

2,010 

1,114 

45 

110 

4,385 

Oahu.  

. . 197 

211 

1,331 

973 

16 

55 

2,783 

Kauai 

..  244 

551 

3,307 

1,691 

30 

203 

6,026 

Total,  1896.. 

. .1,615 

2,268 

12,893 

6,289 

115 

600 

23,780 

Total,  1895.. 

. .1,584 

2,497 

11,584 

3,847 

133 

473 

20,120 

Increase,  1896... 
Decrease,  1899.. 

. . 31 

231 

1,309 

2,442 

18 

127 

3,660 

The  number  of  day  laborers,  11,917,  or  a little  over  one-half  of  the  total  force 


engaged.  The  Japanese  and  South  Sea  Islanders  are  about  evenly  divided  in  their 
numbers  as  to  term  and  day  service,  while  IJawaiians  and  Portuguese  show  each  but 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 


215 


a small  proportion  of  their  numbers  under  contract.  Minors  are  reducing  in  num- 
ber. Women  laborers,  numbering  1,024  in  all,  show  a gain  of  89  over  1875.  Only 
thirty  Hawaiian  females  are  engaged  among  all  the  plantations,  and  confined  to  one 
plantation  each  in  Oahu,  Kauai  and  Maui. 

The  Hwaiian  Annual  of  1898  makes  this  annotation: 

During  the  year  various  changes  have  occurred  in  the  labor  population  of  the 
country,  and  under  the  working  of  the  present  law,  requiring  a proportion  of  other 
than  Asiatic  of  all  immigrant  labor  introduced, there  has  already  arrived  one  company 
of  Germans,  comprising  115  men,  25  women  and  47  children,  all  of  whom  found 
ready  engagements  with  various  plantations. 

Chinese  arirvals  in  1897  to  take  the  place  of  Japanese  whose  terms  were  expiring, 
will  alter  the  proportions  of  these  nationalitis  of  plantation  labor,  and  by  the  new' 
law  Asiatic  laborers  must  return  to  their  country  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  of 
service,  or  re-engage;  they  cannot  drift  around  the  country,  nor  engage  in  competi- 
tion with  artizans  or  merchants. 

The  islands  comprising  the  Hawaiian  territory  are  Hawaii,  Mauai,  Oahu,  Kauai, 
Molokai,  Lauai,  Niihau,  Kahaalawe,  Lehua  and  Molokini,  “The  Leper  Prison,”  and, 
in  addition,  Nihoa,  or  Bird  Island,  was  taken  possession  of  in  1822;  an  expedition  for 
that  purpose  having  been  fitted  out  by  direction  of  Kaahumanu,  and  sent  thither 
under  the  charge  of  Captain  William  Sumner. 

Laysan  Island  became  Hawaiian  territory  May  1st,  1857,  and  on  the  10th  of  the 
same  month  Lysiansky  Island  wras  added  to  Kamehameha’s  realm  by  Captain 
John  Paty. 

Palmyra  Island  was  taken  possession  of  by  Captain  Zenas  Bent,  April  15th, 
1862,  and  proclaimed  Hawaiian  territory  in  the  reign  of  Kamehameha  IV.,  as  per 
“By  Authority”  notice  in  the  “Polynesian”  of  June  21st,  1862. 

Ocean  Island  was  acquired  September  20th,  1886,  as  per  proclamation  of  Colonel 
J.  H.  Boyd,  empowered  for  such  service  during  the  reign  of  Kalakaua. 

Necker  Island  was  taken  possession  of  May  27th,  1894,  by  Captain  James  A. 
King,  on  behalf  of  the  Hawaiian  Government. 

French  Frigate  Shoal  was  the  latest  acquisition,  also  by  Captain.  King,  and  pro- 
claimed Hawaiian  territory  July  13th,  1895. 

Gardener  Island,  Mara  or  Moro  Re.ef,  Pearl  and  Hermes  Eeef,  Gambia  Bank,  and 
lohnston  or  Cornwallis  Island  are  also  claimed  as  Hawaiian  possessions,  but  there 
Is  some  obscurity  as  to  the  dates  of  acquisition,  and  it  is  of  record  in  the  Foreign 
Jffiee  articles  of  convention  between  Hon.  Charles  St.  Julien,  the  Commissioner 
md  Political  and  Commercial  Agent  of  His  Majesty  the  King  of  the  Hawaiian 


216 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 


Islands,  and  John  Webster,  Esq.,  the  Sovereign  Chief  and  Proprietor  of  the  group 
of  islands  known  as  Stewart’s  Islands  (situated  near  the  Solomon  Group),  whereby  is 
ceded  to  the  Hawaiian  Government — subject  to  ratification  by  the  King — the  islands 
of  Ihikaiana,  Te  Parena,  Taore,  Matua  Awi  and  Matua  Ivoto,  comprising  said  group 
of  Stewart’s  Islands.  But  the  formalities  do  not  seem  to  have  been  perfected,  so  ! 
that  we  are  not  certain  that  the  Stewart’s  Islands  are  our  possessions.  The  latest 
thorough  census  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  was  taken  in  September,  1896,  but  the 
population  was  closely  estimated  July  1st,  1897. 


Natives. 

Chinese. 

Japan- 

ese. 

Portu- 

guese. 

All  Other 
Foreigners. 

Total 

Population  as  per  Census, 
September,  1896 

39,504 

21,616 

24,407 

15,191 

8,302 

109,020 

Passengers — Arrivals — 
Excess  over  departures, 
4th  quarter,  1896 

1,377 

1,673 

339 

3,389 

Excess  over  departures, 
6 mos.  to  July  1,  1897. 

2,908 

396 

58 

207 

3,569 

Total 

39,504 

25,901 

26,476 

15,249 

8,848 

115,978 

The  following  denominations  of  Hawaiian  silver  were  coined  during  the  reign 
of  Kalakaua,  at  the  San  Francisco  mint,  and  imported  for  the  circulating  medium 
of  the  islands  in  1883  and  1884.  They  are  of  the  same  intrinsic  value  as  the 
United  States  silver  coins  and  were  first  introduced  into  circulation  January  14th, 
at  the  opening  of  the  bank  of  Claus  Spreckles  & Co.  in  Honolulu.  The  amount 
coined  was  $1,000,000,  divided  as  follows: 


Hawaiian  Dollars $ 500,000 

Half  Dollars 350,000 

Quarter  Dollars 125,000 

Dimes 25,000 


Total $1,000,000 


SCHOOLS,  TEACHERS  AND  PUPILS  FOR  THE  YEAR  1896. 

—Teachers. — — Pupils. — 


Schools. 

Male. 

Female. 

Total. 

Male. 

Female. 

Government  . . . . 

132 

Ill 

169 

280 

5,754 

4,435 

Independent  . . . . 

72 

130 

202 

1,994 

1,840 

195 

183 

299 

482 

7,748 

6,275 

HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED 


217 


NATIONALITY  OF  PUPILS  ATTENDING  SCHOOLS  FOR  THE 

YEAR  1896. 


Nationality. 

Male. 

Female. 

Hawaiian 

3,048 

2,432 

Part-Hawaiian 

1,152 

1,296 

American 

219 

198 

British 

105 

151 

German 

152 

136 

Portuguese 

2,066 

1,534 

Scandinavian 

51 

47 

Japanese 

242 

155 

Chinese 

641 

280 

South  Sea  Islanders 

15 

13 

Other  foreigners 

57 

33 

7,748 

6,275 

Of  the  Japanese,  8.5  per  cent,  were  born  on  the  islands;  of  the  Chinese,  per- 
centage born  here,  10.3.  Of  a total  of  41,711  Japanese  and  Chinese,  36,121  are 
males  and  5,590  females.  The  figures  show  that  the  Asiatics  are  not  at  home. 

The  sugar  industry  in  cur  new  possessions  has  had  great  prominence  agricultur- 
ally. The  sugar  interest  of  these  islands  has  had  a formidable  influence  in  the  United 
States.  Recent  events  and  the  ascertained  certainties  of  the  future  show  that  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  will  soon  raise  their  sugar  supply  on  their  own  territory.  The 
annexation  of  these  sugar  islands  was  antagonized  because  there  was  involved  the 
labor  contract  system.  As  a matter  of  course,  the  United  States  will  not  change 
the  labor  laws  of  the  nation  to  suit  the  sugar  planters  of  Hawaii,  who  have  been  ob- 
taining cheap  labor  through  a system  of  Asiatic  servitude.  There  is  but  one  solu- 
tion— labor  will  be  better  compensated  in  Hawaii  than  it  has  been,  and  yet  white 
men  will  not  be  lasgely  employed  in  the  cultivation  of  sugar  cane  in  our  tropical 
islands.  The  beet  sugar  industry  is  another  matter.  There  will  be  an  end  of  the 
peculiar  institution  that  has  had  strength  in  our  new  possessions,  that  brings,  under 
contract,  to  Hawaii  a mass  of  forty  thousand  Chinese  and  Japanese  men,  and  turns 
over  the  majority  of  them  to  the  plantations,  whose  profits  have  displayed  an  un- 
wholesome aggrandizement.  Once  it  was  said  cotton  could  not  be  grown  in  the 
cotton  belt  of  our  country  without  slave  labor,  but  the  latter  trouble  is,  the  cotton 
producers  claim,  there  is  too  much  of  their  product  raised.  A ten-million  bale 
crop  depresses  the  market.  Already  experiments  have  been  tried  successfully  to 
pay  labor  in  the  sugar  fields  by  the  tons  of  cane  delivered  at  the  mills  for  grinding. 
This  is  an  incident  full  of  auspicious  significance.  A general  feeling  is  expressed  in 


218 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 


the  current  saying  that  coffee  raising  is  “the  coming  industry.”  The  confidence 
that  there  is  prosperity  in  coffee  amounts  to  enthusiasm.  Here  are  some  of  the  sta- 
tistics of  coffee  growers,  showing  number  of  trees  and  area,  trees  newly  planted  and 
trees  in  bearing: 

NO.  OP  TREES  OR  AREA. 


J.  C.  Lenhart,  Kaupo 

Mokulau  Coffee  Co.,  Kaupo 

E.  E.  Paxton,  Kaupo 

Native  Patches  throughout  Kaupo 

Lahaina  Coffee  and  Fruit  Co.,  Ltd.,  Lahaina 

H.  P.  Baldwin,  Honokahua 

Waianae  Coffee  Plantation  Co.,  Waianae. . . 

C.  A.  Wideman,  Waianae 

Makaha  Coffee  Co.,  Ltd.,  Waianae 

Lanihau  Plantation,  Kailua 

Kona  Coffee  Co.,  Ltd.,  Kailua 

Geo.  McDougal  & Sons,  Kailua 

H.  C.  Achi,  Holualoa 

E.  W.  Barnard,  Laupahoehoe 

J.  M.  Barnard,  Laupahoehoe 

John  Gaspar,  Napoopoo 

Manuel  Sebastian,  Kealakekua 

J.  G.  Henriques,  Kealakekua 

C.  Hooper,  Kauleoli 

J.  Keanu,  Keei 

A.  S.  Cleghorn 

Mrs.  E.  C.  Greenwell 

J.  M.  Monsarrat,  Kolo 

Queen  Emma  Plantation 

L.  M.  Staples  Plantation 

Olaa  Coffee  Co.,  Ltd 

Grossman  Bros 

B.  H.  Brown 

Herman  Eldart 

The  list  of  coffee  growers  is  very  long. 


1 to  3 year  Trees 
old.  in  Bearing. 

4.000  trs 

10,000  trs.  2 acres. 

7.000  trs 


100,000  trs.  30,000  trs. 
4,669  trs.  2,641  trs. 
23,000  trs.  36,000  trs. 
8,500  trs 


25.000  trs.  10,000  trs. 

35  acres. 

176  acres.  105  acres. 

10,000  trs. 

30,000  trs. 

5,000  trs 

33.000  trs.  16,000  trs. 

8,000  trs. 

3,000  trs. 

2 acres.  12  acres. 

10  acres.  16  acres. 

100  acres. 

8 acres.  25  acres, 

38  acres.  40  acres. 

25,000  trs. 

25,000  trs.  12,000  trs. 

. 50  acres.  90  acres 

. 100  acres.  30  acres 

. 2,260  trs.  2,000  trs.  3,225  trs. 

. 40,000  trs.  20,000  trs.  7,000  trs. 

That  which  is  of  greater  interest  is 


5 acres. 
3 acres. 


Newly 

Planted. 

2,000  trs. 

2.000  trs. 

5.000  trs. 
10  acres. 

10,000  trs. 
35,947  trs. 
7,500  trs. 
10,000  trs. 
112  acres. 
20,700  trs. 


the  showing  made  of  the  immense  number  of  new  trees.  The  coffee  movement  stead- 


ily gains  force  and  the  pace  of  progress  is  accelerated. 


Everybody  has  not  been  pleased  with  annexation.  The  Japanese  are  not  in  a 
good  humor  about  it.  The  minister  of  Japan  got  his  orders  evidently  to  leave  foi 
Japan  when  the  news  arrived  that  the  question  had  been  settled  in  Washington,  and 
he  left  for  Yokohama  by  the  boat  that  brought  the  intelligence.  Japanese  journals 


of  importance  raise  the  question  as  to  the  propriety  of  our  establishing  a coal  sta- 
tion here.  There  is  some  dissatisfaction  among  the  Hawaiians,  who  are  bewildered. 


HAWAII  AS  ANNEXED. 


219 


They  are  children  who  believe  stories  in  proportion  as  they  are  queer.  Many  of 
them  feel  that  they  have  a grievance.  The  young  princess  who  is  the  representative 
of  the  extinguished  monarchy  is  affable  and  respected.  If  the  question  as  to  giv- 
ing her  substantial  recognition  were  left  to  the  Americans  here,  they  would  vote 
for  her  by  a large  majority.  It  would  not  be  bad  policy  for  the  government  to  be 
generous  toward  her.  She  is  not  in  the  same  boat  with  the  ex-Queen.  The  Ameri- 
cans who  have  been  steadfast  in  upholding  the  policy  that  at  last  has  prevailed  are 
happy,  but  not  wildly  so,  just  happy.  Now  that  they  have  gained  their  cause,  their 
unity  will  be  shaken  by  discussions  on  public  questions  and  personal  preferments. 

There  should  be  no  delay  in  understanding  that  in  this  Archipelago  the  race 
questions  forbid  mankind  suffrage,  and  that  our  new  possessions  are  not  to  become 
states  at  once,  or  hurriedly;  that  it  will  take  generations  of  assimilation  to  prepare 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  for  statehood. 

The  objection  to  the  climate  of  the  marvelous  islands  of  which  we  have  be- 
come possessed  is  its  almost  changeless  character.  There  is  no  serious  variation 
in  the  temperature.  There  is  a little  more  rain  in  “winter”  than  in  “summer.” 
There  is  neither  spring  nor  fall.  The  trade  winds  afford  a slight  variety,  and  this 
seems  to  be  manipulated  by  the  mountains,  that  break  up  the  otherwise  unsparing 
monotony  of  serene  loveliness.  The  elevations  of  the  craters,  and  the  jagged 
peaks  are  from  one  thousand  to  thirteen  thousand  feet.  If  you  want  a change  of 
climate,  climb  for  cold,  and  escape  the  mosquitos,  the  pests  of  this  paradise.  There 
are  a score  of  kinds  of  palms;  the  royal,  the  date,  the  cocoanut,  are  of  them.  The 
bread  fruit  and  banana  are  in  competition.  The  vegetation  is  voluptuous  and  the 
scenery  stupendous.  There  is  a constellation  of  islands,  and  they  differ  like  the 
stars  in  their  glories  and  like  human  beings  in  their  difficulties. 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


Report  of  the  Hawaiian  Commission — Description  of  the  Islands — Their  Resources 
— Commerce — Character  of  Their  People — Detail  of  the  Territorial  Gov- 
ernment— Recommended  and  Most  Valuable  Official  Reports  of  the  Features 
of  Civilization  and  Material  Resources  of  the  Islands. 


The  report  of  the  Hawaiian  Commission,  sent  to  the  Senate  December  6 
1898,  was  of  remarkable  interest,  because  it  brought  before  Congress  and  the 
country  the  detail  of  government  of  our  new  possessions  that  are  to  be  of  our 
dominion,  and  yet  apart  from  us  in  peculiar  conditions  and  relations,  requiring 
laws  and  forms  of  proceedings  novel  to  our  experience  and  applicable  in  many 
ways  to  Porto  Rico,  Cuba  and  the  Philippines.  The  report  of  the  Commissioners 
bristles  with  points  that  command  attention,  in  the  changes  recommended  in  the 
laws  of  Hawaii  to  suit  the  existing  conditions  and  conform  to  the  Constitution 
and  the  policy  of  the  United  States.  More  than  this,  the  information  presented 
by  the  Commission  is  upon  authority,  and  will  have  distinction  in  the  history 
of  this  period  of  expansion,  advancement  and  transition.  These  are  the  first 
distinct  footsteps  of  the  movement  that  is  logical,  and  not  unfamiliar  in  our 
progressive  development,  and  yet  is  characterized  as  the  new  departure.  The 
Commissioners  were  appointed  and  commissioned  by  the  President  pursuant  to 
the  joint  resolution  to  provide  for  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to  the 
United  States,  which  appeared  July  7th,  1898.  The  joint  resolution  contained 
these  passages: 

“Until  Congress  shall  provide  for  the  government  of  such  islands  all  the  civil, 
judicial,  and  military  powers  exercised  by  the  officers  of  the  existing  government 
in  said  islands  shall  be  vested  in  such  person  or  persons  and  shall  be  exercised 
in  such  manner  as  the  President  of  the  United  States  shall  direct;  and  the 
President  shall  have  power  to  remove  said  officers  and  fill  the  vacancies  60  occa- 
sioned. 

“The  existing  treaties  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  with  foreign  nations  shall 
forthwith  cease  and  determine,  being  replaced  by  such  treaties  as  may  exist,  or 
as  may  be  hereafter  concluded,  between  the  United  States  and  such  foreign 
nations.  The  municipal  legislation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  not  enacted  for  the 

220 


' 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


221 


fulfillment  of  the  treaties  so  extinguished,  and  not  inconsistent  with  this  joint 
resolution  nor  contrary  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  nor  to  any  exist- 
ing treaty  of  the  United  States,  shall  remain  in  force  until  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  shall  otherwise  determine.” 

The  United  States  Commissioners,  Senators  Cullom  and  Morgan  and  Repre- 
sentative Hitt,  effected  a partial  organization  in  Washington,  July  16th.  The 
second  meeting  was  in  Honolulu,  August  18th,  all  the  Commissioners  present, 
the  act  of  Congress  providing  for  two  residents  of  the  island  to  serve,  being 
present. 

The  Commission  thereafter  held  its  meetings  in  regular  daily  sessions  in 
the  former  palace  of  the  Hawaiian  Government,  now  known  as  the  “Executive 
Building,”  of  which  due  public  notice  was  given.  Certain  times  were  arranged 
for  the  hearing  of  suggestions  from  the  public  and  for  the  receiving  of  petitions 
or  other  papers  which  might  be  presented.  A number  of  societies  or  associations, 
as  well  as  individuals,  appeared  and  were  heard  through  their  chosen  representa- 
tives by  the  Commission. 

At  designated  times  the  Commission  visited  several  of  the  most  important 
islands  of  the  Hawaiian  group,  in  company  with  persons  representing  important 
agricultural  and  commercial  interests  and  others  representing  the  Government. 

The  elaborate  and  exhaustive  report  shows  the  incessant,  thorough  and  intel- 
ligent industry  of  the  Commissioners  who  visited  the  more  important  islands  and 
spared  no  labor  or  pains  in  the  course  of  their  investigations.  The  documents 
they  produced  described  the  native  Ilawaiians  as  a kindly,  affectionate  people, 
confiding,  friendly  and  liberal,  many  of  them  childlike  and  easy  in  habits,  and 
manners,  willing  to  associate  and  intermarry  with  the  European  or  other  races, 
obedient  to  law  and  governmental  authority.  Many  of  the  Japanese  are  contract 
laborers,  who  are  engaged  upon  the  sugar  plantations.  Others  are  employed  as 
day  laborers.  There  are  some,  however,  who  have  become  merchants  and  me- 
chanics, who  conduct  business  for  themselves,  and  who  exhibit  the  national  char- 
acteristics of  skill,  thrift,  and  ability. 

There  are  about  700  Chinese  who  have  been  naturalized  into  the  Hawaiian 
Republic.  Many  of  the  Chinese  and  Japanese  on  the  islands  are,  or  have  been, 
brought  there  under  permits  by  that  Government  and  contracts  under  which  they 
are  bound  to  work  for  a term  of  years  and  to  return  at  the  expiration  of  the 
contract  term  of  service.  At  the  expiration  of  their  terms  they  are  either  returned 
to  their  native  country  or  renew  their  labor  contracts,  or  become  day  laborers. 

Nearly  all  Chinese  laborers  desire  and  expect  to  go  back  to  China  at  death, 


222 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


if  not  before.  The  Japanese  are  not  so  particular  as  to  returning;  but  with  their 
accumulative  habits  they  frequently  attain  a position  and  standing  in  business 
which  makes  it  desirable  to  them  to  remain  in  the  islands. 

The  Americans,  although  in  such  a small  minority,  practically  dominate  the 
governmental  affairs  of  the  country,  and,  with  the  British  and  Germans,  and  part- 
blood  Ilawaiian-Americans  together,  constitute  the  controlling  element  in  busi- 
ness. The  Chinese  and  Japanese  do  not  now  possess  political  power,  nor  have 
they  any  important  relation  to  the  body  politic,  except  as  laborers.  The  Portu- 
guese are  largely  immigrants  from  the  islands  and  colonies  of  Portugal  in  the 
Atlantic,  and  have  never  been  very  closely  tied  to  their  mother  country.  With 
the  certain  attrition  which  is  bound  to  exist  between  them  and  the  Americans  in 
Hawaii,  and  under  the  influence  of  the  existing  public-school  system,  which 
makes  the  study  of  the  English  language  compulsory,  they  promise  to  become 
a good  class  of  people  for  the  growth  of  republican  ideas. 

It  will,  of  course,  be  observed  that  this  entire  population  of  110,000  is 
dominated,  politically,  financially,  and  commercially,  by  the  American  element. 

It  is  duly  stated  in  their  report  that  the  islands  are  distant  from  the  equator 
about  the  same  as  that  of  Cuba.  The  climate  would  probably  be  the  same  as 
that  of  Cuba  were  it  not  modified  and  equalized  by  the  northeast  trade  winds, 
which  prevail  for  about  nine  months  of  the  year,  coming  over  thousands  of  miles 
of  ocean  uncontaminated  by  impurities.  The  Japanese  gulf  stream  is  a broad 
current  of  cool  water,  flowing  like  a river  across  the  Pacific  Ocean,  which  lowers 
the  temperature  within  its  vicinity  materially.  There  are  other  somewhat  perma- 
nent currents  and  winds  which  affect  temperature,  and  these  great  natural  agencies 
tend  constantly  to  neutralize  the  tropical  heat,  which  would  otherwise  seriously 
affect  the  temperature  of  the  islands.  The  annual  average  of  temperature  at 
Honolulu  is  72°  or  73°  P.,  while  the  lowest  is  55°  and  the  highest  88°.  During 
the  warmest  month  of  the  year,  September,  the  temperature,  except  for  about 
two  hours  at  midday,  stands  at  about  78°.  There  is  never  any  frost  or  snow, 
except  upon  the  high  mountain  peaks,  where  at  the  altitude  of  nearly  14,000 
feet  there  are  at  times  considerable  snowfalls. 

The  report  possesses  rare  value,  as  it  follows  personal  examination  not  only 
of  the  islands,  but  of  all  the  history  and  official  records  and  bears  the  stamp  oi 
responsibility.  We  quote  the  passages  especially  that  invite  and  occupy  public 
attention: 

“The  frequent  radical  changes  in  the  past  years  in  the  methods  of  contro 
and  of  sales  and  leases  and  transfers  of  lands  under  the  direction  of  the  Crown — 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


223 


some  made  by  royal  order  or  grant,  some  by  law,  and  some  without  much  legal- 
ity or  formality — have  made  it  very  difficult  to  arrive  at  exact  figures.  We  have, 
however,  from  the  best  sources  available,  obtained  the  following  statements,  which 
are  approximately  correct,  but  subject  to  amendment  when  full  opportunity  may 
present  for  critical  examination  and  computation. 

“In  1894  the  Crown  lands,  or  the  lands  formerly  belonging  to  the  Monarch, 
were  taken  over  to  the  Republic  of  Hawaii.  They  amounted  on  May  1,  1894,  to 
971,463  acres,  valued  at  $2,314,250.  Those  lands  are  now  nearly  all  held  by  tenants 
under  long  leases,  and  for  the  year  ending  March  31,  1894,  the  rentals  received 
were  $49,268.75.  The  leases  in  force  when  the  transfer  of  sovereignty  from  the 
Monarchy  to  the  Republic  took  place  have  been  recognized  and  the  rental  treated 
as  Government  income.  As  these  leases  expire  the  lands  become  available  for 
settlement  or  lease,  under  the  public  land  system.  An  estimate  by  the  Govern- 
ment, September  30,  1897,  of  all  Government  lands  and  their  value,  shows  an 
aggregate  of  1,762,330  acres,  worth  $4,147,700,  to  which  is  to  be  added  the  value 
of  lots  in  Honolulu  and  Hilo — old  lots  unleased  and  sites  of  fish  market,  custom- 
house, and  reclaimed  lots — in  all  estimated  at  $1,481,000,  making  a total  value 
of  $5,629,500.  Since  September  30,  1897,  and  up  to  August  12,  1898,  patent 
grants  in  fee  simple,  conveying  8,860  acres  of  agricultural  land,  valued  at  $48,500, 
have  been  issued,  so  that  the  present  total  area  is  1,772,640  acres  and  the  total 
value  is  $5,581,000. 

“Values  have,  however,  been  rapidly  appreciating,  so  that  this  estimate  is 
a very  moderate  one.  The  leases  now  in  force  will  expire  at  various  dates  and 
for  various  tracts  from  year  to  year  until  the  year  1921,  when  all  the  leases 
issued  under  the  Monarchy  will  terminate. 

“Before  noting  the  peculiarities  and  characteristics  of  the  several  principal 
islands  it  is  proper  to  state,  generally,  that  all,  without  exception,  are  of  volcanic 
origin,  while  extinct  craters,  volcanic  cones,  and  extensive  fields  of  lava  are  almost 
universal. 

“Kauai,  the  most  northwesterly  of  the  group,  is  nearly  circular  in  form  and 
about  twenty-five  miles  in  diameter,  having  an  area  of  about  590  square  miles. 
It  is  believed  to  be  one  of  the  oldest  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands;  has  a deeper  soil 
and  a greater  proportion  of  naturally  arable  land.  It  seems  to  have  been  origi- 
nally formed  by  eruptions  of  Mount  V/aialeale,  the  great  central  peak  6,000  feet 
in  height,  a volcano  which  has  been  extinct  from  time  immemorial.  There  are 
several  mountain  streams  flowing  from  an  elevated  natural  reservoir  or  lake  in 
the  central  plateau. 


224 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


“The  valleys  between  the  mountain  ranges,  which  radiate  from  the  interior, 
are  broad  and  deep,  having  large  areas  of  rich  bottom  lands,  very  productive 
under  the  influence  of  irrigation,  which  is  largely  in  use  for  the  sugar  plantations. 
Kauai  was,  in  the  remote  past,  a kingdom  by  itself,  and  the  stories  of  kings 
and  chiefs  and  warriors  of  Ivauai  are  the  traditional  histories  of  the  island.  Lihue, 
the  chief  settlement,  has  about  3,500  inhabitants.  The  Falls  of  Wailua  are 
romantically  situated  in  the  midst  of  a luxuriant  forest,  the  river  falling  180  feet 
in  one  unbroken  sheet.  Coffee,  sugar,  rice,  and  some  other  products  are  grown 
with  profit.  The  inhabitants  of  Ivauai  take  much  pride  in  their  fertile  lands. 

“Oahu,  upon  which  is  situated  Honolulu,  the  capital  city,  is  the  most  popu- 
lous of  the  islands,  having  over  40,000  inhabitants.  It  is  devoted  largely  to 
pasturage  and  agriculture.  Several  very  profitable  sugar  plantations  are  now 
operated  on  this  island,  and  the  full  development  of  the  artesian  water  supply 
for  the  irrigation  of  growing  sugar  cane  is  here  exhibited.  During  the  past  two 
years  the  yield  of  sugar  upon  one  of  the  favorably  situated  plantations  has  exceeded 
expectation,  amounting  to  from  nine  and  one-half  to  ten  and  one-half  tons  of 
sugar  per  acre.  Honolulu  Harbor,  although  not  large  enough  to  accommodate  a 
rapidly  growing  commerce,  is  a deep-water  opening  through  the  coral  reefs  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Nuuanu  Valley,  in  front  of  the  city  of  Honolulu.  A few  miles 
away  is  Pearl  Harbor,  a naturally  excavated  harbor,  covering  eight  or  ten  square 
miles  of  water  surface,  and  ranging  from  twenty  to  ninety  feet  deep. 

“It  is  expected  that  by  a small  appropriation  a coral  reef,  which  bars  the 
entrance  from  the  ocean  for  large  vessels,  will  be  removed  by  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  whereupon  this  will  furnish  the  best  harbor  on  the  Pacific. 
Some  of  the  most  beautiful  and  enchanting  residence  sites  to  be  found  are  at 
Honolulu.  A railway  fifty-five  miles  in  length  connects  Honolulu  with  Waialua 
and  several  intervening  points.  Several  very  prosperous  business  enterprises  are 
established  at  Honolulu,  and,  altogether,  the  location,  for  many  reasons,  is  a most 
desirable  one  for  commercial  and  shipping  facilities. 

“Molokai  is  a long,  narrow  island,  about  forty  miles  in  length  and  less  than 
ten  miles  in  width.  The  eastern  half  of  Molokai  has  some  very  wild  mountain 
scenery,  and  in  some  places  a luxuriant  vegetation.  Recently  much  attention 
has  been  given  to  irrigation  from  artesian  water,  and  a large  area  is  expected  soon 
to  be  brought  under  profitable  culture.  Still,  most  of  the  island  is  devoted  to 
pasturage.  Quite  a large  number  of  deer  have  their  haunts  on  this  island. 

“The  noted  leper  settlement  is  situated  on  the  north  side  of  Molokai.  There 
are  about  1,200  lepers  in  the  settlement,  fed,  clothed,  and  cared  for  by  the 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


225 


Government  of  Hawaii.  A few  devoted  monks  and  nuns  of  the  Franciscan  order 
have  the  immediate  personal  care  of  the  lepers.  The  peninsula  on  which  the  lepers 
are  maintained  contains  about  5,000  acres  of  land,  which  is  completely  surrounded 
and  separated  from  the  world  by  a turbulent  ocean  on  the  north  and  a range 
of  impassable  mountain  heights  on  the  south. 

“Maui  is  believed  to  be  one  of  the  oldest  volcanic  islands.  Much  of  the  lava 
of  which  it  is  composed  has  become  decomposed  and  available  for  easy  cultivation, 
while  the  use  of  artesian  water  for  irrigation  has  made  the  sugar  lands  the  most 
profitable  known.  This  island  has  upon  it  the  great  volcano  of  Haleakalau,  now 
and  for  centuries  entirely  quiet,  but  which  is  the  largest  extinct  volcano  in  the 
world.  This  crater  is  half  a mile  deep  and  twenty  miles  in  circumference. 

“On  this  island  artesian  water  is  pumped  in  quantities  of  6,000,000  gallons 
daily,  to  the  height  of  400  feet,  for  sugar  irrigation.  The  lands  on  the  south 
and  west  sides  of  the  island  are  mostly  cattle  ranches  and  pasture  lands,  while 
on  the*  north  and  east  the  numerous  streams  furnish  abundance  of  water  for 
prosperous  plantations  of  sugar  and  coffee.  This  island  was  once  a kingdom.  The 
town  of  Lahaina  was  its  capital  and  contained  the  palaces  of  the  king.  Some 
of  the  plantations  on  this  island  were  visited  by  us  and  were  truly  places  of 
beauty.  They  evidenced  great  enterprise,  and  yield  large  profits  from  the  great 
crops  of  sugar.” 

As  official  reporters  the  Commissioners  have  given  most  interesting  reports  of 
the  great  volcanic  mountains — the  greater  one,  “The  House  of  Fire,”  sixty  miles 
in  circumference  at  the  base — the  distance  from  equator  on  the  side  to  one  on  top 
being  25  miles.  The  reporters  say: 

“The  side  slopes  of  these  great  mountains  comprise  practically  all  the  agri- 
cultural land  upon  this  island.  This  can  nearly  all  1 a cultivated  after  it  is  cleared 
from  its  luxuriant  vegetation.  Some  of  it,  however,  has  such  a rank  growth  of  tree 
ferns,  wild  bananas,  and  all  sorts  of  tropical  trees  and  vines,  as  to  require  a cost 
of  from  $20  to  $60  per  acre  to  clear  it.  There  are  great  fields  of  sugar  cane  on  this 
island,  the  best  of  which  yields  under  favorable  conditions  from  5 to  8 or  more 
tons  of  sugar  per  acre. 

“A  large  part  of  the  volcanic  soil  is  adapted  to  coffee  growing,  and  produces 
the  best  coffee  in  the  world.  Many  new  plantations  have  been  started  in  the  last 
two  or  three  years,  and,  as  a rule,  the  older  the  trees  the  greater  the  yield  of  coffee, 
so  that  large  profits  are  anticipated.  Upon  the  sides  of  these  great  mountains,  at 
the  proper  altitudes,  almost  all  grades  of  temperature  may  be  found,  so  that  the 
vegetation  of  all  countries  may  be  grown  by  exercising  care  in  the  location  selected. 


226 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


Any  desired  amount  of  rainfall  may  be  obtained  by  selecting  the  proper  altitude 
and  location.  On  this  point  it  may  be  said  that  a rainfall  varying  from  a few  inches 
to  16  feet  annually  may  be  secured  by  using  a little  care  in  selecting  a location. 
In  addition  to  the  various  crop  products,  it  should  be  stated  that  cattle  raising  is 
one  of  the  principal  industries  upon  some  of  the  higher  lands.  There  is  much 
timber  land  also  found  on  the  mountain  sides.” 

The  great  harbor  of  the  great  hereafter  in  the  Pacific — the  pearl  harbor — is 
described  in  these  terms: 

“Although  the  harbor  and  limited  roadstead  of  Honolulu  have  for  a hundred 
years  or  so  furnished  the  wharf  privileges  and  anchorage  ground  for  the  numerous 
vessels  of  all  classes  which  have  visited  the  islands,  there  is  already  such  a pressing 
demand  for  an  early  increase  in  harbor  room,  wharf  area,  and  anchorage  in  the 
Honolulu  harbor  as  to  make  necessary  the  immediate  consideration  of  measures 
for  additional  harbors  and  wharves. 

“Within  6 or  7 miles  of  Honolulu  lies  Pearl  Harbor,  a most  valuable  feature 
of  our  Hawaiian  acquisition.  It  is  the  only  place  capable  of  use  as  a naval  station 
in  the  North  Pacific  Ocean,  except  immediately  upon  the  American  coast.  It  con- 
sists of  an  inland  lake  containing  8 square  miles  of  water,  about  half  of  which  is 
from  5 to  10  fathoms  deep,  admitting  the  largest  ships.  The  remaining  portion 
has  a depth  of  from  2 to  4 fathoms.  It  is  accessible  from  the  sea  by  a passage  a 
third  of  a mile  in  width,  which,  after  a small  amount  of  dredging,  will  become  a 
safe  and  excellent  entrance  for  vessels. 

“This  harbor  is  many  times  larger  than  that  of  Honolulu,  and  it  offers  to  the 
United  States  facilities  for  the  increase  of  Pacific  and  Oriental  commerce  the  value 
of  which  can  not  be  estimated.  If  the  United  States  shall  develop  this  desirable 
place,  as  it  may  easily  do,  it  will  afford  the  American  Navy  the  most  advantageous 
spot  for  a coaling  station  and  naval  depot  to  be  obtained  anywhere. 

“No  other  inclosed  harbor  exists  in  any  group  for  thousands  of  miles  north 
or  south.  One  writer  says: 

“ ‘The  naval  power  owning  Pearl  Harbor  will  therefore  hold  in  complete  mo- 
nopoly the  mastery  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  north  of  the  equator.  Pearl  Harbor  is  the 
chief  jewel  of  the  Hawaiian  group.’ 

“Owned  now  by  the  United  States,  it  offers  us  the  key  to  the  commerce  of 
China,  Japan,  and  Australia.” 

One  of  the  most  impressive  passages  of  the  report  is  this: 

“Commercial  conditions  of  a country  are  so  readily  influenced  by  what  at  first 
may  appear  to  be  remote  and  unimportant  enactments  that  the  utmost  sagacity  is 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


227 


necessary  in  tlie  preparation  of  laws  for  the  promotion  of  commercial  interests. 
The  commerce  between  the  United  States  and  Hawaii,  as  well  as  the  foreign  com- 
merce of  both,  should  be  so  protected  by  our  navigation  laws  and  vessel  registry 
and  by  our  revenue  legislation  as  to  give  to  our  country  and  to  our  newly  acquired 
people  all  the  advantages  which  should  properly  come  to  either.  This  is  apparent. 
We  can  not  ignore  a territory  which  grows,  exports,  and  sells  more  than  $15,000,000 
in  value  annually.  The  future  of  this  new  domain  of  industry  can  hardly  yet  be 
imagined.  But  when  Pearl  Harbor  becomes  the  meeting  place  and  the  transfer 
depot  of  the  ships  of  Russia,  China,  Japan,  Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  of  the 
Atlantic  liners  which  will  steam  through  the  Nicaragua  Canal,  commingling  on 
the  great  Pacific  with  the  vessels  of  the  western  coast  of  the  American  continent, 
the  genius  of  our  country  will  preside  over  the  traffic  which  is  certain  to  come  in 
the  near  future.  As  the  conduct  of  a four  months’  war  has  produced  such  a re- 
arrangement of  the  methods  and  lines  of  the  world’s  commerce,  it  is  difficult  to 
foretell  what  may  be  possible  in  a few  years  of  peace  in  the  future.” 

The  fish  are  abundant  and  excellent,  those  caught  and  used  by  the  islanders 
are  all  salt  water  fish,  caught  from  the  sea  or  the  bays  and  harbors  adjacent.  There 
are  nearly  a hundred  varieties,  including  shellfish,  sold  in  the  markets  of  the  is- 
lands. Scarcely  one  of  these  varieties  would  be  known  or  identified  by  Americans 
from  its  native  name.  Some  of  the  varieties  are  of  excellent  quality,  and  the  fish- 
eries promise  to  become  an  important  industry  in  the  future  of  the  islands. 

The  inventory  of  the  real  and  personal  property  (exclusive  of  Government 
public  lands)  lately  belonging  to  the  Republic  of  Hawaii  and  now  in  possession  of 
the  several  departments  and  offices  of  the  Republic,  which  inures  to  the  United 
States  by  the  act  of  annexation,  valued  by  the  departmental  and  bureau  officials 
of  the  Republic,  amounts  as  follows: 


Department  of  the  interior $4,612,766.66 

Judiciary  department  80,098.00 

Finance  office  5,100.00 

Tax  office  1,218.12 

Customs  bureau  3,456.25 

Postal  bureau  8,067.99 

Audit  bureau  557.00 

Department  of  foreign  affairs 60,625.00 

Police  department  17,351.00 


Total  4,789,240.02 


To  this  amount  should  be  added  the  value  of  the  Government  or  public  lands, 
$4,147,700,  and  lots  in  Honolulu  and  Hilo,  with  unleased  lots  and  sites  of  fish  mar- 


228 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


ket,  custom-house,  and  reclaimed  lots,  worth  $1,481,800,  making  the  following 
aggregate  valuation: 


Government  or  public  lands $4,147,700.00 

Government  lots,  sites,  etc...; 1,481,800.00 

Departmental  property  4,789,240.02 


Aggregate  10,418,740.02 


It  is  officially  stated  that  in  the  first  six  months  of  the  year  1898  the  Hawaiian 
Government  collected  from  customs  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  and  thirty- 
eight  dollars,  eighty-eight  cents.  Under  our  tariff  law  there  would  have  been  col- 
lected on  the  same  goods  $669,636.97.  The  report  goes  largely  into  the  discussion 
of  the  legislation  recommended  by  the  Commission.  The  first  point  being  that  the 
islands  should  be  erected  into  “The  Territory  of  Hawaii.”  The  legislature  is  to 
he  that  of  the  territory  of  Hawaii,  consisting  of  a senate  and  house  of  representa- 
tives. Section  4 of  the  bill  provides  that:  “All  white  persons,  including  Portuguese, 
persons  of  African  descent  and  all  persons  descended  from  the  Hawaiian  race  on 
either  the  paternal  or  maternal  sides  who  were  citizens  of  the  Republic  of  Hawaii 
immediately  prior  to  the  transfer  of  the  sovereignty  thereof  to  the  United  States 
are  hereby  declared  to  be  citizens  of  the  United  States.” 

The  houses  of  the  legislature  are  to  organize  and  sit  separately,  and  is  to  be 
elected  at  a general  election  to  be  held  on  the  Tuesday  next  after  the  first  Monday 
in  November,  1899,  and  biennially  thereafter.  The  supreme  court  is  to  be  the 
judge  of  the  legality  of  election  to  a seat  in  either  house  in  cases  of  contest,  and 
the  sole  judge  of  who  has  been  elected.  No  member  of  the  legislature  is  to  be 
eligible  for  appointment  or  election  to  any  office  of  the  Territory,  and  no  officer 
or  employe,  notary  public,  or  agent  of  the  Territory  shall  be  eligible  to  election 
as  a legislator;  and  no  person  who,  having  been  entitled  to  qualify  and  vote  prior 
to  October,  1897,  and  since  July,  1894,  failed  to  register  as  such  vote^  shall  have 
a vote,  unless  he  shall  take  an  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

Every  officer  of  the  Territory  and  every  member  of  the  legislature  shall  take 
a prescribed  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States. 

Legislators  shall  receive  $400  for  each  regular  session,  in  addition  to  10  cents 
a mile  each  way  as  mileage,  and  $200  for  each  extra  session. 

In  voting  for  representatives  in  the  legislature,  each  voter  may  cast  as  many 
votes  as  there  are  representatives  to  be  elected  from  his  district,  and  may  cast  them 
all  for  one  representative,  or  apportion  them  among  the  representatives  as  he 
see  fit,  avoiding  fractional  divisions  of  a vote. 


PINEAPPLE  EANCH  NEAR  PEARL  CITY.  ISLAND  OF  OAHU.  HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS. 


FLUME  USED  TO  CONVEY  WATER  TO  SUGAR  MILLS  IN  HAWAII. 


SURF  BOAT  USED  BY  THE  NATIVES  OF  HONOLULU. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAIL 


231 


The  membership  of  the  senate  is  fixed  at  15,  to  hold  office  for  four  years,  but 
providing  that  of  the  senators  elected  at  the  first  general  election  2 from  the  first 
district,  1 from  the  second,  3 from  the  third,  and  1 from  the  fourth  district  shall 
hold  for  two  years  only.  The  districts  are  specifically  described,  and  the  following 
number  of  senators  apportioned  to  each: 


First  district  4 

Second  district  3 

Third  district  6 

Fourth  district  2 


A senator  must  be  a male  citizen  of  the  United  States,  30  years  of  age,  have 
resided  in  the  Territory  three  years,  be  the  owner  in  his  own  right  of  $2,000  worth 
of  property,  or  have  during  the  preceding  year  received  $1,000  income. 

The  membership  of  the  house  of  representatives  is  fixed  at  30,  to  be  elected 
every  second  year  from  six  districts,  composed  as  specified,  giving  the  first,  second, 
and  sixth  districts  each  4 representatives,  and  the  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  districts 
each  6 representatives. 

To  be  eligible  for  election  as  representative  a person  shall  have  attained  the 
age  of  25  years;  be  a male  citizen  of  the  United  States;  have  resided  in  the  Terri- 
tory three  years,  and  shall  either  own  property  in  the  Territory  worth  $500  or  have 
received  a money  income  of  not  less  than  $250  during  the  preceding  year. 

To  be  qualified  to  vote  for  representative,  a person — 

(1)  Shall  be  a male  citizen  of  the  United  States; 

(2)  Have  resided  in  the  Territory  for  one  year  preceding,  and  in  the  district 
three  months  preceding  the  time  he  offers  to  register; 

(3)  Shall  have  attained  the  age  of  21  years; 

(4)  Prior  to  the  election  during  the  time  prescribed  by  law  have  caused  his 
name  to  be  entered  on  the  register  of  voters  for  representative  for  his  district; 

(5)  Prior  to  such  registration  have  paid  on  or  before  March  31  next  preceding 
the  date  of  registration  all  taxes  due  by  him  to  the  government; 

(6)  Be  able  understandingly  to  speak,  read,  and  write  the  English  or  Hawaiian 
language. 

To  be  qualified  to  vote  for  senators,  a person  must  possess  all  the  qualifications 
and  be  subject  to  all  the  conditions  required  by  this  act  for  voters  for  representa- 
tives, and,  in  addition  thereto,  shall  own  and  possess  in  his  own  right  real  property 
worth  $1,000,  upon  which  valuation  legal  taxes  shall  have  been  paid  for  the  year 
preceding  that  in  which  he  offers  to  register,  or  shall  have  actually  received  a 


232 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


money  income  of  not  less  than  $600  during  the  year  next  preceding  the  1st  day  of 
April  next  preceding  the  date  of  such  registration. 

Five  new  boards  of  registration,  of  three  members  each,  shall  be  appointed  by 
the  governor,  with  the  advice  of  the  senate,  for  terms  of  four  years,  for  the  five 
registration  districts  composed  as  specified,  to  take  the  place  of  the  existing  boards 
of  registration.  Such  new  registration  boards  shall  meet  to  register  persons  enti- 
tled to  vote  for  senators  and  representatives  at  such  times  between  August  31  and 
October  10,  1899,  and  each  second  year  thereafter,  as  may  be  necessary  to  enable 
them  to  register  all  persons  entitled  to  registry.  Personal  appearance  of  an  appli- 
cant is  required  to  entitle  him  to  registry. 

The  first  session  of  the  legislature  shall  convene  at  Honolulu  on  the  third 
Wednesday  in  February,  1900. 

Sessions  not  to  continue  longer  than  sixty  days. 

The  offices  of  president,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  finance,  public  instruction, 
auditor-general,  deputy  auditor-general,  surveyor-general,  and  marshal  are  abol- 
ished. 

The  hill  contains  provisions  for  the  government  of  the  Territory,  giving  il 
executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  officers.  A governor,  secretary  of  the  Territory 
a United  States  district  judge,  a United  States  district  attorney,  and  a United  States 
marshal  are  to  be  appointed  by  the  President,  and  an  internal-revenue  district  anc 
a customs  district  are  created. 

The  governor  shall  possess  the  veto  power,  and  may  veto  specific  items  in  bill; 
which  appropriate  money  for  specific  purposes.  The  two  houses  may  override  th< 
veto  by  a two-thirds  vote. 

The  legislature  may  create  town,  city,  or  county  municipalities. 

An  appropriation  of  $5,000  is  recommended  to  enable  the  United  States  Fist 
Commissioner  to  examine  the  status  of  the  fishing  rights  and  to  report  upon  the  fish 
eries  of  the  Territory. 

It  also  provides  that  foreign  goods  and  articles  imported  into  the  islands  afte 
July  7,  1898,  shall,  if  afterwards  brought  into  the  United  States,  pay  the  sam 
duties  charged  upon  like  articles  when  imported  from  any  foreign  country.  J 

It  also  provides  for  the  election  of  a Delegate  to  the  House  of  Representative 
in  Congress,  for  each  Congress,  by  the  voters  qualified  to  vote  for  representative 
in  the  legislature,  this  delegate  to  possess  the  same  powers  and  privileges  nov 
accorded  to  other  delegates  in  Congress. 

The  existing  laws  of  Hawaii  not  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  and  tk 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


233 


laws  of  the  United  States  or  of  this  act  shall  continue  in  force,  subject  to  repeal 
or  amendment  by  the  legislature  of  Hawaii  or  by  Congress. 

The  laws  of  Hawaii  relating  to  public  or  Government  lands  continue  in  force 
until  changed  by  Congress.  No  leases  of  agricultural  lands  shall,  however,  be 
granted,  sold,  or  renewed  for  a longer  term  than  five  years,  unless  Congress  shall 
direct.  The  officers  of  the  Territory  shall  be  an  attorney-general,  with  similar  pow- 
ers and  duties  as  now  possessed  by  the  attorney-general  of  the  Republic  of  Hawaii, 
except  as  changed  by  this  act  or  by  the  legislature,  and  a treasurer,  with  similar 
powers  and  duties  to  the  present  minister  of  finance,  and  such  powers  and  duties 
regarding  licenses,  corporations,  companies,  and  partnerships,  and  registration  of 
prints,  labels,  and  trade-marks  as  are  now  possessed  by  the  minister  of  the  interior, 
except  as  changed  by  this  act  or  by  the  legislature;  also  a superintendent  of  public 
works,  a superintendent  of  public  instruction,  an  auditor  and  a deputy  auditor,  a 
surveyor,  with  the  powers  and  duties  of  a surveyor-general,  and  a chief  sheriff  to 
succeed  to  the  duties  of  marshal  of  the  Republic,  are  to  be  appointed  by  the  gov- 
ernor. 

The  laws  of  Hawaii  relating  to  agriculture  and  forestry  are  continued  in  force, 
except  as  they  may  be  modified  by  Congress  or  the  legislature.  The  Secretary  of 
Agriculture  is  charged  with  the  duties  of  examining  the  laws  of  Hawaii  relating  to 
agriculture,  forestry,  public  lands,  and  public  roads  and  reporting  thereon  to  the 
President. 

There  shall  also  be  appointed  by  the  governor  a chief  justice  and  two  associate 
justices  of  the  supreme  court,  the  judges  of  the  circuit  court,  the  members  of  the 
board  of  health,  commissioners  of  public  instruction,  prison  inspectors,  boards  of 
registration,  inspectors  of  election,  and  other  public  boards  that  may  be  created  by 
law,  and  all  officers  whose  salaries  exceed  $2,000  per  annum. 

The  bill  provides  that  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  locally 
applicable  shall  have  the  same  force  and  effect  in  the  Territory  of  Hawaii  as  else- 
where in  the  United  States.  This  is  the  usual  provision  found  in  the  acts  of  Con- 
gress providing  for  the  establishment  of  Territorial  governments  in  the  United 
States  heretofore.  Such  a provision  is  very  important  in  this  bill  for  many  reasons, 
among  which  may  be  mentioned  the  continued  importation  of  coolie  labor  into 
Hawaii.  It  has  been  the  policy  of  the  Government  of  Hawaii,  before  and  since  the 
establishment  of  the  Republic,  to  import  men  under  labor  contracts  for  a term  of 
years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  they  are  to  return  to  the  countries  from  which 
they  came.  Those  brought  in  are  mainly  from  China  and  Japan. 

Since  the  act  of  Congress  annexing  Hawaii  was  passed  prohibiting  Chinese 


* 


234 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


immigration  the  Hawaiian  sugar  planters  have  seemed  to  be  making  an  unusual 
effort  in  securing  the  importation  of  Japanese  laborers,  fearing  trouble  and  em- 
barrassment on  account  of  insufficient  labor  for  the  care  and  carrying  on  of  their 
sugar  plantations.  Of  course  it  becomes  necessary  to  extend  our  labor  laws  over  the 
islands,  so  as  to  prohibit  all  kinds  of  foreign  contract  labor  from  coming  to  the 
Territory,  first,  because  it  is  the  policy  of  this  country  to  keep  out  all  kinds  of  cheap 
foreign  labor,  including  coolie  labor,  and  thereby  prevent  such  labor  from  inter 
fering  with  the  wages  of  American  labor,  and,  secondly,  to  protect  our  manufactured 
products  from  competition  with  manufactured  goods  produced  by  cheap  alien  labor. 
The  general  laws  of  the  United  States  will  place  the  people  of  the  Territory  on  the 
same  footing  with  the  people  of  the  States  and  of  other  Territories  of  the  United 
States  in  regard  to  foreign  labor. 

The  question  whether  white  labor  can  be  profitably  utilized  in  the  sugar  plan- 
tations is  yet  a problem;  but  the  planters  are  preparing  to  give  such  labor  a trial, 
and  some  of  them  believe  it  will  prove  superior  to  the  labor  of  either  Chinese  or 
Japanese. 

The  majority  of  the  commission  have  not  been  able  to  agree  with  the  sugges- 
tions of  those  who  favor  the  creation  of  a “cabinet,”  or  “advisory  council,”  to  aid 
the  Territorial  governor  in  his  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Territory  of 
Hawaii.  The  commission  hold  however  proper  and  convenient  it  might  be  to  pro- 
vide such  an  auxiliary  as  a “cabinet”  for  the  governor  of  a State,  or  for  the  chief 
executive  of  a country,  that  it  is  unnecessary  in  a Territorial  government,  which 
is  itself  merely  a subordinate  and  limited  authority,  under  the  close  supervision  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  The  history  of  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States,  covering  many  years  of  experience,  has  not,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
commission,  shown  a necessity  for  the  creation  of  any  number  of  advisors.  The 
powers  of  a Territorial  governor  are  likely  to  be  so  clearly  defined  by  the  legislation 
of  Congress  and  the  laws  of  the  Territory  that  there  will  hardly  be  need  for  such 
an  establishment  as  an  “executive”  or  “advisory”  council. 

The  fact  that  such  a proposition  is  urged  by  a gentleman  of  great  experience 
and  wisdom,  who  has  been  of  the  greatest  service  in  the  past  history  of  Hawaii  in 
behalf  of  order  and  good  government,  has  called  the  most  careful  attention  of  the 
commission  to  the  subject,  but  we  are  unable  to  see  that  there  is  a logical  demand 
or  need  for  such  an  addition  to  the  Territorial  establishment  of  the  United  States. 
The  argument  that  the  Territorial  governor  might,  arbitrarily,  at  the  close  of  a ses- 
sion of  a legislature,  remove  the  heads  of  departments,  or  other  officials  from  office 
and  commission  new  ones,  whose  commissions  would  be  valid  until  the  end  of  the 

1 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


235 


next  session  of  the  senate,  or  nearly  two  years,  does  not  strike  the  commission  as 
being  a valid  reason  for  staying  the  hand  of  a governor  who  is  responsible  directly 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States  for  his  acts,  and  whose  official  existence  is 
subject  to  the  will  of  the  President. 

It  is  possible  that  the  reasons  presented  by  the  minority  of  the  commission 
might  be  deemed  vital  and  important  if  the  Territorial  administration  was  sover- 
eign and  not  subordinate  in  character.  We  believe,  however,  that  if  the  system 
proposed  by  the  bill  shall  in  practice  prove  to  be  obnoxious  to  the  claim  of  the  mi- 
nority it  will  then  be  ample  time  for  Congress  to  change  the  proposed  system. 

Much  has  been  said  to  the  effect  that  the  policy  or  scheme  of  government  for 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  will  be  taken  and  accepted  as  an  index  or  precedent  to  be 
followed  in  the  plan  of  government  for  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines.  In  view 
of  this  apparent  expectation  or  belief  on  the  part  of  many  good  people  in  the  United 
States,  the  commission  deem  it  proper  to  say  that  the  people  of  Hawaii  are  capable 
of  self-government,  and  have  proven  this  by  the  establishment  of  the  Republic  of 
Hawaii  and  the  adoption  of  a constitution  and  code  of  laws  which  will  compare 
favorably  with  those  of  any  other  government,  and  under  such  constitution  and 
laws  have  maintained  a stable  government  for  several  years  worthy  of  a free  people. 
The  people  of  those  islands  are  more  or  less  familiar  with  the  institutions  and  laws 
of  the  United  States,  while  the  laws  of  the  little  Republic  are  largely  taken  from 
the  laws  of  this  country. 

It  can  not  be  said  that  either  the  Porto  Ricans  or  the  Filipinos  are  at  all 
familiar  with  our  system  of  government,  or  with  any  other  based  on  the  principles 
of  liberty. 

The  underlying  theory  of  our  Government  is  the  right  of  self-government,  and 
a people  must  be  fitted  for  self-government  before  they  can  be  trusted  with  the  re- 
sponsibilities and  duties  attaching  to  free  government. 

These  remarks  are  made  to  negative  the  idea  that  because  the  people  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  can,  in  the  judgment  of  the  commission,  be  consistently  given 
self-government  to  an  extent  almost  equal  to  that  given  the  people  in  the  States, 
it  can  not  be  safely  inferred  that  other  insular  possessions  which  the  United  States 
have,  or  may  acquire  by  treaty  with  Spain,  can  be  granted  equal  freedom  in  gov- 
ernment. 

In  the  organization  of  the  commission,  the  following  committees  were  raised 
to  consider  and  report  upon  various  matters  of  importance: 

1.  Agriculture — Mr.  Dole. 

2.  Gables  and  Telegraphs — Mr.  Morgan  and  Mr.  Frear. 


236 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


3.  Claims — Mr.  Frear  and  Mr.  Hitt. 

4.  Corporations — Mr.  Hitt  and  Mr.  Dole. 

5.  Education — Mr.  Cullom,  Mr.  Morgan,  and  Mr.  Frear. 

6.  Finance — Mr.  Cullom,  Mr.  Morgan,  Mr.  Hitt,  Mr.  Dole,  and  Mr.  Frear. 

7.  Fisheries — Mr.  Frear  and  Mr.  Morgan. 

8.  Harbors  and  Coasts — Mr.  Dole  and  Mr.  Hitt. 

9.  Health  and  Quarantine — Mr.  Morgan  and  Mr.  Frear. 

10.  Immigration  and  Labor — Mr.  Cullom,  Mr.  Morgan,  and  Mr.  Dole. 

11.  Local  Taxation — Mr.  Frear  and  Mr.  Hitt. 

12.  Postal  Service — Mr.  Hitt  and  Mr.  Frear. 

13.  Public  Debt — Mr.  Dole. 

14.  Public  Lands — Mr.  Cullom,  Mr.  Morgan,  and  Mr.  Dole. 

15.  Public  Property — Mr.  Frear. 

16.  Tariff  and  Internal  Revenue — Mr.  Hitt  and  Mr.  Dole. 

17.  Judiciary — Mr.  Morgan  and  Mr.  Frear. 

18.  Local  and  Executive  Offices — Mr.  Dole  and  Mr.  Frear. 

19.  Committee  to  Draft  Bills — Mr.  Cullom,  Mr.  Dole,  and  Mr.  Hitt. 

The  reports  made  by  these  committees  in  part  supplied  the  information  which 
has  enabled  the  commission  to  prepare  and  agree  upon  the  bill  which  is  herewith 
presented,  “To  provide  a government  for  the  Territory  of  Hawaii,”  and  are  printed 
in  the  appendix. 

The  commission  also  presents  two  additional  bills,  the  passage  of  which  is 
made  necessary  by  the  existing  conditions.  One  of  these  is  entitled  “A  bill  relating 
to  Hawaiian  silver  coinage  and  treasury  notes.”  It  provides  that  umnutilated  Ha- 
waiian silver  coins  shall  be  received  at  par  value  in  payment  of  all  dues  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Territory  of  Hawaii  and  of  the  United  States,  and  shall  not  again 
be  issued,  but  shall  on  presentation  in  sums  of  $500  to  either  government  be  pur- 
chased and  recoined  as  bullion  at  the  United  States  mint  at  San  Francisco.  All 
Hawaiian  silver  certificates  shall  be  redeemed  by  the  Territory  of  Hawaii  on  or 
before  January  1,  1902. 

The  other  is  entitled  “A  bill  relating  to  postal  savings  banks  in  Hawaii,” 
which  repeals  the  Hawaiian  laws  establishing  postal  savings  banks,  and  directs  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  pay  the  amounts  on  deposit  in  the  postal  savings  banks 
in  Hawaii  to  the  persons  entitled  thereto,  terminating  the  interest  on  all  deposits 
on  and  after  the  1st  of  July,  1899,  and  forbidding  further  deposits  after  that  date. 

The  commission  has  performed  the  work  assigned  to  it  by  the  President  under 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


237 


the  joint  resolution  providing  for  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  they 
venture  to  express  the  hope  that  it  may  be  deemed  satisfactory  by  Congress  and 
the  country.  S.  M.  CULLOM,  Chairman. 

MINORITY  REPORT. 

BY  PRESIDENT  DOLE. 

With  the  exception  herein  stated,  I substantially  indorse  the  majority  report  of 
the  commission. 

It  has  been  a matter  of  sincere  gratification  to  me  that  its  work  has  been  upon 
conservative  lines,  and  that  the  Hawaiian  civil  system — the  result  of  sixty  years 
of  growth — has  been  so  slightly  affected  by  its  conclusions. 

I have,  however,  been  compelled  to  differ  from  my  associates  in  relation  to 
certain  features  of  the  executive  power  of  the  Territory  as  recommended  by  them. 

The  political  troubles  of  the  Hawaiian  community,  culminating  in  the  downfall 
of  the  monarchy,  were  mainly  due  to  the  persistent  effort  of  successive  sovereigns 
to  acquire  unlimited  personal  power. 

Upon  the  organization  of  the  Republic  of  Hawaii  great  pains  were  taken  to 
eliminate  the  possibility  of  a return  of  such  source  of  public  danger.  The  expe- 
rience gained  in  the  administration  of  the  Provisional  Government  was  of  great 
assistance  in  working  out  this  problem. 

The  system  adopted  placed  the  executive  power  in  a council  of  five  persons, 
made  up  of  the  President  and  the  heads  of  the  four  executive  departments.  Action 
by  the  executive  council  requires  a majority,  including  the  president’s  vote.  The 
heads  of  the  executive  departments  are  the  constitutional  advisers  of  the  president 
upon  questions  of  public  policy,  appointments,  and  other  matters  of  importance, 
and  are  appointed  and  removed  by  him,  with  the  approval  of  the  senate.  The 
president  and  three  members  of  the  cabinet  may  remove  the  fourth  member.  The 
heads  of  the  executive  departments  have  the  appointment  and  removal  of  the  heads 
of  the  executive  bureaus  in  their  respective  departments,  subject  to  the  approval 
of  the  president.  The  heads  of  the  bureaus  have  the  appointment  and  removal  of 
their  subordinate  officers,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  heads  of  the  departments 
to  which  their  respective  bureaus  belong. 

It  was  considered  impracticable  to  hold  an  executive  officer  responsible  for  the 
successful  administration  of  his  department  or  bureau  without  giving  him  substan- 
tially the  selection  of  his  immediate  subordinates. 

This  system  has  worked  satisfactorily,  giving  the  government  the  confidence  of 
the  publie. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII 


238 


While,  with  some  misgivings,  I have  assented  to  the  provisions  of  the  majority 
report,  which  place  the  executive  power  of  the  Territory  in  the  hands  of  one  indi- 
vidual and  do  away  with  the  executive  council,  I am  unable  to  accept  those  which 
confer  upon  the  governor  the  appointment  of  all  subordinate  officers,  and  which, 
while  giving  him  the  appointment  of  heads  of  departments,  with  the  approval  of 
the  senate,  permit  him  to  remove  them  without  such  approval,  a power  not  enjoyed 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Nor  can  I agree  to  the  absence  of  any  pro- 
visions whatever  limiting  or  checking  the  governor’s  executive  power  under  the  laws, 
excepting  as  to  the  approval  of  the  senate  required  in  certain  appointments. 

The  weight  of  these  objections  will  be  better  understood  in  view  of  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  commissioners  that  the  legislature  shall  hold  regular  sessions  but 
once  in  two  years,  as  heretofore,  which  circumstance  would  furnish  the  governor 
with  the  opportunity,  if  he  should  choose  to  utilize  it,  of  removing  any  or  all  heads 
of  departments  immediately  after  the  termination  of  the  regular  session  of  the 
legislature  and  filling  their  places  with  persons  whose  commissions  would  be  valid 
until  the  end  of  the  next  session  of  the  senate,  which  might  not  occur  for  nearly 
two  years.  By  this  means  a governor,  acting  within  his  authority,  could  substan- 
tially evade  the  provision  requiring  these  appointments  to  be  approved  by  the 
senate. 

Performances  of  like  character  under  the  monarchy  are  too  fresh  m the  minds 
of  the  Hawaiian  community  to  permit  them  to  contemplate  without  dismay  the 
possibility  of  a repetition  thereof. 

The  governor,  under  the  provisions  of  the  act  recommended  by  the  commis- 
sion, will  have  less  check  to  his  administration  of  affairs  than  was  the  case  with  the 
sovereigns  under  the  monarchy,  excepting  only  in  the  matter  of  tenure  of  office. 
Moreover,  the  features  of  the  existing  Hawaiian  civil  system,  which  compel  a cer- 
tain amount  of  publicity  in  all  administrative  acts,  are  swept  away,  and  the  gov- 
ernor may  act  in  absolute  secrecy,  or,  if  he  shall  be  so  inclined,  with  the  advice  and 
under  the  influence  of  any  persons  he  may  choose  to  admit  to  his  deliberations. 

This  feature  of  the  proposed  executive  status,  it  will  be  seen,  might  expose  the 
governor  to  influence  hostile  to  the  public  good,  and  possibly  to  great  and  con- 
stantly recurring  temptations  to  subordinate  public  to  private  interests. 

The  provision  of  the  Hawaiian  system  which  compels  the  president  to  consult 
his  constitutional  advisers  lessens  this  danger. 

Besides,  this  beneficial  result  of  the  existing  system  is  the  safeguard  that  it 
guarantees  to  the  administration  of  public  affairs  through  the  diminished  liability 
of  the  best  of  men  to  make  mistakes  when  assisted  by  the  judgment  of  others. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


239 


Hawaiian  administration  of  affairs  includes  the  conduct  of  a land  system  which 
provides  for  the  disposal  of  the  public  lands  in  different  ways  and  in  areas  varying 
in  extent  and  often  of  great  value,  which  are  sometimes  so  situated  as  to  be  of  pro- 
nounced importance  to  the  public  interests  of  agriculture  and  forestry. 

It  is  submitted  that  it  is  most  desirable  that  the  consideration  of  these  ques- 
tions should  not  he  left  to  the  private  judgment  of  one  man,  unassisted  save  perhaps 
by  the  pressing  demands  of  capitalists  and  corporations. 

And  President  Dole  submitted  an  amendment  on  these  lines,  recommending  a 
board  of  advisors  to  the  governor  of  the  Territory,  and  he  recommends  that  the 
treasurer,  attorney  general,  superintendent  of  public  works  and  the  commissioner 
of  public  lands  shall  be  constituted  special  counselors  of  the  governor,  to  be  con- 
sulted by  him  concerning  all  matters  of  public  policy. 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  IMMIGRATION  AND  LABOR. 

At  an  early  date  there  were  occasional  visits  of  Chinese  people  to  Hawaii.  A 
few  individual  Chinese  had,  as  early  as  1845,  been  permitted  to  intermarry  with 
Hawaiians,  and  the  interior  department  of  Hawaii  has  records  showing  the  naturali- 
zation of  one  “Arsing”  in  that  year.  An  oath  of  allegiance  was  required  before  an 
alien  could  marry  a Hawaiian.  In  the  past  fifty  years  there  have  been  about  700 
Chinese  naturalized  as  Hawaiian  citizens.  The  children  of  some  of  the  earlier  Chi- 
nese residents,  resulting  from  their  intermarriages  with  Hawaiian  citizens,  have 
become  prominent  in  the  social  and  business  life  of  Hawaii,  and,  as  stated  by  a 
well-known  observer,  the  blending  of  the  Chinese  and  Hawaiian  bloods  has  pro- 
duced beneficial  resxrlts.  Many  of  these  children  have  been  educated  at  the  best 
English  schools  and  in  the  colleges  and  universities  of  the  United  States.  A large 
number  have  proved  worthy  of  the  education  bestowed  upon  them,  and  not  less  than 
fifty  have  found  employment  in  government  and  business  offices  and  mercantile 
houses  in  Honolulu  alone.  Some  of  these  earlier  Chinese  immigrants  in  Hawaii 
have,  by  naturalization  and  intermarriage,  become  land  and  property  owners  and 
good  citizens.  This  element  of  Chinese  origin  must  not,  however,  be  confounded 
with  or  mistaken  for  those  who  came  to  Hawaii  simply  as  laborers  under  contract 
for  a specific  term  of  years  authorized,  limited,  and  controlled  by  the  government. 

The  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  began  in  1852,  and  grew  out  of  what  was 
thought  to  be  the  necessities  of  the  people,  owing  to  the  decline  of  the  number  of 
Hawaiian  laborers.  About  that  time  the  Royal  Hawaiian  Agricultural  Society 
issued  a circular  suggesting  the  introduction  of  Chinese  coolie  labor,  and  in  Jan- 


240 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


uary,  1852,  the  bark  Thetis,  brought,  under  agreement,  180  coolies  from  China. 
This  experiment  was  deemed  satisfactory  by  the  society,  and  thereafter,  up  to  Jan- 
uary, 1866,  there  were  1,306  Chinese  imported,  of  whom  54  were  women  and  5 were 
children.  From  1866  to  the  present  time,  the  Government  and  various  organiza- 
tions interested  in  the  labor  question  have  looked  after  the  importation  of  laborers 
from  other  countries  besides  China.  In  all  three  nationalities,  Chinese,  Japanese, 
and  the  Portuguese  colonies,  have  been  drawn  upon.  The  two  former  still  continue 
to  furnish  large  numbers  of  laborers,  while  Portuguese  immigration  Las  apparently 
ceased. 

The  Hawaiian  Government,  in  1864,  passed  an  act  creating  a bureau  of  immi- 
gration for  the  purpose  of  superintending  the  inspection  of  imported  foreign  labor- 
ers and  the  introduction  of  immigrants  as  laborers.  Ordinances  were  issued  by  the 
King  authorizing  the  bureau  of  immigration  to  take  steps  to  promote  the  introduc- 
tion into  the  kingdom  of  free  immigrants  from  the  Portuguese  colonies,  the  Azores, 
the  Canary  Islands,  the  Cape  Verde  Islands,  and  from  “any  of  the  islands  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean.”  The  Hawaiian  bark  R.  W.  Wood  was  ordered  chartered  to  proceed 
to  China  to  obtain  a cargo  of  Chinese  laborers,  at  the  expense  of  the  bureau  of  im- 
migration. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  CABLES  AND  TELEGRAPHS. 

The  committee  on  cables  and  telegraphs  have  investigated  the  subject  of  tele- 
graphic cable  communication  between  Hawaii  and  the  Continent,  and  between  the 
islands,  and  respectfully  submit  the  following  report: 

JOHN  T.  MORGAN. 

W.  F.  FREAR. 


REPORT. 

No  calculation  that  is  approximately  accurate  can  now  be  safely  made  of  the 
income  of  a postal-telegraph  line  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands  from  the  continent  or 
between  the  islands. 

It  can  be  safely  assumed,  however,  that  the  necessity  for  such  a cable  line  is 
indispensable  and  that  its  cost  will  bear  only  a slight  relation  to  the  commercial  and 
military  advantages  that  must  result  from  its  construction. 

In  many  other  instances  the  income  of  our  postal  system  has  been  quite  below 
the  cost  of  the  transmission  of  the  mails  between  certain  distant  commercial  or 
strategic  points,  and  such  deficit  has  been  supplied  from  the  general  Treasury,  with 
the  cheerful  approbation  of  the  country. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


241 


If  the  demand  for  a postal  telegraph  line  to  Hawaii  is  sufficient,  on  the  general 
grounds  of  national  policy,  the  question  of  the  duty  to  take  national  control  of 
the  line  can  not  be  met  by  the  suggestion  that  this  is  a new  departure  in  furnish- 
ing the  vehicles,  or  conduits,  for  the  transmission  of  postal  matter.  It  is  not,  in 
fact,  a new  thing  for  the  United  States  to  construct  lines  of  telegraph,  or  conduits, 
for  the  purposes  of  the  Army,  or  the  Weather  and  Life  Saving  Service,  or  for  the 
distribution  of  mails  in  large  cities. 

But  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  has  created  a new  situation  which 
requires  new'  provisions  for  the  quick  dispatch  of  intelligence  such  as  is  ordinarily 
sent  by  the  mails. 

There  is,  indeed,  no  feature  of  the  postal  service  that  is  more  necessary,  in 
peace  or  war,  for  the  benefit  of  commerce,  navigation,  markets,  and  exchanges,  or  in 
conveying  personal  intelligence  between  the  people,  or  in  giving  them  protection 
against  the  ravages  of  infectious  diseases,  than  a cable  between  the  Pacific  States 
and  the  Hawaiian  Islands  under  the  impartial  and  exclusive  control  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States. 

In  the  outset  of  the  new'  policy  that  we  must  inaugurate  to  meet  the  remark- 
able events  of  the  year  1898  it  is  a fortunate  situation  that  places  these  islands  and 
others  under  the  exclusive  legislative  control  of  Congress. 

Congress  can  rightfully  and  successfully  adjust  the  public  institutions  of  a 
State  in  its  formative  period  so  as  to  prepare  it  for  the  highest  usefulness  to  the 
Union  when  it  shall  acquire  the  sovereign  rights  and  dignity  of  statehood. 

Without  attempting  to  state  the  many  instances  in  which  Congress  should  em- 
ploy these  powers,  it  is  very  clear  that  in  matters  relating  to  interstate  and  foreign 
commerce,  to  navigation,  bays,  harbors,  wharves,  and  docks,  and  to  postal  facilities 
and  post  roads  and  lines  of  telegraphic  communication,  the  power  is  clear  and  the 
duty  is  manifest. 

An  indispensable  factor  in  all  commercial,  military,  and  diplomatic  relations 
with  countries  that  are  beyond  the  seas  is  the  telegraph  cables  that  convey  informa- 
tion with  immediate  dispatch. 

This  fact  is  too  obvious  and  is  too  vital  to  the  safety  of  every  maritime  country 
to  admit  of  discussion. 

It  may  be  safely  stated  that  at  no  point  in  the  world  is  there  greater  need  for 
a central  cable  station  than  at  Pearl  Harbor  in  Hawnii,  nor  is  there  any  point  in 
either  of  the  great  oceans  w'here  the  control  of  lines  of  telegraphic  cables  will  give 
greater  influence  to  the  power  that  directs  the  use  of  them,  either  in  commerce  or 


war. 


242 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


A central  cable  station  in  Hawaii  will  ultimately  form  a plexus  of  telegraphic 
lines  in  which  the  cables  will  meet  from  all  ports  of  the  great  circuit  of  our  coasts 
and  from  the  Asiatic  coasts  as  far  south  as  Hongkong;  and  from  Hawaii  lines  will 
radiate  through  the  islands  of  the  South  Pacific  to  the  Philippines,  to  Australia, 
and  the  coast  of  South  America. 

In  these  advantages  the  Hawaiian  group  has  no  competitor,  and  they  could 
scarcely  have  been  more  advantageously  placed  as  a point  for  the  concentration  of 
lines  of  telegraph  cables.  Through  a long  period  of  years  these  benefits  will  neces- 
sarily increase,  and  will  furnish  to  the  people  facilities  of  cheap  correspondence 
that  no  lines  of  steamers  can  afford. 

In  dispensing  with  the  slow  and  costly  methods  of  mail  transmission  for  busi- 
ness correspondence,  the  rates  will  be  reduced  and  the  speed  increased  until  it  will 
attract  the  universal  patronage  of  business  men. 

A single  line  of  cable  from  the  coast  to  Hawaii,  exclusively  authorized  to  con- 
vey messages  as  postal  matter,  would  soon  become  a “trunk  line,”  and  would  gather 
business  from  Asia  and  the  islands  of  the  South  Pacific  in  such  volume  as  to  pay 
the  interest  on  the  cost  and  all  expenditures  for  repairs  and  operation.  It  could 
have  no  competitor  in  business  and  could  afford  this  facility  to  business  at  a rate 
of  tolls  that  would  be  a great  economy. 

The  five  larger  islands  of  the  Hawaiian  group  are  separated  by  three  chan- 
nels that  aggregate  about  118  miles  in  width.  To  maintain  a rapid  communication 
across  these  channels,  which  are  rough  water,  not  less  than  six  vessels  would  need 
to  be  constantly  employed,  with  a reserve  of  two  or  three  vessels  to  meet  emergen- 
cies. The  crews  for  these  vessels,  and  the  fuel,  to  be  supplied  from  the  coast,  would 
justify  a heavy  expenditure  for  mail  service  which  could  not  probably  be  reduced 
by  competition. 

The  conformation  of  these  islands  is  such  that  a plateau  connects  all  of  them, 
on  which  a cable  can  be  laid  in  water  of  shallow  depths  as  compared  with  those  of 
the  adjacent  seas. 

The  trend  of  the  islands  from  Kaui  Island  on  the  northwest  to  the  southern 
part  of  Hawaii  virtually  presents  a frontage  of  about  350  miles  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean  on  each  side  of  the  group,  along  the  whole  length  of  which  the  cable  sta- 
tions on  the  island  would  be  so  many  outlooks  upon  the  sea. 

If  this  cable  system  is  extended  to  Samoa,  and  to  the  Carolines  and  Manila, 
the  security  it  would  afford  our  coasts  against  sudden  attack  and  the  ravages  of 
approaching  storms  and  the  visitations  of  epidemic  diseases  is  a matter  that  is 
worthy  of  serious  consideration. 


THE  TERRITORY  OP  HAWAII. 


243 


The  experience  of  European  countries  in  the  use  of  electric  telegraphs  as 
vehicles  of  the  postal  service  demonstrates  their  importance  and  the  wise  economy 
of  their  use  both  to  the  people  and  the  Governments  that  employ  them. 

With  the  distinctive  power  conferred  upon  Congress  in  the  Constitution  to 
establish  post-offices  and  post-roads,  and  the  exclusive  power  to  provide  for  and 
regulate  all  mail  communications,  there  can  be  no  question  of  the  power  of 
Congress  to  select  the  best  and  most  economical  means  for  this  work,  or  that  the 
conveyance  of  mails  may  be  extended  into  any  part  of  the  world,  or  that  Con- 
gress may  use  a cable  line  under  the  seas  as  well  as  a post-road  on  the  land. 

This  is  the  propitious  time  for  the  initiation  of  this  service  in  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  and  Hawaii  is  the  central  point  in  the  great  arc  of  the  circle  that  describes 
the  coast  of  North  America. 

At  this  central  point  all  cable  lines  through  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  points 
north  of  the  equator  must  unite.  Under  the  present  state  of  the  art  in  the 
construction  and  operation  of  transoceanic  cable  lines,  this  group  of  islands  is 
the  only  place  where  a line  can  be  successfully  operated  in  the  North  Pacific  Ocean. 
This  fact,  while  it  remains  unchanged,  gives  to  a cable  connecting  Hawaii  with 
the  continent  an  immense  volume  of  work,  which  must  yield  a great  revenue,  if 
no  other  cable  is  constructed. 

The  annexed  rough  draft  of  the  relative  location  of  the  islands  (not  includ- 
ing Neckar  Island),  prepared  by  a gentleman  of  much  ability,  shows  the  distances 
between  them  and  the  depth  of  water  on  the  connecting  plateaus,  with  an  estimate 
of  the  cost  of  the  cable  to  connect  them. 

The  eagerness  of  private  investors  to  lay  cables  to  Hawaii  and  to  connect  the 
islands,  under  contracts  with  the  Government  for  supplying  cable  service  for 
official  messages,  is  a convincing  proof  that  under  such  conditions  they  would 
be  valuable  property. 

Aside  from  the  fact  that  in  a few  years  the  Government  business  would 
refund  the  cost  of  the  cables,  if  paid  for  at  ordinary  rates,  it  is  of  supreme  impor- 
tance that  the  Government  should  have  the  absolute  military  control  of  the  line 
that  does  its  work. 

To  be  able  to  control  the  working  of  the  cable  only  through  the  enforcement 
of  legal  penalties  for  crimes  incident  to  this  responsible  branch  of  the  public 
service  would  be  a serious  defect  that  might  result  in  much  trouble  and  a 
dangerous  exposure  to  treachery. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


o 1 


REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  FINANCE. 

THE  HAWAIIAN  CURRENCY. 

The  gold  coins  of  the  United  States  are  the  only  unlimited  legal  tender. 
(Civil  Laws,  sec.  6G5.) 

Hawaiian  silver  coins  are  legal  tender  for  amounts  not  exceeding  $10.  United 
States  dimes  and  half  dimes  are  also  legal  tender  in  limited  amounts.  (Civil 
Laws,  secs.  666  and  667.) 

COINAGE. 


During  the  years  1884,  1885,  and  1886  the  following  Hawaiian  coins  were 
put  in  circulation,  having  theretofore  been  coined  at  the  United  States  mint  in  San 
Francisco  (Biennial  Report  Minister  of  Finance,  1890,  p.  7): 


Dollars  . 
Halves  . 
Quarters 
Dimes  . . 


500.000 

350.000 

125.000 
25,000 


This  is  the  only  Hawaiian  coinage  ever  executed. 

PAPER  CURRENCY. 

By  Session  Laws  1895,  act  19  (Civil  Laws,  secs.  672-675),  the  Minister  of 
Finance  was  authorized  to  issue  gold  and  silver  certificates  of  deposit,  upon  set- 
ting aside  sufficient  of  the  respective  coins  for  the  payment  of  such  certificates. 
The  act  also  provided  for  the  retirement  of  all  outstanding  certificates  of  deposit. 

Under  this  authority  certificates  of  deposit  have  been  issued  to  the  amount 
of  $272,500,  for  the  redemption  of  which  silver  coin  is  now  held  in  the  treasury. 
These  certificates  have  been  issued  in  the  following  denominations: 


5 dollars  $12,500 

10  dollars  35,000 

20  dollars  50,000 

50  dollars 75,000 

100  dollars 100,000 


There  remains  outstanding  of  old  issues  of  silver  certificates  made  under 
former  laws  a total  amount  of  $39,500.  No  record  remains  in  the  office  of  the 
finance  department  showing  the  denominations  of  these  certificates,  but  silver 
coins  are  on  deposit  in  the  treasury  for  their  redemption. 

Although  authorized  by  the  act  above  cited,  no  gold  certificates  have  been 


TBS  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


245 


issued.  The  Hawaiian  currency  consists  therefore  of  silver  coins  amounting  to 
$1,000,000,  of  which  $312,000  is  in  circulation  in  the  form  of  silver  certificates. 

Hawaiian  currency  in  the  treasury  at  this  date  (August  23,  1898),  exclusive 
of  silver  held  for  redemption  of  certificates,  is  approximately  $101,500. 

By  the  statutes  authorizing  coinage  of  silver  (Session  Laws  1880,  chap.  37, 
and  Session  Laws  1892,  chap.  8),  all  coins  were  required  to  he  made  of  the  same 
weight  and  fineness  as  the  United  States  coins  of  the  same  value. 

S.  M.  CULLOM. 


Hon.  Sanford  B.  Dole, 

Of  the  Hawaiian  Commission. 

Sir:  In  the  year  1883,  by  act  of  the  Legislature  of  the  Hawaiian  Government, 

the  sum  of  $1,000,000  was  authorized  to  he  issued  in  Hawaiian  silver  currency. 
This  amount  was  coined  by  the  United  States  mint  of  the  same  weight  and  fineness 
as  the  corresponding  amount  in  LTnited  States  silver  currency.  The  denominations 
were: 


l-dollar  pieces  $500,000 

50-cent  pieces  350,000 

25-cent  pieces 125,000 

Dimes  25,000 


Total  $1,000,000 


Of  this  amount  the  dime  has  practically  gone  out  of  circulation.  Of  the 
entire  amount  a fair  estimate  would  be  that  $50,000  (including  the  dimes)  have 
gone  out  of  circulation  and  disappeared.  There  remains,  therefore,  the  sum  of 
$950,000,  approximately,  in  Hawaiian  silver  currency  that  are  legal  tender  under 
the  present  laws  and  institutions  of  this  country  to  the  amount  of  $10  in  any  one 
payment.  This  currency,  however,  is  only  of  value  to  the  remaining  portions  of 
the  United  States  as  its  pure  silver  bears  to  the  piece,  based  on  the  current  value 
of  silver  for  the  day. 

While  your  honorable  body  is  considering  the  subject  of  the  obligations  of 
this  Government,  I desire  to  call  your  attention  to  the  subject  of  its  withdrawal 
from  circulation  and  substitution  by  a coin  that  would  be  legal  tender  in  all 
parts  of  the  United  States. 

Owing  to  the  nature  of  the  population  of  this  country  silver  will  always 
be  used  here  to  a greater  or  less  extent,  and  I desire  to  press  upon  your  attention 


246 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


the  necessity  of  considering  this  important  subject  while  the  Hawaiian  Com- 
mission is  in  session. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

S.  M.  DAMON, 

Minister  of  Finance. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  FISHERIES. 

Honolulu,  Hawaiian  Islands,  September  7,  1898. 

Hon.  Shelby  M.  Cullom, 

Chairman  of  the  Hawaiian  Commission. 

Sir:  Your  committee  on  fisheries  respectfully  submit  the  following  report: 

Each  of  these  islands  may  be  roughly  described  as  consisting  of  one  or  more 
central  lofty  mountains  with  sides  sloping  rapidly  toward  the  sea.  There  are 
naturally  few  lakes  or  ponds,  and  these  are  of  inconsiderable  size.  The  streams, 
while  numerous,  are  of  small  volume,  short  and  of  rapid  fall.  Much  of  the  coast 
line  is  skirted  with  a coral  reef,  between  which  and  the  shore  there  is  a space  of 
shallow  water.  From  the  reef,  and  where  there  is  no  reef  from  the  shore,  the 
water  deepens  rapidly. 

As  might  be  expected,  there  are  few  fish  in  the  streams  and  lakes,  and  these 
are  of  little  value.  They  belong,  as  at  common  law,  to  the  owners  of  the  soil 
under  the  streams  and  lakes. 

There  was  formerly  little  animal  food  upon  the  land,  and,  consequently, 
the  natives,  who  lived  mostly  along  the  coast,  looked  to  the  sea  as  their  chief 
source  of  animal  food.  It  followed  that  their  sea  fisheries  were  regarded  as  among 
their  most  valuable  properties.  These  were  closely  connected  with  the  ownership 
of  land;  indeed,  they  were  regarded  as  appurtenances  to  the  adjoining  or  neigh- 
boring lands,  and  the  laws  or  customs  governing  them  can  be  explained  only  by 
reference  to  .the  system  of  land  tenures  formerly  existing,  which  was  of  a feudal 
nature. 

Without  going  into  too  great  detail,  the  land  may  be  said  to  have  been 
divided  up  into  large  tracts  and  small  tracts.  The  large  tracts  commonly  included 
a strip  of  land  extending  from  the  summit  or  well  up  on  the  slopes  of  the  central 
mountain  of  an  island  to  the  sea.  These  were  called  ahupuaas  and  were  owned 
by  chiefs  or  lords,  called  konohikis.  Within  these  were  the  smaller  tracts,  called 
kuleauas,  occupied  by  the  common  people,  who  were  regarded  as  tenants  of  the 
owners  of  the  larger  tracts.  There  were  also  other  tracts,  generally  intermediate 
in  size,  called  ilis,  some  of  which  were  independent,  like  the  larger  tracts,  and 


49.  Group  of  Native  Dancers  in  Ati-Ati.  50.  Bridge  over  tbe  Lagune  in  Santa  Cruz.  51.  Types  of  the 
Masses  of  the  Filipinos.  52.  Grinding  Native  Rice.  53.  Native  Wood  Choppers.  54.  Women  of  Balagas 
Washing  Clothes.  55.  A Sugar  Cart  in  Batangas  Province.  56.  A Shepherd  of  Carabaos. 

VIEWS  FROM  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


249 


others  of  which  were  subordinate,  like  the  smaller  tracts.  The  King  was  lord 
over  all. 

As  lord  paramount  the  King  could  take  and  redistribute  the  fishing  rights  as 
well  as  the  lands  of  his  subjects.  This  he  did  in  1839,  taking  all  fishing  grounds 
and  giving  one  portion  of  them  to  the  common  people,  one  portion  to  the  land- 
lords, and  reserving  one  portion  for  himself,  at  the  same  time  prescribing  certain 
restrictions  and  regulations  under  which  the  rights  thus  conferred  were  to  be  exer- 
cised. This  was  done  by  statute,  the  provisions  of  which,  as  amended  from  time 
to  time,  are  still  in  force.  In  1846  and'  the  following  few  years  the  change  was 
made  from  the  feudal  system  to  that  of  several  ownership,  and  titles  were  awarded 
by  commissioners  to  quiet  land  titles  to  those  who  proved  ownership  or  right  of 
occupancy  under  the  pre-existing  system.  In  a few  cases  titles  to  fisheries  were 
awarded,  or  afterwards  patented  or  allowed  by  commissioners  of  boundaries,  by 
metes  and  bounds,  but  in  most  cases,  where  the  award  of  patent  referred  to  fisheries 
at  all,  it  conferred  merely  a right  of  fishery  as  an  appurtenance  to  the  land  without 
specifying  the  extent  of  the  fishery,  and  left  it  to  be  determined  either  by  the  gen- 
eral provisions  of  the  statute  or  the  testimony  of  witnesses.  In  the  majority  of 
cases,  however,  no  reference  was  made  to  fisheries,  and  the  right  rested  solely  on 
the  statute.  In  1848  the  great  division  of  lands  was  made  by  which  the  King  gave 
to  the  Government  a large  number  of  royal  lands,  and  upon  the  downfall  of  the 
monarchy  the  crown  lands  also  became  Government  lands. 

In  shoal  waters  along  the  shores  there  are  many  fish  ponds,  made  artificially 
by  the  construction  of  stone  walls  of  semicircular  form  with  the  shore  line  as  a 
diameter,  and  with  small  openings  through  the  wall  for  the  flow  of  the  tide.  These 
are  found  on  Government  lands  as  well  as  private  lands. 

Now,  bearing  in  mind  the  foregoing  facts,  the  sea  fisheries  of  these  islands, 
except  as  expressly  awarded  or  patented,  are  governed  as  follows  by  statute: 

All  fishing  grounds  appertaining  to  government  lands  or  otherwise  belonging 
to  the  government,  excepting  fish  ponds,  are  free  for  all  persons.  The  minister  of 
the  interior  may,  however,  for  the  protection  of  the  fishing  grounds,  forbid  the 
taking  of  fish  at  certain  seasons.  There  has  thus  far  been  no  occasion  for  the 
exercise  of  this  power  by  the  minister.  The  fish  ponds  owned  by  the  government 
are  leased  to  private  persons.  Their  future  disposition  is  an  appropriate  subject  for 
consideration  by  the  committee  on  public  lands.  Upon  the  sale  of  any  government 
land  the  fisheries  appertaining  thereto  remain  free.  No  person  residing  without 
the  islands  may  take  fish  within  the  waters  of  the  islands  for  the  purpose  of  sale 
without  the  islands.  The  fishing  grounds  from  the  shore  to  the  reef,  and  where 


250 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


there  is  no  reef  for  a distance  of  one  mile,  belong  to  the  konohikis,  for  the  use  of 
themselves  and  their  tenants.  Each  konohiki  may  set  apart  one  variety  of  fish  for 
himself,  or,  on  consultation  with  his  tenants,  may  prohibit  all  fishing  during  certain 
seasons,  and  during  the  fishing  season  receive  from  his  tenants  one-third  of  all  fish 
taken.  The  tenants  may  take  fish  either  for  themselves  or  for  sale  or  exportation. 
No  person  shall  use  giant  powder  or  other  explosive  substance  in  taking  fish.  No 
person  shall  take  the  young  of  the  mullet  and  awa  under  four  inches  in  length, 
except  for  the  purpose  of  stocking  ponds. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  fisheries  are  governed  here  by  principles  recognized 
by  the  common  law.  There  are  common  fisheries,  commons  of  fishery,  and  several 
fisheries;  but  owing  to  the  peculiar  conditions  that  have  existed  here  the  two  latter 
classes  of  fisheries  exist  here  to  a much  larger  extent  than  in  other  English-speaking 
countries.  Rights  of  fishery  here  are,  as  at  common  law,  subject  to  rights  of  navi-1 
gation.  They  are  subject  also  to  statutory  regulation. 

Until  recently  the  fishing  industry  has  been  engaged  in  chiefly  by  Hawaiians, 
but  of  late  the  Chinese  and  Japanese  have  entered  largely  into  it.  They  fish  both 
on  the  free  fishing  grounds  and  on  private  grounds,  including  fish  ponds,  which 
they  lease  from  the  owners.  No  fishing  on  a large  scale  has  yet  been  undertaken, 
but  a fishing  company  of  whites  has  recently  been  formed,  which  is  to  work  with  a 
sailing  vessel  about  70  feet  in  length,  with  auxiliary  steam  power.  Fishing  in 
shallow  water  near  shore  is  conducted  mostly  with  nets;  that  in  deep  water  with 
hook  and  line.  There  are  shoals  or  banks  offshore,  especially  in  the  channels  be- 
tween Oahu,  Molokai,  Maui,  Kahoolawe,  and  Lanai,  which  are  said  to  be  good 
fishing  grounds. 

Fish  are  not  found  in  such  quantities  in  Hawaiian  waters  as  in  some  other 
waters,  and  yet  the  number  of  species  is  perhaps  unusually  large,  amounting  to 
several  hundred,  of  which  about  100  may  be  found  in  the  markets.  These  are  oi 
great  variety  of  size,  shape,  and  color,  and  include  many  species  of  excellent  food 
qualities.  The  sales  at  the  Honolulu  fish  market  amount  to  from  40,000  to  80,000 
fish  of  varying  sizes  per  week.  These  are  all  inspected  by  an  officer  of  the  board  oi 
health. 

Hawaiian  waters  afford  rare  opportunities  for  the  study  of  fish  and  other 
marine  life.  While  some  scientific  investigation  has  been  made  in  this  direction 
it  has  been  very  limited,  owing  to  lack  of  facilities.  The  establishment  here  of  a] 
station  under  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Fish  and  Fisheries  would  nr 
doubt  prove  to  be  of  great  benefit  to  both  the  people  of  these  islands  and  those 
of  the  mainland.  In  this  connection  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  add  that  there 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


251 


is  some  prospect  for  tire  establishment  here  of  a marine  aquarium  and  biological 
laboratory  by  the  trustees  of  the  Bernice  Pauahi  Bishop  Museum,  and  that  the 
Hawaiian  legislature  at  its  last  session  authorized  the  minister  of  the  interior  to 
reserve  a portion  of  the  reef  on  the  southeasterly  -side  of  the  channel  of  Honolulu 
harbor  for  a marine  park,  and  to  enter  into  an  agreement  with  the  said  trustees 
for  the  establishment  of  such  aquarium  and  laboratory  within  said  park. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  F.  FREAR, 

JNO.  T.  MORGAN. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  PUBLIC  LANDS. 

The  Committee  on  Public  Lands,  to  whom  was  referred  the  subject  for  investi- 
gation, beg  leave  to  report  as  follows: 

Prior  to  the  year  1846,  all  the  lands  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  belonged,  in 
legal  contemplation,  to  the  King,  and  the  chiefs  and  people,  as  tenants,  by  a system 
closely  resembling  the  feudal  system  of  England,  held  their  respective  parcels  by 
payment  of  rent  or  rendering  of  service.  In  that  year  King  Kamehameha  III. 
granted  to  his  chiefs  and  people  certain  portions  of  the  land,  to  Government  pur- 
poses certain  other  portions,  and  reserved  to  himself  the  remainder.  By  an  act 
passed  June  7,  1848,  the  Legislature  accepted  his  grant,  and  confirmed  to  the  King, 
his  heirs  and  successors,  certain  described  lands  which  were  thenceforth  known  as 
crown  lands.  In  the  act  organizing  the  execiitive  departments,  provision  was  made 
for  the  appointment  of  a land  commission  to  receive  and  pass  upon  the  claims  of 
occupants  of  lands  to  their  respective  holdings  in  the  portion  of  lands  set  apart  for 
the  chiefs  and  people.  This  commission  heard  the  testimony  of  claimants,  caused 
surveys  to  be  made,  and  issued  to  the  occupants  entitled  thereto  certificates  called 
“land  commission  awards.”  These  awards  established  the  right  of  the  grantee  to 
the  possession  of  the  land  and  entitled  him,  upon  payment  of  one-fourth  of  the 
value  of  the  bare  land,  to  receive  a royal  patent  for  his  holding.  These  awards, 
and  the  patents  issued  pursuant  thereto,  are  the  source  of  title  to  all  the  lands  not 
public  lands,  or  reserved  as  crown  lands. 

The  lands  thus  confirmed  to  the  chiefs  and  known  according  to  their  extent 
as  ahupuaas  or  ilis,  amounted  to  1,571,341  acres,  and  the  lands  confirmed  to  the 
common  people,  and  known  as  kuleanas,  aggregated  28,658  acres.  (Hawaiian  An- 
nual, 1898,  p.  34.) 

The  crown  lands  reserved  to  the  King  under  the  act  of  1848  were  in  1865 
(act  January  3,  1865)  placed  in  the  hands  of  a body  known  as  the  commission  of 


252 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


crown  lands.  This  body  was  empowered  to  lease  the  crown  lands  fori  periods  not 
exceeding  thirty  years,  but  not  to  alienate  the  same.  The  net  rentals  belonged  to 
the  monarch  as  a personal  perquisite. 

The  Government  lands  were  authorized  to  be  sold  by  the  minister  of  the 
interior,  with  the  consent  of  the  executive  council  (Civil  Laws,  sec.  169-171). 

By  an  act  passed  July  9,  1850,  one-twentieth  of  all  public  lands  was  set  apart 
for  the  support  of  schools.  Provision  was  made  for  the  selection  by,  and  patenting 
to,  the  board  of  education  of  the  lands  thus  set  apart,  and  the  board  of  education 
was  empowered  to  sell  and  lease  lands  thus  received  (Civil  Laws,  sec.  157).  Part 
of  the  lands  thus  set  apart  are  used  as  sites  for  school  buildings,  part  is  leased, 
and  part  has  been  sold.  (See  Table  No.  I.) 

In  1884  an  act  was  passed  for  the  setting  aside  of  homesteads  to  landless  appli- 
cants on  liberal  terms,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  very  little  used,  only  557  holdings 
having  been  taken  up  under  it,  of  which  256  have  been  patented.  Under  this 
method  a party  wyas  prohibited  from  acquiring  more  than  2 acres  of  taro  or  wet 
land  and  more  than  20  acres  of  dry  land.  The  fee  for  such  settlement  was  $10. 

In  1891,  Queen  Liliuokalani  divided  a part  of  her  crown  land  holdings  in 
Hawaii  into  small  tracts  and  provided  for  the  leasing  of  them  to  homestead  occu- 
pants upon  easy  terms. 

The  foregoing  roughly  outlines  the  enactments  regarding  the  disposition  of 
the  lands  up  to  the  year  1895,  when  the  legislature  met  under  the  Republic.  The 


provided  a comprehensive  system  for  the  care  and  disposition  of  the  public 
domain. 

By  this  act  the  “crown  lands”  are  treated  as  having  vested  in  the  Republic 
upon  the  abolition  of  the  monarchy,  and  are  now  embraced  as  public  lands.  The 
public  lands  are  placed  under  the  control  of  a board  of  three  commissioners,  one 
of  whom  is  the  minister  of  the  interior.  The  other  two  are  appointed  by  the 
President,  with  the  approval  of  the  cabinet,  and  one  of  them  is  designated  as  agent 
of  public  lands.  The  act  divides  the  islands  into  six  land  districts  and  provides! 
for  each  district  a subagent  of  public  lands  and  ranges. 


The  Committee  on  Judiciary  submit  the  following  report  upon  the  “elective 
franchise:” 


legislature  of  that  year  passed  what  it  designated  as  the  “land  act,  1895,”  which 


REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  THE  JUDICIARY. 


The  question  of  the  elective  franchise  and  of  representation  in  the  legislative 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


253 


body  is  a delicate  and  most  important  question,  as  upon  this  depends  the  general 
character  of  the  local  government. 

Two  classes  of  qualifications  have  been  relied  on  chiefly  in  the  past  to  pre- 
serve a fair  standard  of  membership  in  the  legislature.  These  are  the  educational 
and  the  property  qualifications.  The  educational  qualification  merely  requires 
members  and  voters  for  members  of  each  branch  of  the  legislature  to  be  able  to 
read,  write,  and  speak  the  English  or  Hawaiian  language.  This  qualification  has 
long  been  required  in  Hawaii  and  no  objection  has  been  offered  to  it  from  any 
quarter.  Practically  all  the  native  Hawaiians  possess  this  qualification. 

The  property  qualifications  are  more  restrictive,  and  this  subcommittee,  while 
believing  that  the  time  will  come  when  these  can  be  removed  entirely,  are  of  the 
opinion  that  for  the  present  they  should  be  retained  to  some  extent.  The  prop- 
erty qualifications  should  not,  however,  be  increased.  They  might  perhaps  with 
safety  be  reduced.  Conditions  in  this  respect  in  Hawaii  differ  from  those  in  the 
United  States.  The  people  of  Hawaii  have  always  been  accustomed  to  restrictions 
in  the  matter  of  representation,  especially  in  the  upper  branch  of  the  Legislature. 
A review  of  the  past  will  show  this  clearly,  and  will  show  also  that  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  commission  are  decidedly  in  the  direction  of  extension  rather 
than  of  restriction  of  the  privilege  of  representation. 

Under  the  present  constitution  of  Hawaii  members  of  the  lower  branch  of  the 
legislative  body  are  required  to  own  property  valued  at  not  less  than  $1,000,  or  to 
have  an  annual  income  of  not  less  than  $600.  It  is  recommended  that  these  figures 
be  now  reduced  to  $500  and  $250,  respectively. 

Under  the  present  constitution  members  of  the  upper  house  are  required  to 
own  property  valued  at  $3,000,  or  to  have  an  annual  income  of  $1,200.  It  is  now 
recommended  that  these  figures  be  reduced  to  $2,000  and  $1,000,  respectively. 

These  restrictions  upon  membership  in  the  two  houses  are  good  as  far  as  they 
go,  and  yet  they  are  not  as  effective  as  might  at  first  appear,  for  there  are  always 
some  men  of  every  class  who  possess  these  qualifications.  The  only  effective  way 
to  obtain  a fairly  conservative  Legislature  under  conditions  such  as  exist  at  present 
in  Hawaii,  is  to  require  proper  qualifications  of  the  voters  themselves. 

For  many  years,  under  the  monarchy,  voters  for  members  of  the  lower  house 
were  required  to  own  property  to  the  extent  of  $150,  or  a leasehold  on  which  the 
annual  rent  was  at  least  $25,  or  to  have  an  annual  income  of  $75.  These  restric- 
tions were  finally  removed  under  the  monarchy.  There  has  been  no  property 
qualification  whatever  for  voters  for  members  of  the  lower  house  under  the  Re- 
public, and  it  is  recommended  that  there  shall  be  none  in  the  future. 


254 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


As  to  the  upper  house,  the  people  were  for  many  years  not  permitted  to  vote 
at  all  for  its  members.  At  first  its  members  were  appointed  by  the  King,  and 
membership  was  hereditary.  Afterwards  they  were  appointed  for  life.  It  was  not 
until  1887,  under  the  Monarchy,  that  they  were  elected  by  the  people,  and  then 
the  voters  were  required  to  own  property,  real  or  personal,  valued  at  $3,000,  or  to 
have  an  annual  income  of  $600.  Under  the  Republic  the  amount  of  real  property 
required  was  reduced  to  $1,500,  the  amount  of  personal  property  remain- 
ing at  $3,000  and  the  annual  income  at  $600.  It  is  now  proposed  to  re- 
move the  personal  property  qualification  altogether,  to  reduce  the  real  property 
qualification  to  $1,000,  and  to  allow  the  income  qualification  to  remain  at  $600. 
This  seems  to  be  as  great  a reduction  as  can  safely  be  made  at  the  present  time. 
This  is  evident  from  the  history  of  the  past,  especially  during  the  last  years  of  the 
Monarchy,  when  the  property  qualifications  were  greater  than  it  is  now  proposed  to 
make  them. 

The  qualifications  proposed  are  more  liberal  than  have  ever  existed  before  in 
Hawaii,  and  under  them  a large  portion  of  the  native  Hawaiians  can  vote  for  mem- 
bers of  the  upper  house  and  practically  all  of  them  for  members  of  the  lower  house. 
The  suffrage  has  been  extended  in  the  past  in  Hawaii  by  degrees.  It  is  believed 
to  be  wisest  to  continue  this  process  of  growth.  To  remove  the  property  qualifica- 
tions gradually  is  probably  the  quickest  way  to  obtain  their  entire  removal  ulti- 
mately. To  sweep  them  all  away  at  the  present  time  might  prove  so  disastrous 
as  to  produce  a reaction,  by  which  the  franchise  might  be  restricted  much  more 
than  it  is  at  present,  if  not  taken  away  altogether.  The  two  houses  sit  separately, 
and  by  requiring  a property  qualification  for  voters  for  the  upper  house  and  no 
such  qualification  for  voters  for  the  lower  house,  all  classes  are  fairly  represented 
and  each  class  may  act  as  a check  upon  the  other,  since  no  bill  can  be  passed  without 
the  concurrence  of  both  houses.  To  materially  reduce  the  qualifications  below 
what  it  is  now  proposed  to  make  them  would  be  to  practically  turn  the  Legislature 
over  to  the  masses,  a large  portion  of  whom  have  not  yet  fully  learned  the  meaning 
of  representative  government,  and  to  practically  deprive  the  more  conservative 
elements  and  property  owners  of  effective  representation. 

Heretofore  the  two  houses  have  been  equal  in  membership,  each  containing 
fifteen  members.  It  is  now  proposed  to  double  the  membership  of  the  lower  house. 
This  will  increase  the  representation  of  the  masses  and  at  the  same  time  give  the 
lower  house  greater  protection  from  outside  influences. 


JNO.  T.  MORGAN. 
W.  F.  FREAR. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


255 


REPORT  OF  THE  COMMISSION  ON  THE  POSTAL  SERVICE. 

The  Hawaiian  postal  system  is,  in  its  general  character,  based  upon  and 
modeled  after  the  methods  long  established  in  the  United  States.  The  special  de- 
tails of  operation,  required  by  special  conditions  upon  the  islands,  can  be  readily 
provided  for  by  inconsiderable  modifications  of  the  existing  regulations  of  the 
United  States  Post-Office  Department  in  their  application  there. 

The  111  officers  and  employees  in  the  Hawaiian  postal  service  are  now  ap- 
pointed by  the  Postmaster-General.  By  the  laws  and  regulations  of  the  United 
States  they  would  be  classified  and  appointed,  a part  by  the  President  and  a part  by 
the  Postmaster-General. 

The  receipts  of  the  Hawaiian  postal  bureau  for  1897  were  $73,529.99  and  the 
disbursements  $66,659.37,  showing  a net  profit  of  $6,870.62. 

The  following  statement  will  show  this  in  more  detail. 


HAWAIIAN  POSTAL  BUREAU  FOR  YEAR  1897. 
REVENUE  AND  RECEIPTS. 


Due  from  island  offices  January  1. |44.00 

Stamp  sales  56,799.20 

Box  rents  4,749.79 

Island  box  rents 950.25 

General  postage  879.17 

Tax  letters  818.24 

Money-order  fees  9,496.36 


73,737.01 

£ess  stamp  exchange. 207.02 

■ ■ ■ 173,529.99 


DISBURSEMENTS. 


Postmaster-general  and  clerks  $21,492.50 

Pay  of  postmaster 17,284.00 

Pay  of  mail  carriage 16,382.50 

Incidentals  9,766.51 

Special  mail  carriage 1,733.86 

— $66,659.37 


Net  gain : $6,870.62 


With  the  adoption  and  application  of  the  United  States  postal  laws  there  may 
not  be  so  favorable  a financial  showing  in  future,  as  the  rates  on  printed  matter, 
far  below  cost  to  the  Government,  provided  by  our  laws  will  at  once  reduce  the 


256 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


Hawaiian  postal  revenues,  and  there  would  be  a falling  off  for  ocean  postage  to  the 
United  States. 

The  interisland  mails  are  now  carried  free  of  charge  by  the  lines  of  interisland 
steamers  in  compliance  with  a provision  in  their  licenses  requiring  the  performance 
of  this  work.  , 

Statements  are  hereto  appended  of  the  post-offices,  postmasters  and  other 
employees,  the  salaries  paid,  bonds  required,  sales  of  stamps,  and  box  rents;  also  a 
communication  from  Hon.  S.  M.  Damon,  minister  of  finance,  pointing  out  the 
advantages  of  the  continuance  of  the  present  parcels-post  system,  by  which  the 
Hawaiian  rates  now  are  to  the  United  States,  per  pound,  12  cents;  to  Canada,  20 
cents;  to  the  United  Kingdom  and  Australia,  25  cents. 

R.  R.  HITT. 

W.  F.  FREAR. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  CORPORATIONS. 

The  body  of  Hawaiian  law  in  relation  to  the  creation  and  control  of  corpora- 
tions, domestic  and  foreign,  and  of  joint-stock  companies,  while  based  upon  the 
principles  and  methods  followed  in  the  States,  is  very  liberal,  and  contains  pro- 
visions which  have  grown  out  of  the  conditions  surrounding  enterprises  under- 
taken in  these  islands.  In  regard  to  the  personal  liberty  of  stockholders  in  corpora- 
tions and  joint-stock  companies,  there  is  a narrow  limit  of  liability.  “No  stock- 
holder shall  be  liable  for  the  debts  of  the  corporation  beyond  the  amount  of  what 
may  be  due  on  the  stock  or  shares  held  or  owned  by  him.”  (Secs.  2019  and  2035, 
Civil  Code.)  In  regard  to  bank  corporations  the  law  makes  every  stockholder  indi- 
vidually and  personally  liable  for  such  portions  of  the  bank’s  debts  and  liabilities 
as  the  amount  of  stock  or  shares  owned  by  him  bears  to  the  whole  of  the  subscribed 
capital  stock  or  shares  of  the  corporation,  and  for  a like  proportion  only  of  each 
debt  or  claim  against  the  corporation  (sec.  2057).  “No  charter  shall  be  granted 
any  company  whose  capital  stock  is  less  than  $200,000.”  (Sec.  2052.) 

There  has  been  a rapid  growth  of  corporations  in  almost  every  form  of 
industry  upon  the  islands,  in  one  feature  far  out  of  proportion  to  what  is  seen  in 
the  States,  viz.,  corporate  companies  carrying  on  farming,  which,  in  our  country, 
is  generally  carried  on  by  individuals.  Sugar  plantations  on  these  islands  are 
nearly  all  owned  by  corporations.  The  sugar  industry  is  by  far  the  largest  single 
interest  in  value  and  in  profit. 

The  fact  that  the  sugar  plantations  are  almost  wholly  conducted  by  companies 
is  partly  owing  to  the  fact  that  large  capital  is  required  at  the  very  beginning,  and 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


257 


the  laws  make  possible  the  union  of  small  investments  without  great  liability. 
There  has  been  an  element  of  special  risk,  too,  in  the  industry.  Investors  always 
bore  in  mind  that  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  industry  depended  upon  the  reci- 
procity treaty  with  the  United  States,  the  benefits  of  which  have  actually  been 
changed  by  legislation  in  the  United  States,  and  reciprocity  might  have  been 
repealed  altogether  with  a change  of  policy  or  of  party  control  in  the  United 
States.  Men  did  not  like  to  risk  all  they  had  in  one  venture,  but  would  take 
shares  in  companies.  With  the  removal  of  this  element  of  uncertainty,  now  that 
comparative  stability  of  government  is  assured  by  annexation,  that  element  of 
uncertainty  will  disappear,  and  with  it  the  tendency  to  put  every  enterprise  into 
the  form  of  a corporation  will  diminish.  But  the  large  capital  necessary  to  procure 
the  land,  buy  the  machinery  of  irrigation  and  the  sugar  mills,  and  meet  the  large 
expenses  of  cultivating  implements,  and  the  long  pay  roll  of  the  laborers,  all  of 
which  must  be  advanced  long  before  any  return  begins,  will  probably  continue, 
though  in  a less  degree  than  heretofore,  to  induce  people  to  prefer  to  invest  in 
sugar-planting  companies,  rather  than  to  attempt  a plantation  single-handed.  This 
will  doubtless  be  the  course  even  of  the  few  persons  who  may  have  the  capital 
to  make  the  attempt. 

Lists  and  descriptions  of  the  corporations — mercantile,  agricultural,  and  man- 
ufacturing, domestic  and  foreign — now  existing  and  operating  in  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  and  of  church,  charitable,  and  literary  associations,  are  hereto  appended. 

R.  R.  HITT. 

W.  F.  FREAR. 

THE  COMMITTEE  ON  HEALTH  REPORTS  ON  LEPROSY. 

This  subject  occupies  a place  intermediate  between  quarantine  and  purely  local 
health  matters.  There  is  little  danger  of  its  introduction  from  abroad,  and  yet 
it  is  a contagious  disease  which  deeply  concerns  the  islands  as  a whole  and  the 
United  States  as  well.  It  is  the  largest  subject  with  which  the  board  of  health 

deals. 

A system  of  segregation  has  been  enforced  since  1865.  A tract  of  land  two 
or  three  miles  across,  on  the  Island  of  Molokai,  peculiarly  adapted  for  the  pur- 
pose by  reason  of  its  complete  isolation,  being  inclosed  on  one  side  by  a lofty 
precipice  and  on  the  other  sides  by  the  ocean,  is  set  apart  exclusively  for  the 
leper  settlement.  The  following  table  shows  the  number  of  lepers  at  the  settle- 
ment at  the  end  of  each  year  of  its  history,  also  the  number  of  admissions  and 
deaths  or  discharges  for  each  year: 


258 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


Year. 


1866 

1867 

1868 

1869 

1870 

1871 

1872 

1873 

1874 

1875 

1876 

1877 

1878 

1879 

1880 
1881 
1882 

1883 

1884 

1885 

1886 

1887 

1888 

1889 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 

1895 

1896 

1897 


Admis- 

sions. 


141 

70 
115 
126 

57 

183 

105 
487 

91 

212 

96 

163 

239 

125 

51 

232 

71 
301 
108 
103 

43 

220 

579 

308 

202 

143 

109 

211 

128 

106 
146 
124 


Deaths. 


26 

25 

28 

59 

58 

51 

64 

156 

161 

163 

122 

129 

147 

209 

152 

132 

121 

150 
168 
142 
100 
108 
212 
149 
158 
212 
137 

151 
155 
128 
116 
139 


Discharged 
or  unac- 
counted for. 


10 

7 
2 

11 

4 

9 

4 

21 

8 

14 

3 

1 


1 

10 


6 

15 

8 

26 

8 

4 

28 

7 

18 

2 

19 


3 

15 

2 


Number 
on  the 
books 
Dec.  31. 


The  lepers  at  the  settlement  at  the  end  of  1897  were  as  follows  by  nationality: 


Hawaiians 984 

Half-castes  62 


Chinese 32 

Americans 5 

British 4 

Germans 4 

Portuguese 6 

Russians  1 

South  Sea  Islanders  2 


Total 


1,100 


There  are  at  the  settlement  67  nonleprous  children  and  98  nonleprous  helpers, 
*s  follows: 


Native  volunteer  helpers  

Catholic  priests  

Protestant  pastor  and  wife 

Physician  

Franciscan  sisters  

Japanese  servants  to  sisters 

Catholic  brothers  

Japanese  servants  to  superintendent 


Total 


98 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


259 


It  will  be  noticed  that  the  number  of  lepers  at  the  settlement  during  the  last 
ten  years  has  been  larger  than  previously,  and  that  during  that  period  the  number 
has  remained  fairly  constant.  This  does  not  indicate  that  leprosy  is  on  the  in- 
crease, or  even  that  it  is  holding  its  own.  The  testimony  of  the  government 
physicians  and  agents  of  the  board  is  that  it  is  diminishing.  The  greater  number 
at  the  settlement  during  the  last  ten  years  is  due  to  stricter  enforcement  of  segre- 
gation, this  being  the  period  since  the  revolution  of  1887,  when  the  reform 
government  came  into  power.  Moreover,  owing  to  this  stricter  enforcement, 
the  lepers  are  gathered  in  for  the  most  part  now  at  an  earlier  stage  of  the  disease 
than  was  formerly  the  case,  and,  consequently,  the  death  rate  at  the  settle- 
ment is  lower  now  than  formerly.  Undoubtedly  as  time  goes  on  the  number  of  lepers 
and  the  expense  of  this  branch  of  the  service  will  diminish  until  it  becomes  nil. 

The  lepers  live  principally  in  two  villages,  called  Kalaupapa  and  Kalawao, 
situated,  respectively,  on  opposite  sides  of  the  tongue  of  land  reserved  for  the  settle- 
ment. There  are  716  buildings  at  the  settlement,  the  majority  of  which  are  owned 
by  the  government.  These  include  a court-house,  jail,  schoolhouses,  offices,  ware- 
houses, workshops,  slaughter-houses,  dispensaries,  medical  bathhouses,  hospitals, 
dormitories,  many  cottages,  etc.  At  Kalawao  there  is  a home  for  boys,  the  gift 
of  private  persons,  conducted  under  the  board  of  Roman  Catholic  brothers,  and 
at  Kalaupapa  a similar  home  for  girls,  in  charge  of  Roman  Catholic  sisters.  There 
is  a Young  Men’s  Christian  Association,  Protestant  churches,  Roman  Catholic, 
and  Mormon  churches.  A store  is  maintained  by  the  board  for  the  benefit  of  the 
lepers.  There  is  a system  of  waterworks.  A district  magistrate  goes  to  the 
settlement  at  times  from  the  other  side  of  the  island  to  hold  court.  There  is  a 
band  at  Kalawao  and  Kalaupapa  each,  the  members  of  which  are  lepers,  and  the 
uniforms  and  instruments  for  which  are  the  gifts  of  private  persons.  The  settle- 
ment is  a little  world  in  itself. 

The  lepers  may  erect  buildings  and  cultivate  land  for  their  own  benefit. 
Lepers  living  outside  the  homes  receive  weekly  rations  of  food,  monthly  rations 
of  some  other  things,  such  as  soap,  matches,  and  oil,  and  semi-annual  “clothes- 
ration  orders”  of  the  value  of  $5.  They  are  exempt  from  personal  taxes,  and 
taxes  on  their  personal  property  at  the  settlement.  They  enjoy  a franking  privi- 
lege as  to  interisland  letters.  They  may  be  required  to  perform  a reasonable 
labor. 

Great  care  is  taken  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the  disease,  although  it  is  not  so 
contagious  as  popularly  supposed.  Visitors  are  not  allowed  at  the  settlement 
except  by  express  permission,  nor  are  persons  residing  there  allowed  to  leave 


260 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


the  settlement  without  similar  permission.  Passenger  vessels  of  over  250  tons  are 
forbidden  to  carry  lepers  except  as  directed  by  the  board.  Financial  transactions 
with  the  outside  are  conducted  by  means  of  postal  orders,  money  seldom  leaving 
the  settlement,  and  then  only  after  it  is  purified.  Great  care  is  also  taken  to 
preserve  cleanliness  at  the  settlement. 

At  Kalihi,  near  Honolulu,  there  is  a home  for  nonleprous  girls  of  leprous 
parents  in  charge  of  Franciscan  sisters.  At  the  same  place  there  is  a receiving 
station  for  the  reception  and  examination  of  leper  suspects  sent  from  the  various 
districts;  also  a hospital  for  special  study  and  treatment  of  leprosy,  with  a bac- 
teriological laboratory,  in  charge  of  a specialist. 

The  leper  settlement  is  conducted  economically  as  well  as  with  great  efficiency. 
The  cost  of  conducting  the  settlement  and  the  establishment  at  Kalihi  together 
amounts  to  only  about  $100  per  leper  per  annum. 

How  far  internal  health  matters  as  distinguished  from  quarantine  should 
be  controlled  by  the  Federal  Government  would  depend  largely  upon  the  nature 
of  those  matters  and  the  manner  in  which  the  control  is  exercised.  It  would 
seem  that  the  power  of  Federal  control  should  exist  over  contagious  and  infectious 
diseases  as  distinguished  from  other  internal  health  matters.  These  are  diseases 
the  control  of  which  is  of  vital  interest  to  the  whole  people.  It  does  not  follow, 
however,  that  this  power  should  always  he  exercised  directly  by  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment or  exclusively  through  Federal  officers;  but  in  cases  of  conflict  between 
Federal  and  local  power,  when  exercised  in  this  respect,  the  former  should  he 
predominant,  the  latter  subordinate  or  auxiliary.  The  main  object  is  to  secure 
protection,  both  to  the  people  at  large  and  to  the  localities  more  directly  con- 
cerned, and  at  tlie  same  time  to  work  as  little  hardship  and  cause  as  little  offense 
as  possible.  Leprosy  is  the  only  domestic  contagious  disease  in  Hawaii  that 
need  be  specially  considered.  The  native  Hawaiians  are  the  people  to  whom 
this  disease  is  almost  exclusively  confined.  They  have  little  or  no  fear  of  this 
disease  and  are  peculiarly  devoted  to  their  friends  and  relatives.  It  therefore 
requires  a great  deal  of  tact  and’  good  judgment  to  enforce  segregation  without 
giving  undue  offense  or  working  undue  hardship.  In  the  past,  attempts  to  enforce 
segregation  have  more  than  once  led  to  bloodshed.  But  at  the  present  time  it 
is  believed  that  such  experience  has  been  had  by  the  officers  and  agents  of  the 
Hawaiian  board  of  health  that  strict  segregation  may  be  enforced  with  compara- 
tively little  friction.  Officers  who  have  not  had  such  experience  and  who  do  not 
understand  Hawaiian  ways  and  character  would  encounter  great  difficulties  and 
cause  great  discontent.  The  Federal  Government  could  not  do  better,  either 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


361 


in  point  of  economy  or  in  point  of  effectiveness,  at  least  so  long  as  present  condi- 
tions continue,  than  to  permit  this  disease  to  be  controlled  through  the  local 
officers  and  the  existing  machinery.  But  it  would  seem  to  be  only  just  that  the 
Federal  Government  should  share  in  the  expense. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  AGRICULTURE. 

Hon.  Shelby  M.  Cullom, 

Chairman  of  the  Hawaiian  Commission: 

I have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  on  agriculture: 

Lands  under  the  control  of  the  Hawaiian  Government  previous  to  annexation 
are  divided  into  two  general  classes,  one  of  which  includes  town  lots,  sites  of 
public  buildings,  land  devoted  to  public  uses,  such  as  roads,  landings,  nurseries, 
forest  reservations,  reservations  for  conservation  of  water  supply,  and  public  parks 
— generally  designated  as  Government  lands,  which  remain  under  the  manage- 
ment of  the  minister  of  the  interior;  all  other  lands  are  placed  under  the  control 
of  the  commissioners  of  public  lands,  under  the  designation  of  public  lands. 

These  are  classified  as  agricultural,  pastoral,  pastoral  agricultural,  forest,  and 
waste  land. 

Agricultural  land  is  divided  into  three  classes: 

First  class.  Land  suitable  for  the  cultivation  of  fruit,  coffee,  sugar,  or  other 
similar  crops,  with  or  without  irrigation. 

Second  class.  Land  suitable  for  the  cultivation  of  annual  crops  only. 

Third  class.  Wet  land. 

Pastoral  land  is  divided  into  two  classes: 

First  class.  Land  not  within  the  description  of  agricultural  land,  but  capable 
of  carrying  live  stock  the  year  through. 

Second  class.  Land  capable  of  carrying  live  stock  only  a part  of  the  year, 
and  otherwise  inferior  to  the  first  class. 

These  divisions  of  the  public  lands  are  necessarily  somewhat  arbitrary  and 
only  approximate  definiteness  in  description.  For  instance,  some  first-class  pastoral 
land  is  fair  second-class  agricultural  land,  and  much  of  the  pastoral  land  of  both 
the  first  and  second  classes  becomes  first-class  agricultural  land  upon  the  applica- 
tion of  irrigation. 

Wet  land  is  used  as  such  for  the  cultivation  of  only  taro  and  rice,  but  it  is 
sometimes  dried  off  or  drained  and  used  for  the  cultivation  of  sugar. 

First-class  agricultural  land  may  be  loosely  divided  into  sugar  land  and 


- 26? 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


fruit  and  coffee  land,  the  former  generally  lying  at  low  elevations  and  the  latter 
beginning  where  the  former  leaves  off  and  reaching  near  to  the  frost  line,  though 
all  sugar  lands  are  more  or  less  suitable  for  the  cultivation  of  some  kinds  of 
fruit. 

The  staple  agricultural  products,  leaving  out  for  the  present  the  subject  of 
live  stock,  are  taro,  sugar,  rice,  coffee,  and  bananas. 

Taro  is  the  staff  of  life  to  the  aboriginal  Hawaiians,  and  is  entirely  consumed 
at  home,  except  a small  amount  of  taro  flour,  which  is  exported.  It  is  generally 
raised  in  wet  land,  but  it  grows  well  and  is  cultivated  to  a considerable  extent 
in  dry  land.  The  crop  is  a profitable  one,  but  has  suffered  in  recent  years  from 
the  attacks  of  various  insect  pests. 

There  are  no  statistics  from  which  information  can  be  obtained  as  to  the 
aggregate  annual  yield  and  average  profits  of  this  crop. 

Sugar  was  first  grown  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  on  lands  enjoying  a sufficient 
rainfall  the  year  through  for  its  successful  cultivation,  and  it  is  still  extensively 
produced  on  such  lands.  Irrigation  by  gravity  from  running  streams  was  intro- 
duced at  an  early  period,  and  the  results  were  so  beneficial  that  its  development 
was  rapid,  and  extensive  arid  areas  in  different  parts  of  the  islands  were  thus 
reclaimed.  Irrigation  by  water  artificially  raised  was  a later  enterprise,  and  has 
become  especially  successful  in  recent  years  through  radical  improvements  in 
pumping  machinery.  Fertilizers  are  almost  universally  used  by  sugar  growers 
with  satisfactory  results.  Steam  plows  are  generally  used  where  the  character  of 
the  land  permits,  with  marked  improvement  in  the  productive  quality  of  the  soil. 

It  is  probable  that  sugar  production  depending  upon  a water  supply  from 
rainfall  or  from  streams  by  gravity  flow  has  nearly  reached  its  limit,  and  that  all 
future  increase  in  the  sugar  production  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  will  be  through 
aid  of  pumping  machinery. 

As  substantially  all  of  the  sugar  produced  in  these  islands  is  exported,  the 
custom-house  statistics  fairly  give  the  extent  of  the  production.  This  for  1897 
was  520,158,232  pounds,  worth  $15,390,422.13. 

Rice  is  always  grown  in  wet  land  and  is  almost  entirely  cultivated  by  the 
Chinese,  many  of  whom  have  improved  machinery  moved  by  water  power  for 
preparing  the  crop  for  the  market.  Two  crops  are  raised  each  year  from  the 
same  land.  Fertilizers  are  much  used.  The  product  is  of  the  best  quality.  While 
there  is  a large  consumption  of  rice  at  home,  the  export  for  1897  amounted  to  j 
5,499,499  pounds,  worth  $225,575.52. 

The  cultivation  of  coffee  is  a comparatively  new  enterprise,  only  a few  of  the 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


263 


plantations  being  as  yet  in  full  bearing.  Coffee  was  tried  on  a considerable  scale 
in  the  fifties,  but  was  a failure  through  insect  pests.  At  that  time  it  was  generally 
cultivated  on  low  lands;  now  it  is  agreed  that  in  this  country  coffee  should  be 
cultivated  at  elevations  between  300  or  400  and  2,500  feet  above  the  sea.  The 
best  soil  for  it  is  loose  alluvium  over  a subsoil  of  aa  (broken  volcanic  rock).  The 
elevation  required  for  its  cultivation  places  it  well  within  the  forest  belt,  a cir- 
cumstance which  often  calls  for  a considerable  outlay  for  clearing.  Irrigation 
is  seldom  used  in  coffee  culture.  Four  or  five  years  from  transplanting  are  required 
by  a coffee  tree  for  reaching  a full  bearing  capacity. 

Coffee  raising  can  be  favorably  carried  on  upon  a small  scale,  although  in 
the  pulping  and  cleaning  processes  co-operation  among  neighboring  planters  is 
desirable. 

On  account  of  the  increasing  demand  for  coffee  lands,  and  the  fact  that  this 
enterprise  can  be  profitably  carried  on  in  small  holdings,  the  Government  has  de- 
voted its  energies,  under  the  settlement  provisions  of  its  land  legislation,  mainly 
to  the  opening  of  coffee  lands. to  settlement  in  small  farms  within  100  acres  in 
extent,  except  in  the  Olaa  coffee  region,  where  pioneer  holders  of  original  crown 
leases  were  allowed  to  acquire,  upon  the  basis  of  such  leases,  a larger  area.  These 
lands  have  been  eagerly  taken  up  by  actual  settlers,  and  are  generally  prosperous. 
In  the  last  biennial  period  422  holdings,  not  including  the  Olaa  lots,  were  taken 
up,  including  an  aggregate  area  of  20,234  acres  and  worth,  at  the  moderate 
Government  appraisement,  $118,853,  unimproved  value.  The  agreements  under 
which  these  lots  were  taken  require  performance  of  conditions  of  residence  and 
cultivation  in  some  cases,  and  of  cultivation  and  other  improvement  in  others,  and 
in  no  case  confer  immediate  title  in  fee. 

The  area  of  good  coffee  land  as  yet  unoccupied  is  comparatively  large.  A 
large  part,  however,  of  the  public  lands  of  this  class  is  held  under  leases  to  private 
parties.  The  expiration  of  the  terms  of  these  leases  will,  from  time  to  time, 
augment  materially  the  area  under  the  control  of  the  Government  suitable  for 
settlement  purposes. 

As  land  suitable  for  coffee  culture  corresponds  generally  with  forest  land,  the 
policy  of  land  settlement  is  confronted  with  the  consideration  of  the  subject  of 
forestry.  A wholesale  substitution  of  coffee  plantations  for  forest  growth  might 
seriously  affect  local  climatic  conditions  to  the  extent  of  producing  permanent] 
injury  to  surrounding  agricultural  interests.  This  subject  should  be  fully  investi- 
gated before  any  settlement  enterprises  involving  extensive  forest  destruction  are 
decided  on. 


264 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


There  is  a considerable  local  consumption  of  Hawaiian  coffee.  The  export 
for  1897  amounted  to  337,158  pounds,  estimated  to  be  worth  $99,696.62. 

The  banana  is  a hardy  plant  without  insect  enemies  and  is  cultivated  largely 
with  irrigation.  It  requires  a fertile  soil  and  thorough  cultivation,  and  can  be 
raised  from  the  seashore  nearly  up  to  the  frost  line.  The  yield  is  large  and  the 
crop,  as  raised  for  export,  a profitable  one.  In  1897  there  were  exported  75,835 
bunches,  valued  at  $75,412.50.  There  is  also  a considerable  home  consumption  of 
this  fruit. 

Under  free  trade  with  the  main  land  the  cultivation  of  pineapples,  avocado 
pears,  and  tobacco,  and  the  manufacture  of  taro  flour  and  jams  and  jellies  and  the 
canning  of  fruit  will  undoubtedly  become  profitable.  Other  fruits  and  some  vege-  j 
tables  will  be  profitably  raised  for  the  Pacific  coast  markets. 

Indian  corn,  Irish  and  sweet  potatoes,  and  garden  vegetables  are  successfully 
and  profitably  raised  for  the  home  demand. 

The  raising  of  live  stock  has,  as  a rule,  been  carried  on  in  a haphazard 
way,  relying  upon  the  natural  growth  of  native  grasses  for  pasturage,  without 
other  feeding.  While  considerable  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  improvement 
of  all  kinds  of  stock  by  the  introduction  of  good  blood,  the  condition  and  quality 
of  live  stock  at  the  islands  on  the  whole  is  not  very  creditable  to  the  country;  yet 
the  business  is  generally  profitable.- 

With  increased  communication  with  other  countries,  numerous  insect  pests 
have  been  introduced,  some  of  which  have  very  seriously  threatened  certain  crops. 
To  meet  this  invasion,  the  Government,  acting  jointly  with  the  Sugar  Planters’ 
Association,  has  for  several  years  kept  an  able  entomologist  in  its  employ,  whose 
efforts  have  been  directed  to  the  introduction  of  enemies  of  the  insect  pests  and 
have  been  attended  with  marked  success. 

Under  a new  form  of  government  it  will  be  important  to  the  country  that  it 
should  have  full  authority  to  protect  itself  against  the  chance  importation  of 
injurious  insects,  even  from  the  rest  of  the  United  States. 

SANFORD  B.  DOLE. 


Honolulu,  August  30,  1898. 


THE  IMPORTATION  OP  LABOR. 


In  1865,  December  18,  Captain  James  Makee,  of  the  Island  of  Mauai,  master 
of  the  Hawaiian  schooner  Pfeil,  brought  20  men,  3 women,  and  2 children  from 
the  Caroline  Islands  under  contracts  to  labor  on  his  plantation. 


COUNTRY  MARRIAGE.  PHTTJPPTNES,  MARRTAOE  MAKER.  AND  RRTDAL  (lOTlPrT.  TN  OARPTAm? 


AW  All  AN  HULA  DANCERS  IN  NATIVE  COSTUMES.  HAWAIIAN  SCHOOL  GIRL  IN  NATIVE  DECORATIONS 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


267 


In  June,  1865,  about  15  Marquesans  were  brought  to  the  islands,  partly 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Bureau  of  Immigration  and  partly  under  the  Board  of 
Foreign  Missions.  These,  with  the  Caroline  Island  immigrants,  gave  good  satisfac- 
tion, and  their  labor  contracts  were  approved  by  the  Bureau.  In  1865  the  ques- 
tion of  the  importation  of  Chinese  “coolies”  was  further  considered,  and  under 
certain  regulations  the  introduction  of  this  class  of  labor  from  China  became  a 
part  of  the  policy  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  From  this  time  on  cargoes  of  Chinese 
laborers  under  contracts  for  service  were  frequently  and  regularly  made.  The 
matter  of  the  medical  inspection  of  immigrants  became  important  as  a means 
of  protecting  the  health  of  the  inhabitants  against  contagious  or  infectious  dis- 
eases, and  the  various  steps  taken  in  this  direction  have  finally  resulted  in  quaran- 
tine and  health  protective  measures,  which  at  this  time  are  quite  efficient. 

Various  changes  in  the  regulations  and  statutes  controlling  the  immigration 
and  introduction  of  foreign  laborers  were  made  from  time  to  time  by  legislative 
and  royal  authority.  A few  inhabitants  of  the  South  Sea  Islands  were  brought 
to  Hawaii,  and  many  Portuguese  from  other  island  colonies  became  residents  and 
laborers  in  the  kingdom.  Special  efforts  were  from  time  to  time  made  to  induce 
the  importation  of  females  of  the  several  islands  and  countries  from  which  such 
importation  was  desirable. 

As  time  passed,  in  1867  and  1868,  the  matter  of  providing  for  the  introduc- 
tion of  Japanese  laborers  became  an  important  question.  The  Japanese  Govern- 
ment interposed  its  offices,  and  has  since  looked  after  the  interests  of  those  of 
its  subjects  who  have  become  laborers  in  Hawaii.  So  it  may  be  said  that  as  a 
commercial  or  business  proposition,  the  matter  of  the  employment  of  cheap  labor, 
imported  from  various  islands  and  countries  1 ecam  the  important  subject  of 
Hawaiian  consideration.  The  large  profits  it.  t . from  the  cultivation  and 
manufacture  of  sugar,  where  inexpensive  Asiat.<  . was  to  be  obtained,  pro- 
duced the  legitimate  result  of  aggregating  capn  . iuige  amounts  for  the  purchase 
or  leasing  of  sugar  lands,  where  this  class  of  laborers  could  be  employed  most 
profitably.  The  facilities  which  existed  under  the  Hawaiian  monarchy  for  obtain- 
ing grants,  concessions,  and  leases  of  government  lands  were  availed  of  by  specu- 
lative favorites  and  others,  and  large  plantations  by  wealthy  planters,  instead  of 
small  holdings  by  industrious  heads  of  families,  became  the  rule  upon  the  islands. 
'The  cost  of  irrigation  in  sugar-producing  districts  is  also  an  obstacle  not  easily  to 
! be  overcome  by  the  small  landholder,  who  could  seldom  command  the  funds  tc 
' erect  the  dams,  sluices,  flumes,  and  expensive  works  required  to  convey  the  water. 
So  that  many  thousands  of  acres  of  the  most  fertile  lands  in  the  world  have,  by 


*68 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


the  combined  influences  above  referred  to,  and  others  quite  as  potent,  become 
unattainable  by  ordinary  citizens.  The  large  holdings  have  become  larger  and 
the  small  Ones  have  been  driven  out  or  absorbed.  Thus  the  prime  object  of 
American  citizenship,  the  making  of  homes  and  the  complete  development  of  the 
family  as  the  unit  of  our  social  system,  seems,  in  a degree,  to  have  been  lost  sight 
of  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

The  great  corporations  with  special  facilities  for  control  of  the  soil  have 
been  often  promoted  by  corrupt  royal  favoritism  or  other  unjust  means,  and 
the  individual  citizen  has  been,  per  force,  driven  from  the  occupation  in  which 
he  might  have  become  a useful  member  of  the  community.  Theoretically,  Hawaii 
is  now  endowed  with  the  attributes  of  a republican  government,  but  to  become 
truly  and  practically  a part  of  our  republic  the  laws  of  the  United  States  pro- 
hibiting the  creation  or  continuance  of  long  leases  of  valuable  lands  and  directing 
the  survey  and  subdivision  of  all  of  the  public  lands  of  the  islands  as  a part  of  the 
heritage  of  the  people  should  be  put  in  force.  These  lands  should  be  disposed 
of  in  such  wise  and  beneficent  manner  as  will  make  these  mountains  and  valleys 
the  home  of  a million  good  American  citizens.  In  the  legislation  necessary 
to  produce  this  most  desirable  future  for  these  insular  additions  to  our  system,  two 
imperative  agencies  must  be  thoroughly  and  exhaustively  considered.  It  seems 
o be  admitted  that  the  government  of  the  country  should  be  held  responsible, 
first  of  all,  for  a complete  system  of  public  roads.  The  individual  landowner  ought 
not  to  be  charged  with  the  expense  of  building,  in  this  mountainous  country,  the 
roads  necessary  either  for  the  public  use  or  for  giving  access  to  his  lands  or  to 
those  of  his  neighbors.  With  good  public  roads  the  first  great  hindrance  to  the 
building  up  of  homes,  of  neighborhoods,  and  communities  and  schools  will  dis- 
appear. Wherever  in  this  fertile  land  we  make  places  for  homes,  we  shall  have 
homes. 

THE  OFFICE-HOLDERS  ON  THE  ISLANDS  AND  THEIR  SALARIES. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  LOCAL  EXECUTIVE  OFFICES. 

Hon.  Shelby  M.  Cullom, 

Chairman  of  the  Hawaiian  Commission: 

The  committee  on  local  executive  offices  respectfully  submits  the  accom- 
panying report. 

S.  B.  DOLE, 

W.  F.  FREAR, 

Committee  on  Local  Executive  Offices. 


Honolulu,  September  12,  1898. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


269 


The  local  officers  authorized  by  law  in  the  Republic  of  Hawaii  were  the 
following: 


Officer. 

Appointed  by- 

— Confirmed  by- 

— Tenure  of  office. 

Salary 

per 

annum. 

Executive  council. 

President  ...... 

Legislature . . . 

. 6 years .... 

$12,000 

Cabinet: 

Minister  of  foreign  affairs 

President 

. Senate  

.Indefinite 

6,000 

Minister  of  the  interior.. 

do 

6,000 

Minister  of  finance. 

do 

do 

6,000 

Attorney-general  . . . 

do 

do 

6,000 

Department  of  foreign  affairs. 

Minister  of  foreign  affairs 

Secretary  

Minister 

.President 

.Indefinite 

2,400 

Cleric  

Secretary  

.Minister 

1,200 

Do  

do 

1,000 

Clerk,  executive  council. 

President 

1,500 

Department  of  the  interior. 
Minister  of  the  interior 

Chief  clerk 

Minister 

.President 

.Indefinite 

2,700 

First  assistant  clerk 

2,400 

Second  assistant  clerk . . 

1,800 

Third  assistant  clerk 

1,  500 

Fourth  assistant  clerk 

and 

do 

1,200 

copyist. 

Two  messengers,  each . . 

....  do 

600 

Clerk  of  land  records 

and 

do 

900 

copying  patents. 

Electoral  registrar  

600 

Veterinary  surgeon  

600 

Commission  of  public  lands. 
Land  agent 

Minister 

.President 

Indefinite 

3,000 

Secretary  and  subagent 

fifth  Land  Agent... 

.Minister 

do  

2,100 

land  district. 

Clerk  

1,200 

Assistant  clerk 

do 

600 

Subagent  first  district 

do 

1,500 

Clerk  first  district 

600 

Subagent  second  district. 

do 

do 

600 

Subagent  third  district.. 

do 

480 

Subagent  fourth  district. 

. ....  do 

600 

Subagent  sixth  district. . . 

360 

Ranger,  first  district 

do 

do 

600 

Ranger,  second  district., 

360 

Ranger,  third  district 

do 

360 

Ranger,  fourth  district... 

360 

Ranger,  fifth  district 

do 

360 

Ranger,  sixth  district 

S60 

270 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


Bureau  of  survey. 


Surveyor-general  

Minister 

. President  . . . 

$3,000 

Chief  assistant 

eral. 

Minister 

2,700 

First  assistant  

2,400 

Second  assistant  

do 

2,100 

Third  assistant 

1,350 

Draftsman  

1,050 

Aid  

600 

Messenger  

480 

Registry  of  conveyances. 


Registrar  

2,700 

Deputy  registrar 

and  copyist  Registrar  .. . 

1,500 

Copyist  

900 

do  

800 

do  

GOO 

600 

do  

480 

Bureau  of  immigration. 

Inspector  Minister Indefinite 2,400 

Secretary  do do 1,500 


Bureau  of  waterworks. 


Superintendent  of  HonoluluMinister  . . . 
waterworks  and  clerk  of 

President  . . 

2,700 

market. 

Clerk  

Superintendent  Minister  . . . 

1,800 

Assistant  clerk  

do 

600 

Reservoir  keepers  (3) 

1,320  | 

Plumber  and  assistant 

1,320  I 

Tap  inspector  

do 

1,042 

Shipping  tenders  

600 

Market  keeper  

360 II 

Assistant  keeper  

300] 

Superintendent  Hilo  water- 

do 

do 

9001 

works. 

Superintendent  Laupahoehoe 

do 

20 

waterworks. 

Superintendent  Koloa  water- 

do 

25 

works. 

Engineers  (2) 

do 

3,000 

I ! 

Bureau  of  public  works. 

Superintendent 

Minister  . . . 

3,000 

Road  engineer 

Superintendent  Minister 

2,400 

Bookkeeper  

1,800 

Draftsman  and  assistant  su- 

do 

1,500 

perintendent. 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


271 


Clerk  

Superintendent  Minister  . . . 

$900 

Harbor  master 

3,000 

Road  supervisor,  Honolulu... 

2,400 

Roads  and  bridges,  Honolulu, 

do 

13,332 

pay  roll. 

Steam  tug,  pay  roll 

do 

6,600 

Electric-light  inspector 

do 

1,800 

Dynamoman  

do 

960 

Do  

do 

780 

Lineman  

780 

Station  keeper  

do 

720 

Trimmer  

720 

Do  

do 

720 

Light-house  keepers 

4,460 

Keeper  of  wharf  and  buoys, 

do 

do 

120 

Lahaina. 

Gunpowder  keeper,  Hilo 

do 

25 

Board  of  health. 

Secretary  

Minister 

2,000 

Government  physicians 

Board  of  health 

18,000 

General  expenses,  pay  roll 

9,430 

Nonleprous  children,  pay  roll 

1,200 

Removing  garbage,  pay  roll . . 

5,400 

Keeper  quarantine  station . . . 

600 

Maintenance  of  hospitals,  pay 

do 

6,500 

roll. 

Act  to  mitigate  pay  roll 

1,575 

Segregation  of  lepers,  pay  roll 

19,200 

Superintendent  insane  asylum 

1,800 

Assistants,  insane  asylum 

11,832 

Food  commissioner  

2,100 

Forests  and  nurseries  bureau. 

Commissioner 

Minister 

President  . . . 

. . .Indefinite 

2,100 

Entomologist  < 

Commissioner. . 

Minister 

2,000 

Cardener,  nursery 

do 

1,020 

Forester  

do 

1,020 

Laborers,  Makiki  and  Nuuanu 

do 

2,700 

Laborers,  nurseries 

do 

540 

Chief  forester 

2,400 

Expert  forester 

750 

Public  grounds  bureau. 

r’ay  roll,  Government  buildingMinister 

. . .Indefinite 

2,472 

Pay  roll,  Makiki  and  River 

do 

1,020 

parks. 

Pay  roll,  Thomas  and  Emma 

. . . .do 

1,020 

squares. 

deeper  mausoleum  and 

do 

390 

grounds. 

fanitor  and  keeper,  executive 

do 

1,200 

and  judiciary  building. 

272 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


Fire  departments. 

Honolulu  fire  department,  pay Indefinite $29,520 

roll. 

Steward,  watchman,  and  engi- do 540 

neer,  Hilo  fire  department. 

Department  of  finance. 


Minister  of  finance 


Registrar  of  public  accounts  Minister 

.President  . . . 

. . .Indefinite 

2,700 

Clerk,  finance  office 

Registrar 

.Minister 

do 

1,800 

Second  clerk  and  messenger. . 

goo 

Tax  bureau. 

Tax  assessor,  Oabu 

Minister 

.President  . . . 

. . .Indefinite 

2,700 

Tax  assessor,  Hawaii 

do 

do 

2,500 

Tax  assessor,  Maui 

do 

2,300 

Tax  assessor,  Kauai 

do 

do 

2,000 

Deputy  tax  assessors  and  col- 

Tax  assessors 

Minister 

3,000 

lectors,  salaries  and  com- 

missions. 

Postal  bureau. 

Postmaster-general  

Minister 

. President  . . . 

. . .Indefinite 

3,000 

Deputy  postmaster- general  Postmaster-gen-Minister 

2,000 

and  secretary. 

eral. 

Superintendent  postal  sav- 

. . . .do 

2,000 

ings  bank. 

Superintendent  money-order 

do 

2,000 

division. 

General  delivery  clerk 

1,800 

Registry  delivery  clerk 

do 

1,500 

Parcel-post  clerk 

1,200 

Mail  dispatcher  

. . . .do 

1,200 

Postal  savings  bank  clerk. . . . 

. . . .do 

1,200 

Money-order  clerk 

1,200 

Do  

. . . .do 

900 

General  delivery  clerk 

900 

Portuguese  delivery  clerk 

do 

840 

Japanese  delivery  clerk 

840 

Chinese  delivery  clerk 

840 

Clerk  

600 

Do  

POO 

Do  

600 

Do  

690 

Ladies’  window  clerk 

540 

Clerk  

540 

Do  

480 

Do  

O/fA 

Assistant  clerk,  postal  sav- 

. . . .do 

480 

ings  bank. 

Clerk,  postal  savings  bank... 

360 

Janitor  

240 

THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


273 


Bureau  of  customs. 


Collector-general  Minister... 

President  . . . 

$3,000 

Deputy  collector,  Honolulu.  .Collector-general  Minister.. 

do 

2,700 

Entry  clerks  (3) 

do 

3,900 

Statistical  clerks  (3) 

do 

4,200 

Port  surveyor,  Honolulu 

do 

do 

2,000 

. .do 

do 

do 

1,200 

Appraiser  

do 

do 

2,100 

Assistant  appraiser 

do 

1,500 

Customs  gauger  and  tester.... 

do  ' 

1,500 

Examiners  (2) 

2,400 

Appraiser’s  storekeeper 

do 

do 

1,200 

Chinese  and  Japanese  invoice 

inspectors  

do 

1,200 

Pilots,  Honolulu  (3),  each 

do 

2,400 

Assistants,  customs  ware- 

. .do 

do 

3,600 

Customs  inspectors,  Honolulu.. 

. .do 

do 

do 

10,000 

Customs  guards,  Honolulu 

13,750 

Pilot’s  watchman,  Diamond 

Head  

900 

Pilot’s  watchman,  pilot’s  of- 


Pilots’  boats,  pay  roll 

2,500 

Assistant  guards,  all  ports 

do 

do 

4,000 

Collector,  Kahului 

1,500 

Port  surveyor,  Kahului 

1,000 

Customs  guards  and  inspec- 

tors,  Maui 

do 

do 

2,160 

do 

1,500 

do 

do 

1,000 

Customs  guards  and  inspec- 

tors,  Hawaii do do do 2,160 

Collector,  Mahukona  and 


Honoipu  

900 

Collector,  Waimea  and  Koloa.. 

. .do 

200 

Collector,  Kailua  and  Keala- 
kekua  . . , 

200 

Department  of  the  At- 
torney-General. 


Attorney-general 


Deputy  attorney-general 

Attorney  - gen- 
eral. 

$3,000 

Assistant  to  attorney-general 

do 

1,800 

Clerk  to  department 

1,800 

Marshal  

.President  . 

3,000 

Clerk  to  marshal 

Marshal 

.Attorney  - 
eral. 

gen- do 

1,800 

Deputy  marshal 

2,100 

Jailor,  Oahu  prison*.. 

1,800 

274 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


Sheriff  of  Hawaii Marshal 


Sheriff  of  Maui 
Sheriff  of  Kaua 
Sheriff’s  clerk, 
Sheriff’s  clerk, 
Sheriff’s  clerk, 
Deputy  sheriff, 


Deputy  sheriff. 
Deputy  sheriff, 


Deputy  sheriff, 
Police,  Hawaii. 
Deputy  sheriff, 
Deputy  sheriff, 
Deputy  sheriff, 
Deputy  sheriff, 


Police,  Maui... 
Deputy  sheriff, 
Deputy  sheriff, 
Deputy  sheriff, 
Deputy  sheriff, 
Deputy  sheriff, 
Police,  Kauai.. 


Deputy  sheriff, 


Deputy  sheriff, 
Police,  Oahu... 


Ewa. 


Supreme  court  officer 

Hack  inspector 

Physicians’  receiving  station  . . 
and  prison. 

Jailors,  guards,  and  lunas  of . . 
prisoners. 


Audit  department. 


erai. 


rshal Attorney  - gen-. 

eral. 

. .Indefinite 

$2,500 

.do 

2,750 

.do 

do 

2,000 

.do 

do 

900 

.do 

900 

.do 

O 

o 

.do 

do 

1,800 

.do 

. . .do 

do 

1,200 

.do 

600 

.do 

1,200 

.do 

. . .do 

720 

.do 

. . .do 

1,200 

.do 

900 

.do 

1,020 

.do 

720 

.do 

27,500 

.do 

do 

1,500 

.do 

1,200 

.do 

960 

.do 

960 

.do 

800 

.do 

15,000 

.do 

. . .do 

1,500 

.do 

. . .do 

780 

.do 

. . .do 

780 

.do 

780 

.do 

1,200 

.do 

9,000 

.do 

• • -d# 

600 

.do 

600 

.do 

600 

.do 

do 

600 

.do 

900 

.do 

do 

67,500 

.do 

1,440 

.do 

1,080 

.do 

1,200 

.do 

. . .do 

do 

1,200 

.do 

27,500 

.do 

.do 

900 

.do 

600 

.orney  - gen-  . 

. . .do 

1,500 

Auditor-general  President Senate do  . 

Deputy  auditor-general do .Cabinet do  . 

Clerks  (eighteen  months) Auditor-general do 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


275 


Department  of  public  instruc- 
tion. 

Inspector-general  of  schools . Minister  and 

commissioner 
of  public  in- 
struction. 


Deputy  inspector  and  school do 

agent,  Honolulu. 

Traveling  normal  instructor do 

Secretary  of  department do 

Assistant  secretary  and  school do 

agent,  Honolulu. 

Messenger  and  book  clerk do 

Public  schools  pay  roll do 

School  agents do 

Superintendent  industrial ....  do 
school. 

Matron  of  industrial  school do 

Guards  industrial  school do 


Indefinite 


do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 


$3,000 


450 

3,000 

1,800 

1,500 

900 

225,000 

2,250 

1,200 

900 

900 


In  addition  to  the  foregoing  salaried  officers  are  the  following  boards  and 
commissions,  the  members  of  which  serve  without  pay: 

Board  of  Immigration. — Comprising  the  minister  of  the  interior,  ex  officio, 
chairman,  and  five  commissioners  appointed  by  the  President,  with  the  approval 
of  the  cabinet;  term  of  office,  indefinite. 

Board  of  Health. — Comprising  the  attorney-general,  ex  officio,  and  six  mem- 
bers, three  of  whom  are  laymen  and  three  physicians,  appointed  by  the  President, 
with  the  approval  of  the  cabinet;  term  of  office,  two  years. 

Commissioners  of  Public  Instruction. — Comprising  the  minister  of  foreign 


affairs,  ex  officio,  minister  of  public  instruction,  and  six  commissioners,  appointed 
by  the  President,  with  the  approval  of  the  cabinet;  term  of  office,  three  years. 

Board  of  Prison  Inspectors. — Comprising  three  inspectors,  appointed  by  the 
minister  of  the  interior,  with  the  approval  of  the  cabinet;  term  of  office,  two  years. 

Board  of  Equalization. — Comprising  the  minister  of  finance  and  the  several 
assessors. 

Board  of  Inspectors  of  Elections. — Comprising  three  inspectors  of  election 


for  each  precinct,  appointed  by  the  minister  of  the  interior;  term  of  office,  in- 
definite. 

Board  of  Registration. — Comprising  three  members  in  five  districts,  appointed 
by  the  President,  with  the  approval  of  the  senate. 

Council  of  State. — Comprising  fifteen  members,  five  elected  by  senate,  five 
elected  by  the  house  of  representatives,  and  five  appointed  by  President,  with  ap- 
proval of  cabinet.  Members  of  executive  council  sit  and  take  part  in  meetings,  but 


cannot  vote. 


276 


THE  TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII. 


Labor  Commission. — Comprising  three  members,  appointed  by  the  President; 
term  of  office,  indefinite. 

Road  Board. — Comprising  three  members  in  each  district,  appointed  by  the 
minister  of  the  interior;  term  of  office,  indefinite. 

Pound  Masters. — Consisting  of  one  in  each  district,  appointed  by  the  minister 
of  interior;  term  of  office,  indefinite;  a system  of  fees  charged. 

Commissioner  of  Public  Lands. — Composed  of  a board  of  three  commis- 
sioners, including  the  minister  of  the  interior  and  two  persons  appointed  by  the 
President,  with  the  approval  of  the  cabinet,  one  of  whom  is  designated  agent  of 
public  lands;  term  of  office,  indefinite. 


CHAPTER  in. 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 

Captain  James  Cook’s  Great  Discoveries  and  His  Martyrdom — Character  and  Tra- 
ditions of  the  Hawaiian  Islands — Charges  Against  the  Famous  Navigator,  and 
effort  to  Array  the  Christian  World  Against  Him — The  True  Story  of  His 
Life  and  Death — How  Charges  Against  Cook  Came  to  Be  Made — Testimony 
of  Vancouver,  King  and  Dixon,  and  Last  Words  of  Cook’s  Journal — Light 
Turned  on  History  That  Has  Become  Obscure — Savagery  of  the  Natives — 
Their  Written  Language  Took  Up  Their  High  Colored  Traditions,  and  Pre- 
served Phantoms — Scenes  in  Aboriginal  Theatricals — Problem  of  Govern- 
ment in  an  Archipelago  Where  Race  Questions  Are  Predominant — Now 
Americans  Should  Remember  Captain  Cook  as  an  Illustrious  Pioneer. 

Regarding  the  islands  in  the  Pacific  that  we  have  for  a long  time  largely  occu- 
pied and  recently  wholly  possessed,  the  Hawaiian  cluster  that  are  the  stepping 
stone,  the  resting  place  and  the  coal  station  for  the  golden  group  more  than  a thou- 
sand leagues  beyond,  we  should  remember  Captain  Cook  as  one  of  our  own  Western 
pioneers,  rejoice  to  read  his  true  story,  and  in  doing  so  to  form  a correct  estimate 
of  the  people  who  have  drifted  into  the  area  of  our  Protection,  or  territory  that  js 
inalienably  our  own,  to  be  thoroughly  Americanized,  that  they  may  some  daybe 
worthy  to  become  our  fellow-citizens. 

Sunday,  January  18th,  1778,  Captain  Cook,  after  seeing  birds  every  day,  and 
turtles,  saw  two  islands,  and  the  next  day  a third  one,  and  canoes  put  off  from  the 
shore  of  the  second  island,  the  people  speaking  the  language  of  Otaheite.  As  the 
Englishmen  proceeded,  other  canoes  appeared,  bringing  with  them  roasted  pigs  and 
very  fine  potatoes.  The  Captain  says:  “Several  small  pigs  were  purchased  for 

a six-penny  nail,  so  that  we  again  found  ourselves  in  a land  of  plenty.  The  natives 
were  gentle  and  polite,  asking  whether  they  might  sit  down,  whether  they  might 
spit  on  the  deck,  and  the  like.  An  order  restricting  the  men  going  ashore  was 
issued  that  I might  do  everything  in  my  power  to  prevent  the  importation  of  a 
fatal  disease  into  the  island,  which  I knew  some  of  our  men  now  labored  under.” 
Female  visitors  were  ordered  to  be  excluded  from  the  ships.  Captain  Cook’s  journal 
is  very  explicit,  and  he  states  the  particulars  of  the  failure  of  his  precautions.  This 
is  a subject  that  has  been  much  discussed,  and  there  is  still  animosity  in  the  con- 
troversy. The  discovery  of  the  islands  that  he  called  the  Sandwich,  after  his  patron 
the  Earl  of  Sandwich,  happened  in  the  midst  of  our  Revolutionary  war.  After 

277 


278  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 

i 

Cook’s  explorations  for  the  time,  he  sailed  in  search  of  the  supposed  Northwest  pass- 
age, and  that  enterprise  appearing  hopeless,  returned  to  the  summer  islands,  and 
met  his  fate  in  the  following  December.  Captain  George  Vancouver,  a friend  and 
follower  of  Cook,  says,  in  his  “Voyage  of  Discovery  and  Around  the  World.”  from 
1790  to  1795: 

“It  should  seem  that  the  reign  of  George  the  Third  had  been  reserved  by  the 
Great  Disposer  of  all  things  for  the  glorious  task  of  establishing  the  grand  key- 
stone to  that  expansive  arch  over  which  the  arts  and  sciences  should  pass  to  the 
furthermost  corners  of  the  earth,  for  the  instruction  and  happiness  of  the  most  lowly 
children  of  nature.  Advantages  so  highly  beneficial  to  the  untutored  parts  of  the 
human  race,  and  so  extremely  important  to  that  large  proportion  of  the  subjects  of 
this  empire  who  are  brought  up  to  the  sea  service  deserve  to  be  justly  appreciated; 
and  it  becomes  of  very  little  importance  to  the  bulk  of  our  society,  whose  enlightened 
humanity  teaches  them  to  entertain  a lively  regard  for  the  welfare  and  interest 
of  those  who  engage  in  such  adventurous  undertakings  for  the  advancement  of 
science,  or  for  the  extension  of  commerce,  what  may  be  the  animadversions  or  sar- 
casms of  those  few  unenlightened  minds  that  may  peevishly  demand,  “what  bene- 
ficial consequences,  if  any,  have  followed,  or  are  likely  to  follow  to  the  discoverers, 
or  to  the  discovered,  to  the  common  interests  of  humanity,  or  to  the  increase  of 
useful  knowledge,  from  all  our  boasted  attempts  to  explore  the  distant  recesses  of  the 
globe?”  The  learned  editor  (Dr.  Douglas,  now  Bishop  of  Salisbury)  who  has  so 
justly  anticipated  this  injudicious  remark,  has,  in  his  very  comprehensive  introduc- 
tion to  Captain  Cook’s  last  voyage,  from  whence  the  above  quotation  is  extracted, 
given  to  the  public  not  only  a complete  and  satisfactory  answer  to  that  question,  but 
has  treated  every  other  part  of  the  subject  of  discovery  so  ably  as  to  render  any  further 
observations  on  former  voyages  of  this  description  wholly  unnecessary,  for  the  [ 
purpose  of  bringing  the  reader  acquainted  with  what  had  been  accomplished,  pre- 
viously  to  my  being  honored  with  His  Majesty’s  commands  to  follow  up  the  labors 
of  that  illustrious  navigator  Captain  James  Cook;  to  whose  steady,  uniform,  inde- 
fatigable and  undiverted  attention  to  the  several  objects  on  which  the  success  of  his 
enterprises  ultimately  depended,  the  world  is  indebted  for  such  eminent  and  im- 
portant benefits.” 

Captain  George  Vancouver  pays,  in  the  introduction  of  his  reports,  a remark- 
able tribute  to  Captain  Cook,  that  should  become  familiar  to  the  American  people, 
for  it  is  one  of  the  features  of  prevalent  Hawaiian  literature  that  the  great  navigator 
is  much  disparaged,  and  denounced.  One  of  the  favorite  theories  of  the  missionaries 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


279 


has  been  that  Cook’s  death  at  the  hands  of  the  savages  was  substantially  the  pun- 
ishment inflicted  by  God,  because  the  Captain  allowed  himself  to  be  celebrated  and 
worshipped  as  a god  by  the  heathen,  consenting  to  their  idolatry  when  he  should 
have  preached  to  them,  as  was  done  with  so  much  efficiency  nearly  half  a century 
later.  The  fact  is  the  natives  had  a great  deal  of  “religion”  of  their  own,  and 
defended  their  superstitions  with  skill  and  persistence  before  yielding  to  the  great 
simplicities  of  the  Christian  faith.  Captain  Cook,  it  must  be  admitted,  did  not 
attempt  to  preach  the  gospel.  The  gentleness  of  the  natives  turned  out  to  con- 
tain a great  deal  that  was  most  horrible. 

The  closing  years  of  the  last  century  were  those  of  rapid  progress  in  the  art  of 
navigation,  and  Captain  Vancouver  gives  this  striking  summary  of  testimony: 

“By  the  introduction  of  nautical  astronomy  into  marine  education,  we  are  taught 
to  sail  on  the  hypotlienuse,  instead  of  traversing  two  sides  of  a triangle,  which  was 
the  usage  in  earlier  times;  by  this  means  the  circuitous  course  of  all  voyages  from 
place  to  place  is  considerably  shortened;  and  it  is  now  become  evident  that  sea 
officers  of  the  most  common  rate  abilities  who  will  take  the  trouble  of  making 
themselves  acquainted  with  the  principles  of  this  science,  will,  on  all  suitable  occa- 
sions, with  proper  and  correct  instruments,  be  enabled  to  acquire  a knowledge  of 
their  situation  in  the  Atlantic,  Indian  or  Pacific  Oceans,  with  a degree  of  accuracy 
sufficient  to  steer  on  a meridianal  or  diagonal  line,  to  any  known  spot,  provided  it 
be  sufficiently  conspicuous  to  be  visible  at  any  distance  from  five  to  ten  leagues. 

“This  great  improvement,  by  which  the  most  remote  parts  of  the  terrestrial 
globe  are  brought  so  easily  within  our  reach,  would  nevertheless  have  been  of  com- 
paratively little  utility  had  not  those  happy  means  been  discovered  for  preserving  the 
lives  and  health  of  the  officers  and  seamen  engaged  in  such  distant  and  perilous 
undertakings;  which  were  so  peacefully  practiced  by  Captain  Cook,  the  first  great 
discoverer  of  this  salutary  system,  in  all  his  latter  voyages  around  the  globe.  But 
in  none  have  the  effect  of  his  wise  regulations,  regimen  and  discipline  been  more 
manifest  than  in  the  course  of  the  expedition  of  which  the  following  pages  are 
designed  to  treat.  To  an  unremitting  attention,  not  only  to  food,  cleanliness,  ven- 
tilation, and  an  early  administration  of  antiseptic  provisions  and  medicines,  but 
also  to  prevent  as  much  as  possible  the  chance  of  indisposition,  by  prohibiting  indi- 
viduals from  carelessly  exposing  themselves  to  the  influence  of  climate,  or  unhealthy 
indulgences  in  times  of  relaxation,  and  by  relieving  them  from  fatigue  and  the 
inclemency  of  the  weather  the  moment  the  nature  of  their  duty  would  permit  them 
to  retire,  is  to  be  ascribed  the  preservation  of  the  health  and  lives  of  sea-faring  peo- 
ple on  long  voyages.” 


280  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 

“Those  benefits  did  not  long  remain  unnoticed  by  the  commercial  part  of  the 
British  nation.  Remote  and  distant  voyages  being  now  no  longer  objects  of  terror, 
enterprises  were  projected  and  carried  into  execution,  for  the  purpose  of -establishing 
new  and  lucrative  branches  of  commerce  between  Northwest  America  and  China; 
and  parts  of  the  coast  of  the  former  that  had  not  been  minutely  examined  by  Cap- 
tain Cook  became  now  the  general  resort  of  the  persons  thus  engaged.” 

The  special  zeal  and  consistency  with  which  Cook  is  defended  by  the  English 
navigators  who  knew  him  and  were  competent  to  judge  of  the  scope  of  his  achieve- 
ments is  due  in  part  to  the  venom  of  his  assailants.  The  historian  of  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  Sheldon  Dibble,  says:  “An  impression  of  wonder  and  dread  having  been 

made,  Captain  Cook  and  his  men  found  little  difficulty  in  having  such  intercourse 
with  the  people  as  they  chose.  In  regard  to  that  intercourse,  it  was  marked,  as  the 
world  would  say,  with  kindness  and  humanity.  But  it  cannot  be  concealed  that  here 
and  there  at  this  time,  in  the  form  of  loathsome  disease,  was  dug  the  grave  of  the 
Hawaiian  nation;  and  from  so  deep  an  odium  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  faithful  his- 
tory cannot  exempt  even  the  fair  name  of  Captain  Cook  himself,  since  it  w'as  evident 
that  he  gave  countenance  to  the  evil.  The  native  female  first  presented  to  him  was 
a person  of  some  rank;  her  name  was  Lelemahoalani.  Sin  and  death  were  the 
first  commodities  imported  to  the  Sandwich  Islands.” 

We  have  already  quoted  Captain  Cook’s  first  words  on  this  subject.  He  had  much 
more  to  say  giving  in  detail  difficulties  rather  too  searching  to  be  fully  stated.  As  for 
the  charge  that  Cook  personally  engaged  in  debauchery,  it  rests  upon  the  tradition 
of  savages,  who  had  no  more  idea  than  wild  animals  of  the  restraint  of  human  pas- 
sion. It  was  debated  among  the  islanders  whether  the  white  men  should  be  as- 
sailed by  the  warriors,  and  it  was  on  the  advice  of  a native  queen  that  the  women 
were  sent  to  make  friends  with  the  strangers;  and  this  was  the  policy  pursued.  As 
for  the  decline  of  the  natives  in  numbers,  and  the  “digging  the  grave  of  the  na- 
tion,” the  horror  of  the  islands  was  the  destruction  of  female  infants,  and  also  the 
habit  of  putting  aged  and  helpless  men  and  women  to  death.  The  general  indict- 
ment against  Captain  Cook  is  that  this  amiable  race  was  just  about  prepared  for 
Christianity  when  he  thrust  himself  forward  as  a god,  and  with  his  despotic  licen- 
tiousness destroyed  immediate  possibilities  of  progress.  In  Sandwich  Island  notes 
by  “a  Ilaole”  (that  is  to  say,  a white  person)  we  see  what  may  be  said  on  the  other 
side  of  the  picture:  “It  becomes  an  interesting  duty  to  examine  their  social,  po- 

litical and  religious  condition.  The  first  feature  that  calls  the  attention  to  the 
past  is  their  social  condition,  and  a darker  picture  can  hardly  be  presented  to  the 
contemplation  of  man.  They  had  their  frequent  boxing  matches  on  a public  arena, 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


281 


and  it  was  nothing  uncommon  to  see  thirty  or  forty  left  dead  on  the  field  of  con- 
test. 

“As  gamblers  they  were  inveterate.  The  game  was  indulged  in  by  every  per- 
son, from  the  king  of  each  island  to  the  meanest  of  his  subjects.  The  wager  ac- 
companied every  scene  of  public  amusement.  They  gambled  away  their  property  to 
the  last  vestige  of  all  they  possessed.  They  staked  every  article  of  food,  their  grow- 
ing crops,  the  clothes  they  wore,  their  lands,  wives,  daughters,  and  even  the  very 
bones  of  their  arms  and  legs — to  be  made  into  fishhooks  after  they  were  dead. 
These  steps  led  to  the  most  absolute  and  crushing  poverty. 

“They  had  their  dances,  which  were  of  such  a character  as  not  to  be  conceived 
by  a civilized  mind,  and  were  accompanied  by  scenes  which  would  have  disgraced 
even  Nero’s  revels.  Nearly  every  night,  with  the  gathering  darkness,  crowds  would 
retire  to  some  favorite  spot,  where,  amid  every  species  of  sensual  indulgence  they 
would  revel  until  the  morning  twilight.  At  such  times  the  chiefs  would  lay  aside 
their  authority,  and  mingle  with  the  lowest  courtesan  in  every  degree  of  debauchery. 

“Thefts,  robberies,  murders,  infanticide,  licentiousness  of  the  most  debased  and 
debasing  character,  burying  their  infirm  and  aged  parents  alive,  desertion  of  the 
sick,  revolting  cruelties  to  the  unfortunate  maniac,  cannibalism  and  drunkenness, 
form  a list  of  some  of  the  traits  in  social  life  among  the  Hawaiians  in  past  days. 

“Their  drunkenness  was  intense.  They  could  prepare  a drink,  deadly  intoxicat- 
ing in  its  nature,  from  a mountain  plant  called  the  awa  (Piper  methystieum).  A 
bowl  of  this  disgusting  liquid  was  always  prepared  and  served  out  just  as  a party  of 
chiefs  were  sitting  down  to  their  meals.  It  would  sometimes  send  the  victim  into 
a slumber  from  which  he  never  awoke.  The  confirmed  awa  drinker  could  be  imme- 
diately recognized  by  his  leprous  appearance. 

“By  far  the  darkest  feature  in  their  social  condition  was  seen  in  the  family  rela- 
tion. Society,  however,  is  only  a word  of  mere  accommodation,  designed  to  express 
domestic  relations  as  they  then  existed.  ‘Society’  was,  indeed,  such  a sea  of  pollution 
as  cannot  be  well  described.  Marriage  was  unknown,  and  all  the  sacred  feelings 
which  are  suggested  to  our  minds  on  mention  of  the  various  social  relations,  such 
as  husband  and  wife,  parent  and  child,  brother  and  sister,  were  to  them,  indeed, 
as  though  they  had  no  existence.  There  was,  indeed,  in  this  respect,  a dreary  blank 
— a dark  chasm  from  which  the  soul  instinctively  recoils.  There  were,  perhaps, 
some  customs  which  imposed  some  little  restraint  upon  the  intercourse  of  the  sexes, 
but  those  customs  were  easily  dispensed  with,  and  had  nothing  of  the  force  of  estab- 
lished rules.  It  was  common  for  a husband  to  have  many  wives,  and  for  a wife  also 
to  have  many  husbands.  The  nearest  ties  of  consanguinity  were  but  little  regarded, 


282 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


and  among  the  chiefs,  especially,  the  connection  of  brother  with  sister,  and  parent 
with  child,  were  very  common.  For  husbands  to  interchange  wives,  and  for  wives 
to  interchange  husbands,  was  a common  act  of  friendship,  and  persons  who  would 
not  do  this  were  not  considered  on  good  terms  of  sociability.  For  a man  or  woman 
to  refuse  a solicitation  was  considered  an  act  of  meanness;  and  this  sentiment  was 
thoroughly  wrought  into  their  minds,  that,  they  seemed  not  to  rid  themselves  of 
the  feeling  of  meanness  in  a refusal,  to  feel,  notwithstanding  their  better  knowledge, 
that  to  comply  was  generous,  liberal,  and  social,  and  to  refuse  reproachful  and  nig- 
gardly. It  would  be  impossible  to  enumerate  or  specify  the  crimes  which  emanated 
from  this  state  of  affairs.  Their  political  condition  was  the  very  genius  of  despotism, 
systematically  and  deliberately  conducted.  Kings  and  chiefs  were  extremely  jealous 
of  their  succession,  and  the  more  noble  their  blood,  the  more  they  were  venerated 
by  the  common  people.” 

Mr.  Sheldon  Dibble  is  a historian  whose  work  was  published  in  1843.  He  com- 
plains most  bitterly  that  the  natives  bothered  the  missionaries  by  trying  to  give 
them  the  benefit  of  native  thought.  They  wanted  to  do  some  of  the  talking,  and 
said  very  childish  things,  and  were  so  intent  on  their  own  thoughts  that  they  would 
not  listen  to  the  preachers.  But  it  ought  not  to  have  been  held  to  be  an  offense  for 
a procession  of  heathen  to  march  to  a missionary’s  house  and  tell  him  their  thoughts. 
That  was  an  honest  manifestation  of  profound  interest — the  slow  ripening  of  a j 
harvest  field.  Mr.  Dibble’s  book  is  printed  by  the  Mission  Seminary,  and  Mr.  Dib- 
ble says,  page  21:  “We  know  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth  descended  from 
Noah,”  therefore,  the  Hawaiians  “must  once  have  known  the  great  Jehova  and 
the  principles  of  true  religion.”  But  the  historian  says  on  the  next  page  that  the 
Hawaiians  were  heathen  from  time  immemorial,  for,  “Go  back  to  the  very  first  re- 
puted progenitor  of  the  Hawaiian  race,  and  you  find  that  the  ingredients  of  their 
character  are  lust,  anger,  strife,  malice,  sensuality,  revenge  and  the  worship  of  idols.” 
This  is  the  elevation  upon  which  Mr.  Dibble  places  himself  to  fire  upon  the  memory 
of  the  English  navigator  Captain  James  Cook.  The  first  paragraph  of  the  assault 
on  Cook  is  this: 

“How  unbounded  the  influence  of  foreign  visitors  upon  the  ignorant  inhabitants 
of  the  Pacific!  If  the  thousands  of  our  countrymen  who  visit  this  ocean  were  actu- 
ated by  the  pure  principles  of  the  religion  of  Jesus,  how  immense  the  good  they 
might  accomplish!  But,  alas!  how  few  visitors  to  the  Western  hemisphere  are 
actuated  by  such  principles.” 

This  is  preparatory  to  the  condemnation  of  Cook  in  these  terms:  “Captain 

Cook  allowed  himself  to  be  worshipped  as  a god.  The  people  of  Ivealakeakua  de- 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


285 


dined  trading  with  him,  and  loaded  his  ship  freely  with  the  best  productions  of 
the  island.  The  priests  approached  him  in  a crouching  attitude,  uttering  prayers, 
and  exhibiting  all  the  formalities  of  worship.  After  approaching  him  with  prostra- 
tion the  priests  cast  their  red  kapas  over  his  shoulders  and  then  receding  a little,  they 
presented  hogs  and  a variety  of  other  offerings,  with  long  addresses  rapidly  enun- 
ciated, which  were  a repetition  of  their  prayers  and  religious  homage. 

“When  he  went  on  shore  most  of  the  people  fled  for  fear  of  him,  and  others 
bowed  down  before  him,  with  solemn  reverence.  He  was  conducted  to  the  house 
of  the  gods,  and  into  the  sacred  enclosure,  and  received  there  the  highest  homage. 
In  view  of  this  fact,  and  of  the  death  of  Captain  Cook,  which  speedily  ensued,  who 
can  fail  being  admonished  to  give  to  God  at  all  times,  and  even  among  barbarous 
tribes,  the  glory  which  is  his  due?  Captain  Cook  might  have  directed  the  rude  and 
ignorant  natives  to  the  great  Jehovah,  instead  of  receiving  divine  homage  himself. 

“Kalaniopuu,  the  king,  arrived  from  Maui  on  the  24th  of  January,  and  imme- 
diately laid  a tabu  on  the  canoes,  which  prevented  the  women  from  visiting  the 
ship,  and  consequently  the  men  came  on  shore  in  great  numbers,  gratifying  their 
infamous  purposes  in  exchange  for  pieces  of  iron  and  small  looking-glasses.  Some 
of  the  women  washed  the  coating  from  the  back  of  the  glasses  much  to  their  regret, 
when  they  found  that  the  reflecting  property  was  thus  destroyed. 

“The  king,  on  his  arrival,  as  well  as  the  people,  treated  Captain  Cook  with  much 
kindness,  gave  him  feather  cloaks  and  fly  brushes  and  paid  him  divine  honors. 
This  adoration,  it  is  painful  to  relate,  was  received  without  remonstrance.  I shall 
speak  here  somewhat  minutely  of  the  death  of  Captain  Cook,  as  it  develops  some 
traits  of  the  heathen  character,  and  the  influence  under  which  the  heathen  suffer 
from  foreign  intercourse/’ 

After  setting  forth  the  horrible  character  of  the  natives,  Captain  Cook  ^s  con- 
demned and  denounced  because  he  did  not  refuse  the  homage  of  the  ferocious  savages, 
paid  him  as  a superior  creature.  One  of  Cook’s  troubles  was  the  frantic  passion 
the  islanders  had  to  steal  iron.  The  common  people  were  the  property  of  the  chiefs, 
md  they  had  no  other  sense  of  possession.  They  gave  away  what  they  had,  but  took 
what  they  wanted. 

Mr.  Dibble  shows  his  animus  when  he  charges  that  Cook  did  not  give  the  natives 
the  real  value  of  their  hogs  and  fruit,  and  also  that  he  had  no  right  to  stop  pilferers 
in  canoes  by  declaring  and  enforcing  a blockade.  This  is  a trifling  technicality 
mich  insisted  upon.  Dibble’s  account  of  the  death  of  Cook  is  this: 

“A  canoe  came  from  an  adjoining  district,  bound  within  the  bay.  In  the  canoe 
were  two  chiefs  of  some  rank,  Kekuhaupio  and  Kalimu.  The  canoe  was  fired  upon 


286 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS 


from  one  of  the  boats  and  Kalimu  was  killed.  Kekuhaupio  made  the  greatest  speed 
till  he  reached  the  place  of  the  king,  where  Captain  Cook  also  was,  and  communi- 
cated the  intelligence  of  the  death  of  the  chief.  The  attendants  of  the  king  were 
enraged  and  showed  signs  of  hostility,  but  were  restrained  by  the  thought  that 
Captain  Cook  was  a god.  At  that  instant  a warrior,  with  a spear  in  his  hand,  ap- 
proached Captain  Cook  and  was  heard  to  say  that  the  boats  in  the  harbor  had 
killed  his  brother,  and  he  would  be  revenged.  Captain  Cook,  from  his  enraged 
appearance  and  that  of  the  multitude,  was  suspicious  of  him,  and  fired  upon  him 
with  his  pistol.  Then  followed  a scene  of  confusion,  and  in  the  midst  Captain  Cook 
being  hit  with  a stone,  and  perceiving  the  man  who  threw  it,  shot  him  dead.  He  also 
struck  a certain  chief  with  his  sword,  whose  name  was  Kalaimanokahoowaha.  The 
chief  instantly  seized  Captain  Cook  with  a strong  hand,  designing  merely  to  hold 
him  and  not  to  take  his  life;  for  he  supposed  him  to  be  a god  and  that  he  could  not 
die.  Captain  Cook  struggled  to  free  himself  from  the  grasp,  and  as  he  was  about 
to  fall  uttered  a groan.  The  people  immediately  exclaimed,  “He  groans — he  is  not 
a god,”  and  instantly  slew  him.  Such  was  the  melancholy  death  of  Captain  Cook. 

“Immediately  the  men  in  the  boat  commenced  a deliberate  fire  upon  the  crowd. 
They  had  refrained  in  a measure  before,  for  fear  of  killing  their  Captain.  Many  of 
the  natives  were  killed.” 

“Historian  Dibble  does  not  notice  the  evidence  that  Cook  lost  his  life  by  turning 
to  his  men  in  the  boats,  ordering  them  not  to  fire.  It  was  at  that  moment  he  was 
stabbed  in  the  back.  Dibble  represents  the  facts  as  if  to  justify  the  massacre  of  the 
great  navigator,  because  he  allowed  the  heathen  to  think  he  was  one  of  their  gang  of 
gods.  But  this  presumption  ought  not  to  have  been  allowed  to  excuse  prevarica- 
tion about  testimony.  The  importance  of  Dibble’s  history  is  that  it  is  representa- 
tive. He  concludes  with  this  eloquent  passage:  “From  one  heathen  nation  we 

may  learn  in  a measure  the  wants  of  all.  And  we  ought  not  to  restrict  our  view, 
but,  look  at  the  wide  world.  To  do  then  for  all  nations  what  I have  urged  in  be- 
half of  the  Sandwich  Islands,  how  great  and  extensive  a work!  How  vast  the  num- 
ber of  men  and  how  immense  the  amount  of  means  which  seem  necessary  to  elevate 
all  nations,  and  gain  over  the  -whole  earth  to  the  permanent  dominion  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ!  Can  300,000,000  of  pagan  children  and  youth  be  trained  and  in- 
structed by  a few  hands?  Can  the  means  of  instructing  them  be  furnished  by  the 
mere  farthings  and  pence  of  the  church?  Will  it  not  be  some  time  yet  before  minis- 
ters and  church  members  will  need  to  be  idle  a moment  for  the  want  of  work?  Is 
there  any  danger  of  our  being  cut  off  from  the  blessed  privilege  either  of  giving  or 
of  going?  There  is  a great  work  yet  to  be  done — a noble  work — a various  and  a 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


287 


difficult  work — a work  worthy  of  God’s  power,  God’s  resources,  and  God’s  wisdom. 
What  Christendom  has  as  yet  done  is  scarcely  worthy  of  being  called  a commence- 
ment. When  God  shall  bring  such  energies  into  action  as  shall  be  commensurate 
with  the  greatness  of  the  work— when  he  shall  cause  every  redeemed  sinner,  by 
the  abundant  influence  of  His  Holy  Spirit,  to  lay  himself  out  wholly  in  the  great 
enterprise,  then  there  will  be  a sight  of  moral  sublimity  that  shall  rivet  the  gaze  of 
angels.” 

We  quote  this  writer  as  to  what  became  of  the  remains  of  Cook:  “The  body  of 
Captain  Cook  was  carried  into  the  interior  of  the  island,  the  bones  secured  accord- 
ing to  their  custom,  and  the  flesh  burned  in  the  fire.  The  heart,  liver,  etc.,  of  Cap- 
tain Cook,  were  stolen  and  eaten  by  some  hungry  children,  who  mistook  them  in  the 
night  for  the  inwards  of  a dog.  The  names  of  the  children  were  Kupa,  Mohoole  and 
Kaiwikokoole.  These  men  are  now  all  dead.  The  last  of  the  number  died  two 
years  since  at  the  station  of  Lahaina.  Some  of  the  bones  of  Captain  Cook  were 
sent  on  board  his  ship,  in  compliance  with  the  urgent  demands  of  the  officers;  and 
some  were  kept  by  the  priests  as  objects  of  worship.”  The  “heart,  liver,  etc.,”  were 
of  course  given  to  the  children  to  eat!  The  bones  are  still  hidden,  and  presumably 
not  much  worshiped.  The  first  of  the  remains  of  Captain  Cook  given  up  was  a 
mass  of  his  bloody  flesh,  cut  as  if  from  a slaughtered  os.  After  some  time  there 
were  other  fragments,  including  one  of  his  hands  which  had  a well  known  scar, 
and  perfectly  identified  it.  Along  with  this  came  the  story  of  burning  flesh,  and 
denials  of  cannibalism.  Mr.  Dibble  speaks  of  Cook’s  “consummate  folly  and  out- 
rageous tyranny  of  placing  a blockade  upon  a heathen  bay,  which  the  natives  could 
not  possibly  be  supposed  either  to  understand  or  appreciate.”  That  blockade,  like 
others,  was  understood  when  enforced.  The  historian  labors  to  work  out  a case  to 
justify  the  murder  of  Cook  because  he  received  worship.  As  to  the  acknowledgment 
of  Cook  as  the  incarnation  of  Lono,  in  the  Hawaiian  Pantheon,  Captain  King  says: 

“Before  I proceed  to  relate  the  adoration  that  was  paid  to  Captain  Cook,  and  the 
peculiar  ceremonies  with  which  he  was  received  on  this  fatal  island,  it  will  be  nec- 
essary to  describe  the  Morai,  situated,  as  I have  already  mentioned,  at  the  south 
side  of  the  beach  at  Kakooa  (Kealakeakua).  It  'was  a square  solid  pile  of  stones, 
about  forty  yards  long,  twenty  broad,  and  fourteen  in  height.  The  top  was  flat  and 
well  paved,  and  surrounded  by  a wooden  rail,  on  which  were  fixed  the  skulls  of  the 
captives  sacrificed  on  the  death  of  their  chiefs.  In  the  center  of  the  area  stood  a ruin- 
ous old  building  of  wood,  connected  with  the  rail  on  each  side  by  a stone  wall, 
which  next  divided  the  whole  space  into  two  parts.  On  the  side  next  the  country 
were  five  poles,  upward  of  twenty  feet  high,  supporting  an  irregular  kind  of  scaffold; 


288 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


on  the  opposite  side  toward  the  sea,  stood  two  small  Houses  with  a covered  communi- 
cation. 

“We  were  conducted  by  Koah  to  the  top  of  this  pile  by  an  easy  ascent  leading 
Worn  the  beach  to  the  northwest  corner  of  the  area.  At  the  entrance  we  saw  two 
large  wooden  images,  with  features  violently  distorted,  and  a long  piece  of  carved 
wood  of  a conical  form  inverted,  rising  from  the  top  of  their  heads;  the  rest  was 
without  form  and  wrapped  round  wfth  red  cloth.  We  were  here  met  by  a tall  young 
man  with  a long  beard,  who  presented  Captain  Cook  fo  the  images,  and  after  chanting 
a kind  of  hymn,  in  which  he  was  joined  by  Koah,  they  led  us  to  that  end  of  the 
Morai  Avhere  the  five  poles  were  fixed.  At  the  foot  of  them  were  twelve  images 
ranged  in  a semicircular  form,  and  before  the  middle  figure  stood  a high  stand  or 
table,  exactly  resembling  the  Whatta  of  Othaheiti,  on  which  lay  a putrid  hog,  and 
under  it  pieces  of  sugar  cane,  cocoanuts,  bread  fruit,  plantains  and  sweet  potatoes. 
Koah  having  placed  the  Captain  under  the  stand,  took  down  the  hog  and  held  it 
toward  him;  and  after  having  a second  time  addressed  him  in  a long  speech,  pro- 
nounced with  much  vehemence  and  rapidity,  he  let  it  fall  on  the  ground  and  led 
him  to  the  scaffolding,  which  they  began  to  climb  together,  not  without  great  risk  of 
falling.  At  this  time  we  saw  coming  in  solemn  procession,  at  the  entrance  of  the  top 
of  the  Morai,  ten  men  carrying  a live  hog  and  a large  piece  of  red  cloth.  Being 
advanced  a few  paces,  they  stopped  and  prostrated  themselves;  and  Ivaireekeea,  the 
young  man  above  mentioned,  went  to  them,  and  receiving  the  cloth  carried  it  to 
Koah,  who  wrapped  it  around  the  Captain,  and  afterwards  offered  him  the  hog, 
which  was  brought  by  Ivaireekeea  with  the  same  ceremony. 

“Whilst  Captain  Cook  was  aloft  in  this  awkward  situation,  swathed  round  with 
red  cloth,  and  with  difficulty  keeping  his  hold  amongst  the  pieces  of  rotten  scaf- 
folding, Ivaireekeea  and  IvoaH  began  their  office,  chanting  sometimes  in  concert  and 
sometimes  alternately.  This  lasted  a considerable  time;  at  length  Koah  let  the 
hog  drop,  when  he  and  the  Captain  descended  together.  He  then  led  him  to  the 
images  before  mentioned,  and,  having  said  something  to  each  in  a sneering  tone, 
snapping  his  fingers  at  them  as  he  passed,  he  Brought  him  to  that  in  the  center, 
which,  from  it's  being  covered  with  red  cloth,  appeared  to  be  in  greater  estimation 
than  the  rest.  Before  this  figure  he  prostrated  himself  and  kissed  it,  desiring  Cap- 
tain Cook  to  do  the  same,  who  suffered  himself  to  be  directed  by  Koah  throughout 
the  whole  of  this  ceremony. 

“We  were  now  led  back  to  the  other  division  of  the  Morai,  where  there  was  a 
space  ten  or  twelve  feet  square,  sunk  about  three  feet  below  the  level  of  the  area. 
Into  this  we  descended,  and  Captain  Cook  was  seated  between  two  wooden  idols, 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


289 


Koah  supporting  one  of  his  arms,  whilst  I was  desired  to  support  the  other.  At 
this  time  arrived  a second  procession  of  natives,  carrying  a baked  hog  and  a pudding, 
some  bread  fruit,  cocoanuts  and  other  vegetables.  When  they  approached  us  Kai- 
reekeea  put  himself  at  their  head,  and  presenting  the  pig  to  Captain  Cook  in  the 
usual  manner,  began  the  same  kind  of  chant  as  before,  his  companions  making 
regular  responses.  We  observed  that  after  every  response  their  parts  became  grad- 
ually shorter,  till,  toward  the  close,  Kaireekeea’s  consisted  of  only  fwo  or  three 
words,  while  the  rest  answered  by  the  word  Orono. 

“When  this  offering  was  concluded,  which  lasted  a quarter  of  an  hour,  the  na- 
tives sat  down  fronting  us,  and  began  to  cut  up  the  baked  hog,  to  peel  the  vegetables 

and  break  the  cocoanuts;  whilst  others  employed  themselves  in  brewing  the  awa, 
which  is  done  by  chewing  it  in  the  same  manner  as  at  the  Friendly  Islands.  Kairee- 
keea  then  took  part  of  the  kernel  of  a cocoanut,  which  he  chewed,  and  wrapping 
it  in  a piece  of  cloth,  rubbed  with  it  the  Captain’s  face,  head,  hands,  arms  and  shoul- 
ders. The  awa  was  then  handed  around,  and  after  we  had  tasted  it  Koah  and 
Pareea  began  to  pull  the  flesh  of  the  hog  in  pieces  and  put  it  into  our  mouths.  I had 
no  great  objection  to  being  fed  by  Pareea,  who  was  very  cleanly  in  his  person,  but 
Captain  Cook,  who  was  served  by  Koah,  recollecting  the  putrid  hog,  could  not 
swallow  a morsel;  and  his  reluctance,  as  may  be  supposed,  was  not  diminished  when 
the  old  man,  according  to  his  own  mode  of  civility  had  chewed  it  for  him. 

“When  this  ceremony  was  finished,  which  Captain  Cook  put  an  end  to  as  soon  as 
he  decently  could,  we  quitted  the  Morai.” 

Evidently  the  whole  purpose  of  Captain  Cook  in  permitting  this  performance, 
was  to  flatter  and  gratify  the  natives  and  make  himself  strong  to  command  them. 
The  Captain  himself  was  sickened,  and  got  away  as  quickly  as  he  could  without 
giving  offense.  This  was  not  the  only  case  in  which  the  native  priests  presented  the 
navigator  as  a superior  being.  Perhaps  the  view  the  old  sailor  took  of  the  style 
of  ceremony  was  as  there  were  so  many  gods,  one  more  or  less  did  not  matter.  Cook 
never  attached  importance  to  the  freaks  of  superstition,  except  so  far  as  it  might  be 
made  useful  in  keeping  the  bloody  and  beastly  savages  in  check.  Bearing  upon 
this  point  we  quote  W.  D.  Alexander’s  “Brief  History  of  the  Hawaiian  People,” 
pages  33-34: 

“Infanticide  was  fearfully  prevalent,  and  there  were  few  of  the  older  women 
at  the  date  of  the  abolition  of  idolatry  who  had  not  been  guilty  of  it.  It  was  the 
opinion  of  those  best  informed  that  two-thirds  of  all  the  children  horn  were  de- 
stroyed in  infancy  by  their  parents.  They  were  generally  buried  alive,  in  many  cases 
in  the  very  houses  occupied  by  their  unnatural  parents.  On  all  the  islands  the  nuin- 


290 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


her  of  males  was  much  greater  than  that  of  females,  in  consequence  of  the  girls 
being  more  frequently  destroyed  than  the  hoys.  The  principal  reason  given  Lr  it 
was  laziness — unwillingness  to  take  the  trouble  of  rearing  children.  It  was  a very 
common  practice  for  parents  to  give  away  their  children  to  any  persons  vvho  were 
willing  to  adopt  them. 

“No  regular  parental  discipline  was  maintained,  and  the  children  were  too  often 
left  to  follow  their  own  inclinations  and  to  become  familiar  with  the  lowest  vices. 

“Neglect  of  the  helpless.  Among  the  common  people  old  age  was  despised.  The 
sick  and  those  who  had  become  helpless  from  age  were  sometimes  abandoned  to  die 
or  put  to  death.  Insane  people  were  also  sometimes  stoned  to  death.” 

Again  we  quote  Alexander’s  History,  page  49: 

“Several  kinds  of  food  were  forbidden  to  the  women  on  pain  of  death,  viz., 
pork,  bananas,  cocoanuts,  turtles,  and  certain  kinds  of  fish,  as  the  ulua,  the  humu, 
the  shark,  the  hihimanu  or  sting-ray,  etc.  The  men  of  the  poorer  class  often  formed 
a sort  of  eating  club  apart  from  their  wives.  These  laws  were  rigorously  enforced. 
At  Honaunau,  Hawaii,  two  young  girls  of  the  highest  rank,  Kapiolani  and  Keoua, 
having  been  detected  in  the  act  of  eating  a banana,  their  kahu,  or  tutor,  was  held  re- 
sponsible, and  put  to  death  by  drowning.  Shortly  before  the  abolition  of  the  tabus, 
a little  child  had  one  of  her  eyes  scooped  out  for  the  same  offense.  About  the  same 
time  a woman  was  put  to  death  for  entering  the  eating  house  of  her  husband,  al- 
though she  was  tipsy  at  the  time.” 

Captain  Cook  seems  to  have  committed  the  unpardonable  sin  in  not  beginning 
the  stated  work  of  preaching  the  gospel  a long  generation  before  the  missionaries 
arrived,  and  the  only  sound  reason  for  this  is  found  in  Dibble’s  History,  in  his  state- 
ment that  the  islanders  steadily  degenerated  until  the  missions  were  organized. 

Writers  of  good  repute,  A.  Fornander,  chief  of  them,  are  severe  with  Captain 
Cook  on  account  of  his  alleged  greed,  not  paying  enough  for  the  red  feathers  woven 
into  fanciful  forms.  Perhaps  that  is  a common  fault  in  the  transactions  of  civilized 
men  with  barbarians.  William  Penn  is  the  only  man  with  a great  reputation  for 
dealing  fairly  with  American  Red  Men,  and  he  was  not  impoverished  by  it.  Cook 
gave  nails  for  hogs,  and  that  is  mentioned  in  phrases  that  are  malicious.  Iron  was 
to  the  islanders  the  precious  metal,  and  they  were  not  cheated.  A long  drawn  out 
efforthas  been  made  to  impress  the  world  that  Cook  thought  himself  almost  a god, and 
was  a monster.  The  natives  gave  to  the  wonderful  people  who  came  to  them  in  ships, 
liberally  of  their  plenty,  and  received  in  return  presents  that  pleased  them,  articles 
of  utility.  Beads  came  along  at  a later  day.  The  natives  believed  Cook  one  of 
the  heroes  of  the  imagination  that  they  called  gods.  He  sought  to  propitiate  them 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


291 


and  paid  for  fruit  and  meat  in  iron  and  showy  trifles.  His  policy  of  progress  was  to 
introduce  domestic  animals. 

Note  the  temper  of  Mr.  Abraham  Fornander,  a man  who  has  meant  honesty  o£ 
statement,  but  whose  information  was  perverted: 

“And  how  did  Captain  Cook  requite  this  boundless  hospitality,  that  never  once 
made  default  during  his  long  stay  of  seventeen  days  in  Kealakeakua,  these  mag- 
nificent presents  of  immense  value,  this  delicate  and  spontaneous  attention  to  every 
want,  this  friendship  of  the  chiefs  and  priests,  this  friendliness  of  the  common 
people?  By  imposing  on  their  good  nature  to  the  utmost  limit  of  its  ability  to  re- 
spond to  the  greedy  and  constant  calls  of  their  new  friends; -by  shooting  at  one  of 
the  king’s  officers  for  endeavoring  to  enforce  a law  of  the  land,  an  edict  of  his 
sovereign  that  happened  to  be  unpalatable  to  the  new  comers,  and  caused  them 
some  temporary  inconvenience,  after  a week’s  profusion  and  unbridled  license; 
by  a liberal  exhibition  of  his  force  and  the  meanest  display  of  his  bounty;  by  giving 
the  king  a linen  shirt  and  a cutlass  in  return  for  feather  cloaks  and  helmets,  which, 
irrespective  of  their  value  as  insignia  of  the  highest  nobility  in  the  land,  were  worth 
singly  at  least  from  five  to  ten  thousand  dollars,  at  present  price  of  the  feathers, 
not  counting  the  cost  of  manufacturing;  by  a reckless  disregard  of  the  proprieties 
of  ordinary  intercourse,  even  between  civilized  and  savage  man,  and  a wanton  insult 
to  what  he  reasonably  may  have  supposed  to  have  been  the  religious  sentiments 
of  his  hosts.”  This  is  up  to  the  mark  of  a criminal  lawyer  retained  to  prove  by 
native  testimony  that  Captain  James  Cook  was  not  murdered,  but  executed  for  cause. 
The  great  crime  of  Cook  is  up  to  this  point  that  of  playing  that  he  was  one  of  the 
Polynesian  gods.  Fornander  says:  “When  the  sailors  carried  off,  not  only  the  rail- 
ing of  the  temple,  but  also  the  idols  of  the  gods  within  it,  even  the  large-hearted 
patience  of  Kaoo  gave  up,  and  he  meekly  requested  that  the  central  idol  at  least 
might  be  restored.  Captain  King  failed  to  perceive  that  the  concession  of  the 
priests  was  that  of  a devotee  to  his  saint.  The  priests  would  not  sell  their  religious 
emblems  and  belongings  for  “thirty  pieces  of  silver,”  or  any  remuneration,  but  they 
were  willing  to  offer  up  the  entire  Heiau,-  and  themselves  on  the  top  of  it,  as  a 
holocaust  to  Lono,  if  he  had  requested  it.  So  long  as  Cook  was  regarded  as  a god 
in  their  eyes  they  could  not  refuse  him.  And  though  they  exhibited  no  resentment 
at  the  request,  the  want  of  delicacy  and  consideration  gu  the  part  of  Captain  Cook 
is  none  the  less  glaring.  After  his  death,  and  when  the  illusion  of  godship  had  sub- 
sided, his  spoliation  of  the  very  Heiau  in  which  he  had  been  deified  was  not  one 
of  the  least  of  the  grievances  which  native  annalists  laid  up  against  him.” 


203 


EARLY  HISTORY'  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


Contrast  this  flagrancy  in  advocacy  of  the  cause  of  the  barbarous  natives  with 
the  last  words  Cook  wrote  in  his  journal.  We  quote  from  “A  Voyage  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean,”  by  Captain  James  Cook,  F.  R.  S.,  (Vol.  II.,  pages  251-253): 

“As  it  was  of  the  last  importance  to  procure  a supply  of  provisions  at  these 
islands;  and  experience  having  taught  me  that  I could  have  no  chance  to  succeed 
in  this,  if  a free  trade  with  the  natives  were  to  be  allowed;  that  is,  if  it  were  left 
to  every  man’s  discretion  to  trade  for  what  he  pleased,  and  in  what  manner  he 
pleased;  for  this  substantial  reason,  I now  published  an  order  prohibiting  all  per- 
sons from  trading,  except  such  as  should  be  appointed  by  me  and  Captain  Clarke; 
and  even  these  "were  enjoined  to  trade  only  for  provisions  and  refreshments.  Women 
were  also  forobidden  to  be  admitted  into  the  ships,  except  under  certain  restric- 
tions. But  the  evil  I intended  to  prevent,  by  this  regulation,  I soon  found  had 
already  got  amongst  them. 

“I  stood  in  again  the  next  morning  till  within  three  or  four  miles  of  the  land, 
where  we  were  met  with  a number  of  canoes  laden  with  provisions.  We  brought 
to,  and  continued  trading  with  the  people  in  them  till  four  in  the  afternoon, 
when,  having  got  a pretty  good  supply,  we  made  sail  and  stretched  off  to  the 
northward. 

“I  had  never  met  with  a behavior  so  free  from  reserve  and  suspicion  in  my 
intercourse  with  any  tribe  of  savages  as  we  experienced  in  the  people  of  this  island. 
It  was  very  common  for  them  to  send  up  into  the  ship  the  several  articles  they 
brought  for  barter;  afterward,  they  wmuld  come  in  themselves  and  make  their  bar- 
gains on  the  quarter-deck. 

“We  spent  the  night  as  usual,  standing  off  and  on.  It  happened  that  four 
men  and  ten  women  who  had  come  on  board  the  preceding  day  still  remained  with 
us.  As  I did  not  like  the  company  of  the  latter,  I stood  in  shore  toward  noon, 
principally  with  a view  to  get  them  out  of  the  ship;  and,  some  canoes  coming  off, 
I took  that  opportunity  of  sending  away  our  guests. 

“In  the  evening  Mr.  Bligh  returned  and  reported  that  he  had  found  a hay  in 
which  was  good  anchorage,  and  fresh  water  in  a situation  tolerably  easy  to  be  come 
at.  Into  this  bay  I resolved  to  carry  the  ships,  there  to  refit  and  supply  ourselves 
with  every  refreshment  that  the  place  could  afford.  As  night  approached  the 
greater  part  of  our  visitors  retired  to  the  shore,  but  numbers  of  them  requested 
our  permission  to  sleep  on  board.  Curiosity  was  not  the  only  motive,  at  least  with 
some,  for  the  next  morning  several  things  were  missing,  which  determined  me  not 
to  entertain  so  many  another  night. 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


293 


“At  eleven  o’clock  in  the  forenoon  we  anchored  in  the  bay,  which  is  called 
by  the  natives  Karakaooa,  (Ivealakeakua),  in  thirteen  fathoms  water,  over  a sandy 
bottom,  and  about  a quarter  of  a mile  from  the  northeast  shore.  In  this  situation 
the  south  point  of  the  bay  bore  south  by  west,  and  the  north  point  west  half 
north.  We  moored  with  the  stream-anchor  and  cable,  to  the  northward,  unbent 
the  sails  and  struck  yards  and  topmasts.  The  ships  continued  to  be  much  crowded 
with  natives,  and  were  surrounded  by  a multitude  of  canoes.  I had  nowhere,  in 
the  course  of  my  voyages,  seen  so  numerous  a body  of  people  assembled  in  one 
place.  For,  besides  those  who  had  come  off  to  us  in  canoes,  all  the  shore  of  the 
bay  was  covered  with  spectators,  and  many  hundreds  were  swimming  around  the 
ships  like  shoals  of  fish.  We  could  not  hut  be  struck  with  the  singularity  of  this 
scene,  and  perhaps  there  were  few  on  board  who  lamented  our  having  failed  in  our 
endeavors  to  find  a northern  passage  homeward  last  summer.  To  this  disappoint- 
ment we  owed  our  having  it  in  our  power  to  revisit  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and  to 
enrich  our  voyage  with  a discovery  which,  though  the  last,  seemed  in  many  re- 
spects to  he  the  most  important  that  had  hitherto  been  made  by  Europeans,  through- 
out the  extent  of  the  Pacific  Ocean.” 

This  is  the  end  of  Cook’s  writing.  His  murder  followed  immediately.  He  fell 
by  the  hands  of  people  for  whom  his  good  will  was  shown  in  his  last  words.  The 
concluding  pages  of  the  journal  answer  all  the  scandals  his  enemies  have  so  busily 
circulated. 

There  is  a gleam  of  humor  that  shows  like  a thread  of  gold  in  the  midst  of 
the  somber  tragedies  of  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and  we  must  not  omit  to  extract 
it  from  “The  Voyage  of  Discovery  Around  the  World”  by  Captain  George  Van- 
couver, when  he  spent  some  time  in  Hawaii,  and  gives  two  bright  pictures — one 
of  a theatrical  performance,  and  the  other  the  happy  settlement  of  the  disordered 
domestic  relations  of  a monarch. 

A GIFTED  NATIVE  ACTRESS  AND  SOME  ROYAL  DRAMATISTS. 

“There  was  a performance  by  a single  young  woman  of  the  name  of  Puckoo, 
whose  person  and  manners  were  both  very  agreeable.  Her  dress,  notwithstanding 
the  heat  of  the  weather,  consisted  of  an  immense  quantity  of  cloth,  which  was 
wreaths  of  black,  red  and  yellow  feathers;  but,  excepting  these,  she  wore  no  dress 
a manner  as  to  give  a pretty  effect  to  the  variegated  pattern  of  the  cloth;  and  was 
otherways  disposed  with  great  taste.  Her  head  and  neck  were  decorated  with 
wreaths  of  black,  red  and  yellow  feathers;  but,  excepting  these,  she  wore  no  dress 


294 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


from  the  waist  upwards.  Her  ankles,  and  nearly  half  way  up  her  legs,  were  deco- 
rated with  several  folds  of  cloth,  widening  upwards,  so  that  the  upper  parts  ex- 
tended from  the  leg  at  least  four  inches  all  round;  this  was  encompassed  by  a 
piece  of  net  work,  wrought  very  close,  from  the  meshes  of  which  were  hung  the 
small  teeth  of  dogs,  giving  this  part  of  her  dress  the  appearance  of  an  ornamented 
funnel.  On  her  wrists  she  wore  bracelets  made  of  the  tusks  of  the  largest  hogs. 
These  were  highly  polished  and  fixed  close  together  in  a ring,  the  concave  sides 
of  the  tusks  being  outwards;  and  their  ends  reduced  to  a uniform  length,  curving 
naturally  away  from  the  center,  were  by  no  means  destitute  of  ornamental  effect. 
Thus  equipped,  her  appearance  on  the  stage,  before  she  uttered  a single  word,  ex- 
cited considerable  applause. 

“These  amusements  had  hitherto  been  confined  to  such  limited  performances; 
but  this  afternoon  was  to  be  dedicated  to  one  of  a more  splendid  nature,  in  which 
some  ladies  of  consequence,  attendants  on  the  court  of  Tamaahmaah,  were  to  per- 
form the  principal  parts.  Great  pains  had  been  taken,  and  they  had  gone  through 
many  private  rehearsals,  in  order  that  the  exhibition  this  evening  might  be  worthy 
of  the  public  attention;  on  the  conclusion  of  which,  I purposed  by  a display  of 
fireworks,  to  make  a return  for  the  entertainment  they  had  afforded  us. 

“About  four  o’clock  we  were  informed  it  was  time  to  attend  the  royal  dames; 
their  theatre,  or  rather  place  of  exhibition,  was  about  a mile  to  the  southward  of 
our  tents,  in  a small  square,  surrounded  by  houses,  and  sheltered  by  trees,  a situa- 
tion as  well  chosen  for  the  performance,  as  for  the  accommodation  of  the  specta- 
tors; who,  on  a moderate  computation,  could  not  be  estimated  at  less  than  four 
thousand,  of  all  ranks  and  descriptions  of  persons. 

“The  dress  of  the  actresses  was  something  like  that  worn  by  Puckoo,  though 
made  of  superior  materials,  and  disposed  with  more  taste  and  elegance.  A very  con- 
siderable quantity  of  their  finest  cloth  was  prepared  for  the  occasion;  of  this  their 
lower  garment  was  formed,  which  extended  from  their  waist  half  down  their  legs, 
and  was  so  plaited  as  to  appear  very  much  like  a hoop  petticoat.  This  seemed  the 
most  difficult  part  of  their  dress  to  adjust,  for  Tamaahmaah,  who  was  considered 
to  be  a profound  critic,  was  frequently  appealed  to  by  the  women,  and  his  direc- 
tions were  implicitly  followed  in  many  little  alterations.  Instead  of  the  ornaments 
of  cloth  and  net-work,  decorated  with  dogs’  teeth,  these  ladies  had  each  a green 
wreath  made  of  a kind  of  bind  weed,  twisted  together  in  different  parts  like  a rope, 
which  was  wound  round  from  the  ankle,  nearly  to  the  lower  part  of  the  petticoat. 
On  their  wrists  they  wore  no  bracelets  nor  other  ornaments,  but  across  their  necks 


EAELY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


295 


and  shoulders  were  green  sashes,  very  nicely  made,  with  the  broad  leaves  of  the 
tee,  a plant  that  produces  a very  luscious  sweet  root,  the  size  of  a yam.  This  part 
of  their  dress  was  put  on  the  last  by  each  of  the  actresses;  and  the  party  being  now 
fully  attired,  the  king  and  queen,  who  had  been  present  the  whole  time  of  their 
dressing,  were  obliged  to  withdraw,  greatly  to  the  mortification  of  the  latter,  who 
would  gladly  have  taken  her  part  as  a performer,  in  which  she  was  reputed  to 
excel  very  highly.  But  the  royal  pair  were  compelled  to  retire,  even  from  the  ex- 
hibition as  they  are  prohibited  by  law  from  attending  such  amusements,  except- 
ing on  the  festival  of  the  new  year.  Indeed,  the  performance  of  this  day  was  con- 
trary to  the  established  rules  of  the  island,  but  being  intended  as  a compliment  to 
us,  the  innovation  was  permitted. 

“As  their  majesties  withdrew,  the  ladies  of  rank  and  the  principal  chiefs  began 
to  make  their  appearance.  The  reception  of  the  former  by  the  multitude  was 
marked  by  a degree  of  respect  that  I had  not  before  seen  amongst  any  inhabitants 
)f  the  countries  in  the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  audience  assembled  at  this  time  were 
standing  in  rows,  from  fifteen  to  twenty  feet  deep,  so  close  as  to  touch  each  other; 
3ut  these  ladies  no  sooner  approached  in  their  rear,  in  any  accidental  direction,  than 
i passage  was  instantly  made  for  them  and  their  attendants  to  pass  through  in 
he  most  commodious  manner  to  their  respective  stations,  where  they  seated  them- 
elves  on  the  ground,  which  was  covered  with  mats,  in  the  most  advantageous  sit- 
ration  for  seeing  and  hearing  the  performers.  Most  of  these  ladies  were  of  a cor- 
mlent  form,  which,  assisted  by  their  stately  gait,  the  dignity  with  which  they 
noved,  and  the  number  of  their  pages,  who  followed  with  fans  to  court  the  refreshi- 
ng breeze,  or  with  fly-flaps  to  disperse  the  offending  insects,  announced  their  con- 
equence  as  the  wives,  daughters,  sisters,  or  other  near  relations  of  the  principal 
hiefs,  who,  however,  experienced  no  such  marks  of  respect  or  attention  themselves; 
ieing  obliged  to  make  their  way  through  the  spectators  in  the  best  manner  they 
/ere  able. 

“The  time  devoted  to  the  decoration  of  the  actresses  extended  beyond  the  limits 
f the  quiet  patience  of  the  audience,  who  exclaimed  two  or  three  times,  from  all 
uarters,  “Hoorah,  hoorah,  poaliealee,”  signifying  that  it  would  be  dark  and  black 
ight  before  the  performance  would  begin.  But  the  audience  here,  like  similar 
nes  in  other  countries,  attending  with  a pre-disposition  to  be  pleased,  was  in  good 
umor,  and  was  easily  appeased,  by  the  address  of  our  faithful  and  devoted  friend 
h'ywhookee,  who  was  the  conductor  of  the  ceremonies,  and  sole  manager  on  this 
ccasion.  He  came  forward  and  apologized  by  a speech  that  produced  a general 


296 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


laugh,  and,  causing  the  music  to  begin,  we  heard  no  further  murmurs. 

“The  band  consisted  of  five  men,  all  standing  up,  each  with  a highly  polished 
wooden  spear  in  the  left,  and  a small  piece  of  the  same  material,  equally  well  fin- 
ished, in  the  right  hand;  with  this  they  beat  on  the  spear,  as  an  accompaniment 
to  their  own  voices  in  songs,  that  varied  both  as  to  time  and  measure,  especially 
the  latter;  yet  their  voices,  and  the  sounds  produced  from  the  rude  instruments, 
which  differed  according  to  the  place  on  which  the  tapering  spear  was  struck,  ap- 
peared to  accord  very  well.  Having  engaged  us  a short  time  in  this  vocal  perform- 
ance, the  court  ladies  made  their  appearance,  and  were  received  with  shouts  of  the 
greatest  applause.  The  musicians  retired  a few  paces,  and  the  actresses  took  their 
station  before  them. 

“The  heroine  of  the  piece,  which  consisted  of  four  or  five  acts,  had  once  shared 
the  affections  and  embraces  of  Tamaahmaah,  but  was  now  married  to  an  inferior 
chief,  whose  occupation  in  the  household  was  that  of  the  charge  of  the  king’s  ap- 
parel. This  lady  was  distinguished  by  a green  wreath  round  the  crown  of  the  head; 
next  to  her  was  the  captive  daughter  of  Titeeree;  the  third  a younger  sister  to  the 
queen,  the  wife  of  Crymamahoo,  who,  being  of  the  most  exalted  rank,  stood  in 
the  middle.  On  each  side  of  these  were  two  of  inferior  quality,  making  in  all  seven 
actresses.  They  drew  themselves  up  in  a line  fronting  that- side  of  the  square  that 
was  occupied  by  ladies  of  quality  and  the  chiefs.  These  were  completely  detached 
from  the  populace,  not  by  any  partition,  but,  as  it  were,  by  the  respectful  consent 
of  the  lower  orders  of  the  assembly;  not  one  of  which  trespassed  or  produced  the 
least  inaccommodation. 

“This  representation,  like  that  before  attempted  to  be  described,  was  a compound 
of  speaking  and  singing;  the  subject  of  which  was  enforced  by  gestures  and  actions. 
The  piece  was  in  honor  of  a captive  princess,  whose  name  was  Crycowculleneaow; 
and  on  her  name  being  pronounced,  every  one  present,  men  as  well  as  women,  who 
wore  any  ornaments  above  their  waists,  were  obliged  to  take  them  off,  though  the 
captive  lady  was  at  least  sixty  miles  distant.  This  mark  of  respect  was  unobserved 
by  the  actresses  whilst  engaged  in  the  performance;  but  the  instant  any  one  sat 
down,  or  at  the  close  of  the  act,  they  were  also  obliged  to  comply  with  this  mys- 
terious ceremony. 

“The  variety  of  attitudes  into  which  these  women  threw  themselves,  with  the 
rapidity  of  their  action,  resembled  no  amusement  in  any  other  part  of  the  world 
within  my  knowledge,  by  a comparison  with  which  I might  be  enabled  to  convey 
gome  idea  of  the  stage  effect  thus  produced,  particularly  in  the  first  three  parts, 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


297 


in  which  there  appeared  much  correspondence  and  harmony  between  the  tone  of 
their  voices  and  the  display  of  their  limbs.  One  or  two  of  the  performers  being 
not  quite  so  perfect  as  the  rest,  afforded  us  an  opportunity  of  exercising  our  judg- 
ment by  comparison;  and  it  must  be  confessed,  that  the  ladies  who  most  excelled, 
exhibited  a degree  of  graceful  action,  for  the  attainment  of  which  it  is  difficult  to 
account. 

“In  each  of  these  first  parts  the  songs,  attitudes  and  actions  appeared  to  me  of 
greater  variety  than  I had  before  noticed  amongst  the  people  of  the  great  South 
Sea  nation  on  any  former  occasion.  The  whole,  though  I am  unequal  to  its  de- 
scription, was  supported  with  a wonderful  degree  of  spirit  and  vivacity;  so  much 
indeed  that  some  of  their  exertions  were  made  with  such  a degree  of  agitating  vio- 
lence as  seemed  to  carry  the  performers  beyond  what  their  strength  was  able  to 
sustain;  and  had  the  performance  finished  with  the  third  act,  we  should  have  re- 
tired from  their  theatre  with  a much  higher  idea  of  the  moral  tendency  of  their 
drama,  than  was  conveyed  by  the  offensive,  libidinous  scene,  exhibited  by  the  la- 
dies in  the  concluding  part.  The  language  of  the  song,  no  doubt,  corresponded 
■with  the  obscenity  of  their  actions;  which  were  carried  to  a degree  of  extravagance 
that  were  calculated  to  produce  nothing  but  disgust,  even  to  the  most  licentious.” 

From  “A  Voyage  of  Discovery,”  by  Captain  George  Vancouver: 

THE  RECONCILIATION  BY  STRATEGY  OF  A KING  WITH  ONE  OF  HIS 

QUEENS. 

“Tahowmotoo  was  amongst  the  most  constant  of  our  guests;  but  his  daughter, 
the  disgraced  queen,  seldom  visited  our  side  of  the  bay.  I was  not,  however,  ig- 
norant of  her  anxious  desire  for  a reconciliation  with  Tamaahmaah;  nor  was  the 
same  wish  to  be  misunderstood  in  the  conduct  and  behavior  of  the  king,  in  whose 
good  opinion  and  confidence  I had  now  acquired  such  a predominancy  that  I be- 
came acquainted  with  his  most  secret  inclinations  and  apprehensions. 

“His  unshaken  attachment  and  unaltered  affection  for  Tahowmannoo  was  con- 
fessed with  a sort  of  internal  self  conviction  of  her  innocence.  He  acknowledged, 
with  great  candor  that  his  own  conduct  had  not  been  exactly  such  as  warranted 
his  having  insisted  upon  a separation  from  his  queen;  that  although  it  could  not 
authorize,  it  in  some  measure  pleaded  in  excuse  for  her  infidelity;  and  for  his  own, 
he  alleged,  that  his  high  rank  and  supreme  authority  was  a sort  of  licence  for  such 
indulgences. 

“An  accommodation  which  I considered  to  be  mutually  wished  by  both  parties 


298 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


was  urged  in  the  strongest  terms  by  the  queen’s  relations.  To  effect  this  desira- 
ble purpose,  my  interference  was  frequently  solicited  by  them;  and  as  it  concurred 
with  my  own  inclination,  I resolved  on  embracing  the  first  favorable  opportunity 
to  use  my  best  endeavors  for  bringing  a reconciliation  about.  For  although,  on1 
our  former  visit,  Tahowmannoo  had  been  regarded  with  the  most  favorable  im- 
pressions, yet,  whether  from  her  distresses,  or  because  she  had  really  improved  in 
her  personal  accomplishments,  I will  not  take  upon  me  to  determine,  but  certain 
it  is  that  one  or  both  of  these  circumstances  united  had  so  far  prepossessed  us  all 
in  her  favor,  and  no  one  more  so  than  myself,  that  it  had  long  been  the  general 
wish  to  see  her  exalted  again  to  her  former  dignities.  This  desire  was  probably 
not  a little  heightened  by  the  regard  we  entertained  for  the  happiness  and  repose 
of  our  noble  and  generous  friend  Tamaahmaah,  who  was  likely  to  be  materially 
affected  not  only  in  his  domestic  comforts,  but  in  his  political  situation,  by  receiv- 
ing again  and  reinstating  his  consort  in  her  former  rank  and  consequence. 

“I  was  convinced  beyond  all  doubt  that  there  were  two  or  three  of  the  most 
considerable  chiefs  of  the  island  whose  ambitious  views  were  inimical  to  the  in- 
terests and  authority  of  Tamaahmaah;  and  it  was  much  to  be  apprehended  that 
if  the  earnest  solicitations  of  the  queen’s  father  (whose  condition  and  importance 
was  next  in  consequence  to  that  of  the  king)  should  continue  to  be  rejected,  that 
there  could  be  little  doubt  of  his  adding  great  strength  and  influence  to  the  dis- 
contented and  turbulent  chiefs,  which  would  operate  highly  to  the  prejudice,  if 
not  totally  to  the  destruction,  of  Tamaahmaali’s  regal  power;  especially  as  the  ad- 
verse party  seemed  to  form  a constant  opposition,  consisting  of  a minority  by  no 
means  to  be  despised  by  the  executive  power,  and  which  appeared  >to  be  a principal 
constituent  part  of  the  Owhyean  politics. 

“For  these  substantial  reasons,  whenever  he  was  disposed  to  listen  to  such  dis- 
course, I did  not  cease  to  urge  the  importance  and  necessity  of  his  adopting  measures 
so  highly  essential  to  his  happiness  as  a man,  and  to  his  power,  interest  and  authority 
a6  the  supreme  chief  of  the  island.  All  this  he  candidly  acknowledged,  but  his 
pride  threw  impediments  in  the  way  of  a reconciliation,  which  were  hard  to  be  re- 
moved. He  would  not  himself  become  the  immediate  agent;  and  although  he  con- 
sidered it  important  that  the  negotiation  should  be  conducted  by  some  one  of  the 
principal  chiefs  in  his  fullest  confidence,  yet,  to  solicit  their  good  offices  after 
having  rejected  their  former  overtures  with  disdain,  was  equally  hard  to  recon- 
cile to  his  feelings.  I stood  nearly  in  the  same  situation  with  his  favorite  friends; 
but  being  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  sincerity  of  his  wishes,  I spared  him  the 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


299 


mortification  of  soliciting  the  offices  he  had  rejected,  by  again  proffering  my  services. 
To  this  he  instantly  consented,  and  observed  that  no  proposal  could  have  met  his 
mind  so  completely;  since,  by  effecting  a reconciliation  through  my  friendship, 
no  umbrage  could  he  taken  at  his  having  declined  the  several  offers  of  his  country- 
men by  any  of  the  individuals;  whereas,  had  this  object  been  accomplished  by  any 
one  of  the  chiefs,  it  would  probably  have  occasioned  jealousy  and  discontent  in 
the  minds  of  the  others. 

“All,  however,  was  not  yet  complete;  the  apprehension  that  some  concession 
might  be  suggested,  or  expected,  on  his  part,  preponderated  against  every  other 
consideration;  and  he  would  on  no  account  consent,  that  it  should  appear  that 
he  had  been  privy  to  the  business,  or  that  it  had  been  by  his  desire  that  a negotia- 
tion had  been  undertaken  for  this  happy  purpose,  but  that  the  whole  should  have 
the  appearance  of  being  purely  the  result  of  accident. 

“To  this  end  it  was  determined  that  I should  invite  the  queen,  with  several 
of  her  relations  and  friends,  on  board  the  Discovery,  for  the  purpose  of  presenting 
them  with  some  trivial  matters,  as  tokens  of  my  friendship  and  regard;  and  that, 
whilst  thus  employed,  our  conversation  should  be  directed  to  ascertain  whether  an 
accommodation  was  still  an  object  to  be  desired.  That  on  this  appearing  to  be 
the  general  wish,  Tamaahmaah  would  instantly  repair  on  hoard  in  a hasty  man- 
ner, as  if  he  had  something  extraordinary  to  communicate;  that  I should  appear 
to  rejoice  at  this  accidental  meeting,  and  by  instantly  uniting  their  hands,  bring 
the  reconciliation  to  pass  without  the  least  discussion  or  explanation  on  either  side. 
But  from  his  extreme  solicitude  lest  he  should  in  any  degree  be  suspected  of  being 
concerned  in  this  previous  arrangement,  a difficulty  arose  how  to  make  him  ac- 
quainted with  the  result  of  the  proposed  conversation  on  board,  which  could  not 
be  permitted  by  a verbal  message;  at  length,  after  some  thought,  he  took  up  two 
pieces  of  paper,  and  of  his  own  accord  made  certain  marks  with  a pencil  on  each  of 
them,  and  then  delivered  them  to  me.  The  difference  of  these  marks  he  could 
well  recollect;  the  one  was  to  indicate  that  the  result  of  my  inquiries  was  agreeable 
to  his  wishes,  and  the  other  that  it  was  contrary.  In  the  event  of  my  making  use 
of  the  former,  he  proposed  that  it  should  not  he  sent  on  shore  secretly,  hut  in  an 
open  and  declared  manner,  and  by  way  of  a joke,  as  a present  to  his  Owhyhean 
majesty.  The  natural  gaiety  of  disposition  which  generally  prevails  among  these 
islanders,  would  render  this  supposed  disappointment  of  the  king  a subject  for 
mirth,  would  in  some  degree  prepare  the  company  for  his  visit,  and  completely 
do  away  with  every  idea  of  its  being  the  effect  of  a preconcerted  measure. 


300 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


“This  plan  was  accordingly  carried  into  execution  on  the  following  Monday. 
Whilst  the  queen  and  her  party,  totally  ignorant  of  the  contrivance,  were  receiving 
the  compliments  I had  intended  them,  their  good  humor  and  pleasantry  were  in- 
finitely heightened  by  the  jest  I proposed  to  pass  upon  the  king,  in  sending  him  a 
piece  of  paper  only,  carefully  wrapped  up  in  some  cloth  of  their  own  manufacture, 
accompanied  by  a message;  importing,  that  as  I was  then  in  the  act  of  distributing 
favors  to  my  Owhyhean  friends,  I had  not  been  unmindful  of  his  majesty. 

“Tamaahmaah  no  sooner  received  the  summons,  than  he  hastened  on  board,  and, 
with  his  usual  vivacity,  exclaimed  before  he  made  his  appearance  that  he  was 
come  to  thank  me  for  the  present  I had  sent  him,  and  for  my  goodness  in  not 
having  forgotten  him  on  this  occasion.  This  was  heard  by  everyone  in  the  cabin 
before  he  entered;  and  all  seemed  to  enjoy  the  joke  except  the  poor  queen,  who 
appeared  to  be  much  agitated  at  the  idea  of  being  again  in  his  presence.  The  in- 
stant that  he  saw  her  his  countenance  expressed  great  surprise,  he  became  imme- 
diately silent,  and  attempted  to  retire;  but,  having  posted  myself  for  the  especial 
purpose  of  preventing  his  departure,  I caught  his  hand  and,  joining  it  with  the 
queen’s,  their  reconciliation  was  instantly  completed.  This  was  fully  demonstrated, 
not  only  by  the  tears  that  involuntarily  stole  down  the  cheeks  of  both  as  they 
embraced  each  other  and  mutually  expressed  the  satisfaction  they  experienced;  but 
by  the  behavior  of  every  individual  present,  whose  feelings  on  the  occasion  were  not 
to  be  repressed;  whilst  their  sensibility  testified  the  happiness  which  this  appar- 
ently fortuitous  event  had  produced. 

“A  short  pause,  produced  by  an  event  so  unexpected,  was  succeeded  by  the  sort 
of  good  humor  that  such  a happy  circumstance  would  naturally  inspire;  the  con- 
versation soon  became  general,  cheerful  and  lively,  in  which  the  artifice  imagined 
to  have  been  imposed  upon  the  king  bore  no  small  share.  A little  refreshment  from 
a few  glasses  of  wine  concluded  the  scene  of  this  successful  meeting. 

“After  the  queen  had  acknowledged  in  the  most  grateful  terms  the  weighty  ob- 
ligations which  she  felt  for  my  services  on  this  occasion,  I was  surprised  by  her 
saying,  as  we  were  all  preparing  to  go  on  shore,  that  she  had  still  a very  great 
favor  to  request;  which  was,  that  I should  obtain  from  Tamahmaah  a solemn  prom- 
ise that  on  her  return  to  his  habitation  he  would  not  beat  her.  The  great  cor- 
diality with  which  the  reconciliation  had  taken  place,  and  the  happiness  that  each 
of  them  had  continued  to  express  in  consequence  of  it,  led  me  at  first  to  consider 
this  entreaty  of  the  queen  as  a jest  only;  but  in  this  I was  mistaken,  for,  notwith- 
standing that  Tamaahmaah  readily  complied  with  my  solicitation,  and  assured  me 


L,.  25.  Wives  of  Chief  Datto  Pianof  Jolo.  26.  House  of  Chief  Datto  Pian  of  Jolo.  27.  Barracks  of  the 
'-/lvu  Guard  in  La  Errnita,  Manila.  28.  View  of  Chief  Datto  Pian’s  Wagebon  Ranche  in  Jolo.  29.  Church  of 
io  v°ncePti9n  in  Jolo.  30.  The  Weisic  Barracks,  Manila.  31.  Entrance  to  the  Military  Hospital,  Manila. 
>2.  Front  \ iew  of  the  Church  of  the  Conception,  Jolo. 

VIEWS  FROM  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


! 


RIFT  IN  THE  JUNGLES  THAT  LINE  THE  COAST  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


ROADWAY  IN  BOTANICAL  GARDENS,  MANILA. 


EAELY  HISTOEY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


303 


nothing  of  the  kind  should  take  plaee,  yet  Tahowmannoo  would  not  be  satisfied 
without  my  accompanying  them  home  to  the  royal  residence,  where  I had  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  her  restored  to  all  her  former  honors  and  privileges,  highly  to 
the  satisfaction  of  all  the  king’s  friends,  but  to  the  utter  mortification  of  those  who 
by  their  scandalous  reports  and  misrepresentations  had  been  the  cause  of  the  un- 
fortunate separtion. 

“The  domestic  affairs  of  Tamaahmaah  having  thus  taken  so  happy  a turn,  his 
mind  was  more  at  liberty  for  political  considerations;  and  the  cession  of  Owhyhee 
to  his  Britannic  Majesty  now  became  an  object  of  his  serious  concern.” 


Captain  Cook  makes  a strong  plea  in  his  journal  that  he  was  the  very  original 
discoverer  of  the  Sandwich  Islands.  Eeferring  to  the  wonderful  extent  of  the  sur- 
face of  the  earth  in  which  the  land  is  occupied  by  the  Polynesial  race,  he  exclaims: 

“How  shall  we  account  for  this  nation's  having  spread  itself,  in  so  many  de- 
tached islands,  so  widely  disjoined  from  each  other,  in  every  quarter  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean!  We  find  it,  from  New  Zealand  in  the  South,  as  far  as  the  Sandwich  Islands, 
to  the  North!  And,  in  another  direction,  from  Easter  Islands  to  the  Hebrides! 
That  is,  over  an  extent  of  sixty  degrees  of  latitude,  or  twelve  hundred  leagues, 
North  and  South!  And  eighty-three  degrees  of  longitude,  or  sixteen  hundred  and 
sixty  leagues,  East  and  West!  How  much  farther,  in  either  direction,  its  colonies 
reach,  is  not  known;  but  what  we  know  already,  in  consequence  of  this  and  our 
former  voyage,  warrants  our  pronouncing  it  to  be,  though  perhaps  not  the  most 
numerous,  certainly,  by  far,  the  most  extensive,  nation  upon  earth. 

“Had  the  Sandwich  Islands  been  discovered  at  an  early  period  by  the  Span- 
iards, there  is  little  doubt  that  they  would  have  taken  advantage  of  so  excellent  a 
jsituation,  and  have  made  use  of  Atooi,  or  some  other  of  the  islands,  as  a refresh- 
ing place  to  the  ships,  that  sail  annually  from  Acapulco  for  Manilla.  They  lie  al- 
most midway  between  the  first  place  and  Guam,  one  of  the  Ladrones,  which  is  at 
present  their  only  port  in  traversing  this  vast  ocean;  and  it  would  not  have  been  a 
week’s  sail  out  of  their  common  route  to  have  touched  at  them;  which  could  have 
jbeen  done  without  running  the  least  hazard  of  losing  the  passage,  as  they  are  suf- 
ficiently within  the  verge  of  the  easterly  trade  wind.  An  acquaintance  with  the 
Sandwich  Islands  would  have  been  equally  favorable  to  our  Buccaneers,  who  used 
sometimes  to  pass  from  the  coast  of  America  to  the  Ladrones,  with  a stock  of  food 
and  water  scarcely  sufficient  to  preserve  life.  Here  they  might  always  have  found 
'plenty,  and  have  been  within  a month’s  sure  sail  of  the  very  part  of  California 


304  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 

which  the  Manilla  ship  is  obliged  to  make,  or  else  have  returned  to  the  coast  of 
America,  thoroughly  refitted,  after  an  absence  of  two  months.  How  happy  would 
Lord  Anson  have  been,  and  what  hardships  he  would  have  avoided,  if  he  had 
known  that  there  was  a group  of  islands  half  way  between  America  and  Tinian, 
where  all  his  wants  could  have  been  effectually  supplied;  and  in  describing  which 
the  elegant  historian  of  that  voyage  would  have  presented  his  reader  with  a more 
agreeable  picture  than  I have  been  able  to  draw  in  this  chapter.” 

And  yet  there  seems  to  be  reason  for  believing  that  there  was  a Spanish  ship 
cast  away  on  one  of  the  Hawaiian  group,  and  that  their  descendants  are  distinctly 
marked  men  yet:  There  was  also  a white  man  and  woman  saved  from  the  sea  at 
some  unknown  period,  of  course  since  Noah,  and  they  multiplied  and  replenished, 
and  the  islanders  picked  up  somewhere  a knack  for  doing  things  in  construction 
of  boats  and  the  weaving  of  mats  that  hint  at  a crude  civilization  surviving  in  a 
mass  of  barbarianism. 

Captain  George  Dixon  names  the  islands  discovered  by  Captain  Cook  on  his 
last  voyage: 

“Owhyhee  (Hawaii),  the  principal,  is  the  first  to  the  southward  and  eastward, 
the  rest  run  in  a direction  nearly  northwest.  The  names  of  the  principals  are 
Mowee  (Maui),  Morotoy  (Molokai),  Ranai  (Lanai),  Whahoo  (Oahu),  Attooi  (Kauai), 
and  Oneehow  (Niihau).” 

This  account  Dixon  gives  of  two  curious  and  rather  valuable  words:  “The 

moment  a chief  concludes  a bargain,  he  repeats  the  word  Cooeoo  thrice,  with  quick- 
ness, and  is  immediately  answered  by  all  the  people  in  his  canoe  with  the  word 
Whoah,  pronounced  in  a tone  of  exclamation,  but  with  greater  or  less  energy,  in 
proportion  as  the  bargain  he  has  made  is  approved.” 

The  great  and  celebrated  Kamehameha,  who  consolidated  the  government  of 
the  islands,  did  it  by  an  act  of  treachery  and  murder,  thus  told  in  Alexander's 
history: 

“The  Assassination  of  Keoua. — Toward  the  end  of  the  year  1791  two  of  Kame- 
hameha’s  chief  counsellors,  Kamanawa  and  Keaweaheulu,  were  sent  on  an  embassy 
to  Keoua  at  Kahuku  in  Kau.  Keoua’s  chief  warrior  urged  him  to  put  them  to 
death,  which  he  indignantly  refused  to  do. 

“By  smooth  speeches  and  fair  promises  they  persuaded  him  to  go  to  Kawaihae, 
and  have  an  interview  with  Kamehameha,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  which 
had  lasted  nine  years.  Accordingly  he  set  out  with  his  most  intimate  friends  and 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


305 


twenty-four  rowers  in  his  own  double  canoe,  accompanied  by  Keaweaheulu  in  an- 
other canoe,  and  followed  by  friends  and  retainers  in  other  canoes. 

“As  they  approached  the  landing  at  Kawaihae,  Keeaumoku  surrounded  Ke- 
oua’s  canoe  with  a number  of  armed  men.  As  Kamakau  relates:  ‘Seeing  Kame- 

hameha  on  the  beach,  Keoua  called  out  to  him,  “Here  I am,”  to  which  he  replied, 
“Rise  up  and  come  here,  that  we  may  know  each  other.”  ’ 

“As  Keoua  was  in  the  act  of  leaping  ashore,  Keeaumoku  killed  him  with  a 
spear.  All  the  men  in  Keoua’s  canoe  and  in  the  canoes  of  his  immediate  company 
were  slaughtered  but  one.  But  when  the  second  division  approached,  Kamehameha 
gave  orders  to  stop  the  massacre.  The  bodies  of  the  slain  were  then  laid  upon  the 
altar  of  Puukohola  as  an  offering  to  the  blood-thirsty  divinity  Kukailimoku.  That 
of  Keoua  had  been  previously  baked  in  an  oven  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  as  a last 
indignity.  This  treacherous  murder  made  Kamehameha  master  of  the  whole  island 
of  Hawaii,  and  was  the  first  step  toward  the  consolidation  of  the  group  under  one 
government.” 

This  is  one  of  those  gentle  proceedings  of  an  amiable  race,  whose  massacre  of 
Captain  Cook  has  been  so  elaborately  vindicated  by  alleged  exponents  of  civilization. 

There  is  found  the  keynote  of  the  grevious  native  government  in  an  incident 
of  the  date  of  1841  by  which  “the  foreign  relations  of  the  government  became 
involved  with  the  schemes  of  a private  firm.  The  firm  of  Ladd  & Co.  had  taken 
the  lead  in  developing  the  agricultural  resources  of  the  islands  by  their  sugar  plan- 
tation at  Koloa  and  in  other  ways,  and  had  gained  the  entire  confidence  of  the 
king  and  chiefs.  On  the  24th  of  November,  1841,  a contract  was  secretly  drawn 
up  at  Lahaina  by  Mr.  Brinsmade,  a member  of  the  firm,  and  Mr.  Richards,  and 
duly  signed  by  the  king  and  premier,  which  had  serious  after-consequences.  It 
granted  to  Ladd  & Co.  the  privilege  of  “leasing  any  now  unoccupied  and  unim- 
proved localities”  in  the  islands  for  one  hundred  years,  at  a low  rental,  each  mill- 
site  to  include  fifteen  acres,  and  the  adjoining  land  for  cultivation  in  each  locality 
not  to  exceed  two  hundred  acres,  with  privileges  of  wood,  pasture,  etc.  These 
sites  were  to  be  selected  within  one  year,  which  term  was  afterwards  extended  to 
four  years  from  date.” 

Of  course  there  are  many  safeguards,  particularly  in  this  case,  but  the  points 
ff  the  possession  of  land  conceded,  the  time  for  the  people  to  recover  their  rights 
aever  comes. 

One  of  the  difficulties  in  the  clearing  up  of  the  foggy  chapters  of  the  history 
)f  the  Hawaiian  islands  is  that  within  the  lifetime  of  men  who  were  young  at  the 


306 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  SANDWICH  ISLANDS. 


close  of  the  last  century,  the  Hawaiian  tongue  became  a written  language,  and 
made  the  traditions  of  savages  highly  colored  stories,  in  various  degrees  accord- 
ing to  ignorance,  prejudice  and  sympathy,  accepted  as  historical.  The  marvels 
accomplished  by  the  missionaries  influenced  them  to  deal  gently  with  those  whose 
conversion  was  a recognized  triumph  of  Christendom,  and  there  was  an  effort  to 
condemn  Captain  Cook,  who  had  affected  to  nod  as  a God,  as  a warning  to  blas- 
phemers. Still,  the  truth  of  history  is  precious  as  the  foundations  of  faith  to  men 
of  all  races  and  traditions,  and  the  Englishman  who  surpassed  the  French,  Span- 
iards and  Portuguese  in  discoveries  of  islands  in  the  vast  spaces  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  should  have  justice  at  the  hands  of  Americans  who  have  organized  states 
and  built  cities  by  that  sea,  and  possess  the  islands  that  have  been  named  its  para- 
dise because  endowed  surpassingly  with  the  ample  treasures  of  volcanic  soil  and 
tropical  climate.  There  the  trade  winds  bestow  the  freshness  of  the  calm  and  mighty 
waters,  and  there  is  added  to  the  bounty  of  boundless  wealth  the  charms  of  luxuriant 
beauty.  All  Americans  should  find  it  timely  to  be  just  to  Captain  Cook,  and  claim 
him  as  one  of  the  pioneers  of  our  conquering  civilization. 


BOOK  IV. 


THE  PHILIPPINES. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  article®  relating  to  the  Philippines  in  the  Treaty  of  Peace  with  Spain 
are  III,  IV  and  V — as  follows: 

“Article  III. — Spain  cedes  to  the  United  States  the  archipelago  known  as 
the  Philippine  Islands,  and  comprehending  the  islands  lying  within  the  following 
line: 

“A  line  running  from  west  to  east  along  or  near  the  twentieth  parallel  of  north 
latitude,  and  through  the  middle  of  the  navigable  channel  of  Bachi,  from  the 
one  hundred  and  eighteenth  (118th)  to  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-seventh 
(127th)  degree  meridian  of  longitude  east  of  Greenwich,  thence  along  the  one 
hundred  and  twenty-seventh  (127th)  degree  meridian  of  longitude  east  of  Green- 
wich to  the  parallel  of  four  degrees  and  forty-five  minutes  (4°  45')  north  latitude, 
thence  along  the  parallel  of  four  degrees  and  forty-five  minutes  (4°  45')  north 
latitude  to  its  intersection  with  the  meridian  of  longitude  one  hundred  and  nine- 
teen degrees  and  thirty-five  minutes  (119°  35')  east  of  Greenwich,  thence  along 
the  meridian  of  longitude  one  hundred  and  nineteen  degrees  and  thirty-five 
minutes  (119°  35')  east  of  Greenwich  to  the  parallel  of  latitude  seven  degrees 
and  forty  minutes  (7°  40')  north,  thence  along  the  parallel  of  latitude  seven  degrees 
and  forty  minutes  (7°  40')  north  to  its  intersection  with  the  one  hundred  and  six- 
teenth (116th)  degree  meridian  of  longitude  east  of  Greenwich,  thence  by  a direct 
line  to  the  intersection  of  the  tenth  (10th)  degree  parallel  of  north  latitude  with 
the  one  hundred  and  eighteenth  (118th)  degree  meridian  of  longitude  east  of 
Greenwich,  and  thence  along  the  one  hundred  and  eighteenth  (118th)  degree 
meridian  of  longitude  east  of  Greenwich  to  the  point  of  beginning. 

“The  United  States  will  pay  to  Spain  the  sum  of  twenty  million  dollars  ($20,- 
300,000),  within  three  months  after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  present 
treaty. 

“Article  IV. — The  United  States  will,  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the 
late  of  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  present  treaty,  admit  Spanish  ships 
ind  merchandise  to  the  ports  of  the  Philippine  Islands  on  the  same  terms  as  ships 
ind  merchandise  of  the  United  States. 

“Article  V. — The  United  States  will,  upon  the  signature  of  the  present 

311 


312 


INTRODUCTION. 


treaty,  send  back  to  Spain,  at  its  own  cost,  the  Spanish  soldiers  taken  as  prisoners 
of  war  on  the  capture  of  Manila  by  the  American  forces.  The  arms  of  the  soldiers 
in  question  shall  be  restored  to  them. 

“Spain  will,  upon  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  present  treaty,  pro- 
ceed to  evacuate  the  Philippines,  as  well  as  the  island  of  Guam,  on  terms  similar 
to  those  agreed  upon  by  the  Commissioners  appointed  to  arrange  for  the  evacua- 
tion of  Porto  Rico  and  other  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  under  the  Protocol  of 
August  12,  1898,  which  is  to  continue  in  force  till  its  provisions  are  completely 
executed. 

“The  time  within  which  the  evacuation  of  the  Philippine  Islands  and  Guam 
shall  be  completed  shall  be  fixed  by  the  two  Governments.  Stands  of  colors, 
uneaptured  war  vessels,  small  arms,  guns  of  all  calibres,  with  their  carriages  and 
accessories,  powder,  ammunition,  livestock,  and  materials  and  supplies  of  all  kinds, 
belonging  to  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  Spain  in  the  Philippines  and  Guam, 
remain  the  property  of  Spain.  Pieces  of  heavy  ordnance,  exclusive  of  field  artil- 
lery, in  the  fortifications  and  coast  defenses,  shall  remain  in  their  emplacements 
for  the  term  of  six  months,  to  be  reckoned  from  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of 
the  treaty;  and  the  United  States  may,  in  the  meantime,  purchase  such  material 
from  Spain,  if  a satisfactory  agreement  between  the  two  Governments  on  the 
subject  shall  be  reached.” 

The  treaty  containing  these  provisions  was  signed  by  the  American  and  Spanish 
Commissioners  in  Paris,  December  10,  1898,  ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate 
February  6,  1899,  and  received  the  President’s  signature  of  approval  two  days  later. 
On  this  instrument  is  recorded  the  cession  of  Porto  Rico,  the  relinquishment  of 
Cuba  and  her  fringe  of  islands,  the  surrender  of  Guam,  and  the  abandonment  of 
the  Philippines,  the  loss  by  Spain  of  the  last  of  her  colonies  that  were  once  the 
distinction  of  her  grandeur  and  the  envy  of  other  nations.  It  records  also  the 
signal  triumph  of  American  arms  in  the  Indies  East  and  West,  on  the  seas  and 
the  islands.  There  is  no  other  country  where  the  management  of  a war  so  trium- 
phant would  not  be  applauded  universally — just  cranks  enough  in  antagonism  to 
define  clearly  the  overwhelming  expression  of  the  public  opinion;  no  country  in 
which  the  acquisition  of  the  fairest  and  richest  islands  in  the  world  would  not 
have  been  gratefully  received  as  a glory  and  a benefaction.  We  find  here  a per- 
sistent fury  of  criticisms,  and  an  industry  artful  and  unscrupulous,  sensational  and 
scandalous,  in  the  propagation  and  circulation  of  misapprehension  and  widespread 
misrepresentation  of  facts,  while  the  wail  of  the  demagogue  and  the  howl  of  the 
anarchist  are  heard  over  the  payment  proposed  of  25  cents  cash  by  each  of  the 


INTRODUCTION. 


313 


American  people  for  land  equal  to  New  England,  New  York  and  New  Jersey  in 
extent,  and  of  immense  resources  in  soil,  minerals,  fruits  and  staples,  cotton, 
rice,  copper,  hemp,  tobacco,  sugar,  and  indigo,  raised  on  one  island.  But  the 
question  of  the  Philippines  has  been  referred  to  the  American  people,  and  they 
are  talking  it  over  in  their  own  way,  and  conscious,  we  are  glad  to  say,  of  the 
power  they  are  exercising.  It  is  true  that  the  Philippines  are  far  away,  that  there 
are  demagogue  incendiaries  in  the  islands,  a gang  with  aims  in  their  hands  posing 
as  the  whole  people.  It  is  on  account  of  our  methods  of  delay  that  the  warfare 
around  Manila  has  come  about.  The  news  of  the  day  is  common  property  all  over 
the  world,  and  Americans  are  known  to  the  Philippines  to  he  to  some  extent  of 
uncertain  temper,  and  every  resolution  that  looks  to  running  away  from  our 
conquest,  afraid  of  ourselves,  means  the  lolling  and  wounding  of  more  of  the 
American  hoys,  called  for  by  Admiral  Dewey  when  he  had  cleared  the  sea  to  hold 
the  land. 

The  publication  of  the  protocols  of  the  commissions  of  the  United  States  and 
Spain  in  Paris  and  the  information  sought  and  found  touching  the  islands,  shows 
how  earnestly  and  laboriously  our  commissioners  performed  their  duty — how  they 
were  resolved  to  become  possessed  of  the  whole  truth  and  sought  it  at  the  ends  of 
the  earth.  The  documents  submitted  to  the  country  along  with  the  treaty  trans- 
mitted by  the  President  to  the  Senate,  the  injunction  of  secrecy  removed  January 
11,  is  a treasure  of  history.  The  light  is  poured  upon  all  the  dark  places.  The 
commission  investigated  the  state  of  the  islands,  summoning  Mr.  Foreman,  the 
historian  of  the  Philippines,  and  obtaining  statements  from  the  Belgian  Consul 
and  others  of  the  gravest  interest  to  all  the  people.  The  consular  reports  from 
the  Asiatic  cities  giving  the  history  of  Aguinaldo  and  his  policies,  and  proving  his 
treacherous  weaknesses  and  presumption  shading  gradually  into  intolerable  inso- 
lence, are  almost  unknown  to  the  public,  and  invaluable  in  tracing  the  influences 
that  give  trouble.  The  importance  of  Aguinaldo  was  factional  until  he  managed 
to  excite  the  imaginations  of  his  susceptible  tribe,  while  his  association  with  the 
American  victors  over  the  Spaniards  and  his  appropriation  according  to  Filipino 
logic  and  sense,  of  a great  share  of  the  credit  of  liberation — the  whole  of  which, 
with  the  exception  of  an  almost  unappreciable  fraction,  belonged  to  the  Amer- 
icans— made  him  the  leader  of  those  ignorant  and  easily  agitated  islanders  who 
have  been  brought  up  in  the  belief  that  all  government  is  tyranny  and  all  races 
of  European  origin  tyrants — whose  whole  education  is  that  freedom  should  be 
exercised  in  fighting,  and  that  the  true  aspiration  of  manhood  is  rather  in  leisure 
than  in  labor.  If  these  people  are  let  alone,  they  are  industrious — that  is,  if 


314 


INTRODUCTION. 


they  are  not  dragged  from  their  homes  by  tribal  influences  and  promises  that  they 
can  enrich  themselves  by  plundering  those  against  whom  they  are  prejudiced 
because  they  are  in  possession  of  a little  property.  It  is  on  these  lines  that 
Aguinaldo’s  insignificance  has  been  magnified  until  he  has  become  idealized  by 
the  tragedians  of  statesmanship  into  a sort  of  a La  Fayette,  and  his  make-up  out 
of  fantastic  endowments  passes  him  along  as  an  imperial  creature,  an  insurgent 
who  is  to  be  commended  because  he  is  a revolutionist,  no  matter  what  the  cause 
behind  him  or  how  much  scandal  and  fraud  there  is  in  the  manifest  and  gro- 
tesque deception.  He  has  put  his  fanciful  and  fraudulent  prestige  to  the  bloody 
test  of  war  and  will  be  unmade  as  he  was  made — he  took  on  his  sudden  accession 
of  greatness  and  he  wall  perish  by  the  sword  of  America.  The  pages  of  this  book 
give  the  history  that  is  expressly  applicable  to  the  enlightenment  of  the  people  for 
the  solution  of  the  problems  of  the  Philippines. 

General  Merritt’s  opinion  was,  when  questioned  closely  by  the  commissioners, 
that  from  twenty-five  thousand  to  thirty  thousand  troops  would  be  wanted  for 
a time  in  the  Philippines  if  we  held  them,  but  that  after  a time  there  would  not 
be  need  of  so  large  a force,  and  the  soldiers  needed  might  be  largely  enlisted  from 
the  Philippines  themselves. 


CHAPTER  I. 


OUR  INTEREST  IN  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO. 

Character  of  Filipinos  and  Their  Oppression  hy  the  Spaniards — The  Furtive  Leader 
Aguinaldo — His  Professions  and  Proceedings — Cash  for  Peace  and  a Bribe 
for  Banishment — Early  Indications  of  Impertinence — Deception  of  Our 
Consuls. 

General  Aguinaldo  made  a treaty  with  the  Spaniards,  and  with  thirty-two  of 
his  “compatriots”  accepted  $400,000  in  Mexican  money,  $200,000  in  gold,  and 
betook  themselves  to  Hongkong,  where  this  leader  had  nothing  to  say  for  some 
time.  He  had  been  brought  up  in  such  an  atmosphere  of  oppression  that  he  could 
not  understand  freedom  of  speech,  and  liberty  to  him  was  a mystery.  The  Span- 
iards were  to  pay  more  money,  but  were  false  to  all  their  promises,  as  is  their 
way  in  such  cases,  and  the  treaty  was  regarded  with  contempt  by  the  officers  of 
Spain  of  all  grades.  They  had  robbed  a bank  in  Manila,  and  while  Aguinaldo  took 
a vacation  at  Hongkong  the  Spanish  had  a season  of  comparative  rest,  but  there 
appeared  another  swarm  of  insurgents,  under  another  leader,  and  there  was  the 
accustomed  skirmishing,  ambuscades,  expeditions,  assassinations,  executions,  and 
the  fleet  that  Dewey  destroyed,  the  most  efficient  weapon  of  the  Spaniards.  When 
our  war  with  Spain  broke  out,  Aguinaldo  was  at  Singapore,  attempting  to  organize 
and  equip  for  a return  to  Luzon.  He  was  in  high  favor  and  had  much  corre- 
spondence with  our  consuls  at  Singapore,  Manila  and  Hongkong,  who  gave  no 
consideration  to  Talleyrand's  order  to  liis  staff  in  the  foreign  office  of  France — 
“Above  all,  no  zeal.”  At  the  suggestion  of  the  Hongkong  consul  Admiral  Dewey 
cabled  to  Aguinaldo  to  join  him  at  once,  but  moved  with  so  much  rapidity  that 
the  insurgent  chieftain  did  not  get  to  Hongkong  until  the  day  after  Dewey's  vic- 
tory in  Manila  Bay,  and  when  he  arrived  at  Cavite,  finding  the  Americans  in  pos- 
session, and  himself  welcomed  as  a friend,  the  prestige  of  the  American  victory 
gave  the  Filipino  guerrilla  an  immense  send-off  as  the  representative  man  of  his 
countrymen.  As  far  as  the  news  spread  the  insurgents  gathered  and  swarmed 
to  the  standard  of  Aguinaldo,  and  he  soon  began  to  have  visions  of  grandeur,  and 
to  assume  the  haughty  airs  of  a conqueror.  Before  the  American  troops  arrived 
he  became  troublesome  and  desired  to  dictate  to  those  who  had  taken  him  out  of 
the  exile  to  which  he  had  betaken  himself  with  a certified  check.  The  fact  that 

315 


316  OUR  INTEREST  IN  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


he  did  not  divide  the  proceeds  with  his  partners  in  retirement,  hut  held  the 
Mexican  silver  fast  for  Agoncillo  to  buy  arms  with,  is  relied  upon  as  proof  of  his 
integrity. 

One  of  the  earliest  revelations  of  his  sinister  policy  was  in  a letter  to  General 
T.  M.  Anderson,  who  commanded  the  first  American  troops  to  arrive  at  Cavite, 
July  23,  1898,  that  his  object  in  leaving  Hongkong  was  to  “prevent”  his  “country- 
men from  making  common  cause  with  the  Spanish  against  the  North  Americans,” 
and  he  made  haste  to  notify  Anderson  “of  the  undesirability  of  disembarking 
North  American  troops  in  the  places  conquered  by  the  Filipinos  from  the  Spanish 
without  previous  notice  to  this  government.” 

Now,  this  government  was  the  machine  he  set  up,  and  he  further  mentions 
“the  necessity  that  before  disembarking  troops  you  should  communicate  in  writing 
to  this  government  the  places  that  are  to  be  occupied  and  also  the  object  of  your 
occupation.”  Thus  this  “La  Fayette”  was  already  supercilious  and  dictatorial  and 
in  a pert  and  shabby  way  bent  upon  insulting,  interfering  with  and  harassing 
his  friends  and  benefactors.  Since  the  frozen  snake  that  the  woodman  in  the 
fable  warmed  before  the  fire,  there  has  been  no  case  of  ingratitude  more  instruct- 
ive as  a lesson  of  inherent  viciousness.  The  serpent  of  the  tropics  changes  his 
stripes  and  becomes  more  subtle  and  deadly  than  his  kind  in  the  north  temperate 
zone,  but  his  poison  is  ranker  and  in  propensities  and  accomplishments  he  is  more 
subtle.  This  fanciful  and  malicious  pretender  gabbling  about  George  Washing- 
ton not  having  thought  of  himself  as  a La  Fayette,  for  if  he  knew  something  about 
the  beloved  Frenchman  who  came  to  help  us  in  our  need  he  knew  that  he  was 
fighting  an  army  of  La  Fayettes  who  had  broken  the  chains  with  which  he  and 
his  race  had  been  bound  to  a horrible  servitude.  He  was  taking  this  high  ground 
of  sovereignty  three  weeks  before  the  fall  of  Manila.  There  was  not  a chance 
worth  international  consideration  that  the  Filipinos  ever  could  take  that  city.  It 
was  far  beyond  their  power  to  do  more  than  skirmish  in  the  suburbs.  Until  the 
Spanish  fleet  was  destroyed  the  most  warlike  of  their  proceedings  was  to  raid  the 
country  villages  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  town.  August  first  Aguinaldo  wrote 
the  American  Consul  at  Manila,  that  official  then  being  with  Admiral  Dewey: 
“I  was  brought  from  Hongkong  to  assure  those  forces  by  my  presence  that  the 
Filipinos  would  not  make  common  cause  with  the  Spaniards.” 

The  small  dictator  proceeded  to  say  the  Americans  were  only  passably  co-op- 
erating with  the  Filipinos — that  is,  they  were  not  consulting  and  deferring  to 
him.  As  soon  as  serious  operations  were  undertaken  against  Manila  by  the  Amer- 
ican army  the  first  thing  needful  was  to  crowd  the  Philippine  insurgents  out  of  the 


OUR  INTEREST  IN  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO.  317 


way.  They  were  not  besieging  the  town,  but  popping  around  the  edges  and  had 
to  be  removed  from  ground  needed  to  carry  on  a real  siege.  They  did  not  fire  a 
shot  within  a mile  of  an  armed  Spaniard  on  the  day  the  American  colors  floated 
over  Manila,  and  they  were  ordered  to  stand  back,  because  it  was  known  they 
would  sack  the  town,  Aguinaldo  crying  by  letter  to  General  Anderson  that  his 
troops  had  been  “promised  they  were  to  appear  in  Manila.”  This  is  what  he  had 
promised  and  he  wanted  to  “avoid  any  conflict  which  would  be  fatal  to  the  interests 
of  both  peoples,”  adding,  “My  troops  are  forced  from  yours  by  means  of  threats 
of  violence  to  retire  from  positions  taken.”  Of  course  they  had  to  go,  but  they 
had  taken  no  positions.  Then  he  wanted  “joint  occupation,”  and  has  been  a 
nuisance  ever  since,  and  we  have  statesmen  who  are  quoting  Abraham  Lincoln 
as  saying,  “no  man  is  wise  enough  to  govern  another,”  as  though  this  fragile, 
malignant  and  preposterous  imperialist  was  the  foreordained  creature  to  rule 
millions  who  have  never  been  consulted  about  him.  The  Belgian  Consul  at  Manila, 
Mr.  Andre,  estimates  the  number  of  Philippine  insurgents  to  be  about  one  in  two 
hundred  of  population.  It  is  the  same  story  we  had  in  Cuba,  that  the  United 
States  troops  should,  when  they  conquered  the  island,  assume  that  the  guerrilla 
bands  must  be  held  to  be  the  great  and  only  “people.”  There  never  was  a more 
atrocious  imposition  upon  human  nature.  The  opposition  congressmen  have 
been  constant  and  loud  in  eloquence  to  the  effect  that  the  Cuban  and  Philippine 
people  were  exclusively  the  bands  of  bushwhackers;  that  the  army  of  Gomez,  150 
strong,  the  fire  bugs  of  the  cane  fields,  were  the  true  and  sovereign  populace  of 
the  Queen  of  the  Antilles  and  must  take  possession  of  all  the  lucrative  branches 
of  the  government  and  gorge  themselves  at  once  with  the  plunder  won  by  American 
blood. 

Aguinaldo,  on  authority  of  the  Consul  at  Manila,  is  “not  permitted  by  his 
people  to  personally  lead  in  battle” — of  course  not!  He  is  not  that  kind  of  a 
hero.  He  is  an  Asiatic  potentate,  wrho  speaks  of  “his”  people  and  is  too  thoughtful 
to  go  on  the  fire  line.  He  wrote  General  Merritt:  “I  have  permitted  the  use  of 
water5’ — that  is,  he  had  “permitted”  the  American  soldiers  who  had  freed  Manila 
from  Spanish  tyranny  to  have  the  city  supply  of  water  from  the  mountains  instead 
of  compelling  them  to  partake  of  the  tainted  supplies  of  the  old  cistern!  That 
was  benevolence!  If  the  insurgents  had  not  “permitted”  the  water  to  flow  they 
would  have  been  driven  away  from  the  waterworks,  enough  of  them  shot  to  instruct 
the  rest.  There  was  a rush  of  fiery  statesmen  made  just  before  we  were  at  war  with 
Spain  to  “recognize  the  alleged  belligerent  rights”  of  the  “alleged  Republic  of  Cuba” 
in  such  form  that  our  troops  would  have  been  under  the  authority  of  the  alleged 


318  OUR  INTEREST  IN  TIIE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


Cuban  chieftains,  and  the  general  result,  the  pecuniary  plethora  of  the  fire  bug 
financiers,  glad  to  have  our  assistance  in  floating  at  a good  figure  an  issue  of  bonds 
to  make  up  for  the  Cuban  “debt”  the  United  States  had  declined  to  pay.  The 
great  first  principle  in  Cuba  seems  to  be  to  have  a big  “debt”  to  be  liquidated  in 
good  time  by  the  United  States.  The  cane  was  burned  and  the  tobacco  trampled 
to  furnish  security  for  Cuban  bonds. 

The  victory  of  the  American  arms  in  the  battles  of  Manila  on  the  bay  and  the 
shore  have  thrown  upon  us  great  responsibility,  and  the  condition  of  the  islands 
before  we  became  acquainted  with  them  by  possessing  them  is  of  the  highest 
interest,  because  the  better  we  understand  the  people  the  more  certainly  and 
effectively  we  can  apply  the  policy  of  reconstruction  demanded  after  the  demolition 
of  the  Spanish  edifice.  Our  very  zealous  and  active  Consul  at  Manila,  Mr.  Oscar 
F.  Williams,  writing  from  his  consulate  February  22,  1898,  says: 

“Peace  was  proclaimed,  and  since  my  coming  festivities  therefor  were  held;  but 
there  is  no  peace,  and  has  been  none  for  about  two  years.  Conditions  here  and 
in  Cuba  are  practically  alike.  War  exists,  battles  are  of  almost  daily  occurrence, 
ambulances  bring  in  many  wounded,  and  hospitals  are  full.  Prisoners  are  brought 
here  and  shot  without  trial,  and  Manila  is  under  martial  law. 

“The  Crown  forces  have  not  been  able  to  dislodge  a rebel  army  within  ten 
miles  of  Manila,  and  last  Saturday,  February  19,  a battle  was  there  fought  and 
five  dead  left  on  the  field.  Much  of  such  information  is  found  in  my  longer 
dispatch,  referred  to,  and  which  is  at  your  command. 

“The  Governor-General,  who  is  amiable  and  popular,  having  resigned,  wishes 
credit  for  pacification,  and  certain  rebel  leaders  were  given  a cash  bribe  of  $1,650,- 
000  to  consent  to  public  deportation  to  China.  This  bribe  and  deportation  only 
multiplied  claimants  and  fanned  the  fires  of  discontent. 

“Insurgents  demand  fewer  exactions  from  church  and  state,  a half  of  public 
offices,  and  fewer  church  holidays,  which  seriously  retard  business. 

“A  republic  is  organized  here,  as  in  Cuba.  Insurgents  are  being  armed  and 
drilled;  are  rapidly  increasing  in  numbers  and  efficiency,  and  all  agree  that  a 
general  uprising  will  come  as  soon  as  the  Governor-General  embarks  for  Spain, 
which  is  fixed  for  March. 

“While  some  combatant  regiments  have  recently  been  returned  to  Spain,  it 
was  for  appearance  only,  and  all  authorities  now  agree  that  unless  the  Crown 
largely  re-enforces  its  army  here  it  will  lose  possession.” 


QUR  INTEREST  IN  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


319 


“Consulate  of  the  United  States, 

“Manila,  Philippine  Islands,  March  19,  1898. 

“Sir:  Matters  are  in  a serious  state  here.  I have  daily  communication  by 
cable  and  letter  with  Commodore  Dewey,  but  we  pass  letters  by  British  and  other 
shipmasters  and  by  private  parties,  because  cables  and  letters  are  tampered  with. 

“Insurrection  is  rampant;  many  killed,  wounded,  and  made  prisoners  on 
both  sides.  A battleship,  the  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  sent  this  week  to  the  northern 
part  of  Luzon  to  co-operate  with  a land  force  of  2,000  dispatched  to  succor  local 
forces,  overwhelmed  by  rebels. 

“Last  night  special  squads  of  mounted  police  were  scattered  at  danger  points 
to  save  Manila. 

“I  caution  Americans  against  bearing  arms  in  violation  of  local  law,  although 
threats  have  been  made  by  Spaniards  that  all  Americans  would  soon  have-  their 
throats  cut.  Certain  ones  are  so  frightened  as  to  frequently  come  to  my  consulate 
and  hotel,  and  spies  watch  all  my  movements. 

“Rebellion  never  more  threatening  to  Spain.  Rebels  getting  arms,  money, 
and  friends,  and  they  outnumber  the  Spaniards,  resident  and  soldiery,  probably 
a hundred  to  one. 

“Report  says  that  Holy  Week  the  insurgents  plan  to  bum  and  capture  Manila.” 

Mr.  Williams  to  Mr.  Cridler,  March  27,  says: 

“Having  given  daily  information  to  Commodore  Dewey  as  to  disturbances  here 
I have  assumed  that  he  informed  the  Washington  Government,  and  I have  writ- 
ten little  on  war  matters. 

“Cuban  conditions  exist  here  possibly  in  aggravated  form.  Spanish  soldiers 
are  killed  and  wounded  daily,  despite  claimed  pacification,  and  the  hospitals  are 
kept  full. 

“The  majority  of  casualties  are  reported  from  the  ranks  of  the  native  insur- 
gents, and  the  cruelties  and  horrors  of  war  are  daily  repeated. 

“Cavite  is  the  naval  port  of  Luzon,  situated  about  eight  miles  across  the  bay 
from  Manila,  and  about  twenty  miles  distant  by  way  of  bay  shore  and  public  high- 
way, and  last  Thursday,  March  24,  a Crown  regiment  of  natives,  the  Seventy- 
fourth,  stationed  there  was  ordered  to  advance  against  native  insurgents  near  by. 
The  regiment  refused  to  obey  orders,  and  eight  corporals  were  called  out  and  shot 
to  death  in  presence  of  the  regiment,  which  was  again  ordered  to  advance  and 
threat  made  that  a refusal  would  be  death  to  all.  All  did  refuse  and  were  sent 
to  barracks  to  await  sentence.  On  the  morning  of  the  following  Friday,  March  25, 
the  entire  regiment,  with  arms  and  equipment,  marched  out  of  the  barracks  and 
deserted  in  a body  to  the  insurgents,  saying  they  were  willing  to  fight  the  foreign 
enemies  of  Spain,  but  would  not  fight  their  friends. 

“Since  beginning  this  dispatch  I learn  of  the  desertion  to  the  insurgents  of 
another  entire  regiment.  These  are  said  to  be  the  severest  set-backs  received  by 
Spain  during  the  two  years’  insurrection  here. 


320  OUR  INTEREST  IN  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


“On  Friday  morning,  March  25,  a church  holiday,  a meeting  of  natives  was 
being  held  near  my  consulate  in  Manila,  the  natives  being  unarmed.  The  building 
was  surrounded  by  police  and  military,  the  meeting  broken  up,  twelve  natives 
wantonly  shot  to  death,  several  wounded,  and  sixty-two  taken  prisoners.  Satur- 
day morning,  March  2G,  the  sixty-two  prisoners  were  marched  in  a body  to  the 
cemetery  and  shot  to  death. 

“The  Crown  forces  are  now  building  a cordon  of  small  forts  on  city’s  out- 
skirts for  defense  against  provincial  natives,  who  are  expected  to  soon  attack  Manila. 
In  fact,  two  detectives  and  one  messenger  have  come  to  me  this  evening  with 
information  that  attack  was  to  be  made  to-night,  and  everybody  is  anxious,  as  8,000 
native  insurgent  soldiers  are  encamped  only  five  miles  away. 

“The  insurgents  seem  to  lack  arms  and  organization,  but,  so  far  as  I can 
learn,  outnumber  the  Spanish  forces  and  inhabitants  twenty  to  one.  Arms  are 
being  obtained  and  organization  slowly  effected,  and  all  classes  fear  the  near 
future.  It  is  said  that  the  only  reason  why  Manila  has  not  been  taken  and  burned 
is  because  a vast  majority  of  its  population  is  in  perfect  accord  with  the  insurgents. 

“Last  week,  Thursday,  March  24,  at  Cavite,  near  here,  the  Seventy-fourth 
Spanish  Regiment,  recruited  among  the  natives  of  the  southern  islands  of  this 
group,  refused  to  obey  orders  and  attack  the  native  insurrectionists.  Eight  cor- 
porals were  called  out  and  shot  to  death  in  presence  of  the  regiment.  Again 
orders  to  advance  were  given  and  disobeyed,  when  death  to  all  was  threatened. 
The  regiment  expressed  a willingness  to  fight  the  foreign  enemies  of  Spain,  but  said 
they  would  all  be  shot  rather  than  fight  their  friends.  All  were  sent  to  barracks 
to  be  punished  later,  but  the  next  morning  all  took  arms  and  deserted  to  the 
insurgents. 

“On  Friday,  March  25,  a church  and  legal  holiday,  unarmed  natives  were 
holding  a meeting  near  my  consulate.  The  building  was  surrounded  by  police 
and  the  suspicious  military,  the  meeting  broken  up,  twelve  natives  shot  to  death, 
several  wounded,  and  sixty-two  jnisoners  taken,  certain  of  whom  were  mere  passers- 
by,  not  having  attended  the  meeting.  The  next  morning  these  sixty-two  prisoners, 
without  form  of  trial,  were  marched  in  a body  to  the  cemetery  and  all  shot  to  death. 

“Hardly  a day  passes  without  such  scenes  of  middle-age  treachery  and  bar- 
barity. A recent  uprising  at  Cape  Bolinao,  on  the  northwest  coast  of  this  island 
(Luzon),  about  300  miles  from  Manila,  was  crushed  by  united  action  of  two  regi- 
ments of  infantry  aided  by  the  battleship  Don  Juan  de  Austria.  A British  ship- 
master there  at  the  time  reports  about  forty  killed  and  forty  wounded.  After 
surrender  the  Spaniards  put  dead  and  wounded  together  in  a horrse,  and,  by 
burning  it,  cremated  all. 

“Months  ago  pacification  was  claimed  by  the  Governor-General.  It  was  false. 
A truce  had  been  bought  with  $1,650,000,  during  which  the  Governor-General 
hoped  to  embark  for  Spain,  but  all  was  a hollow  farce.  The  Madrid  Government 
seems  now  to  understand  all,  and  the  Governor-General  has  been  ordered  to  remain, 
and  his  appointed  successor  sent  to  one  of  the  provinces. 


PANAMA  CANAL,  3 MILES  FROM  THE  ATLANTIC. 


PANAMA  CANAL.  9 MILES  FROM  COLON. 


OUR  INTEREST  IN  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO.  3 23 


“Now  5,000  armed  rebels,  which  for  days  have  been  encamped  near  Manila 
and  have  been  re-enforced  from  the  mountains,  plan  to  attack  the  city  to-night. 
All  is  excitement  and  life  uncertain.” 

This  is  the  official  report  of  the  Manila  situation  before  the  fleet  of  Admiral 
Dewey  steamed  across  the  sea  of  China  to  break  the  power  of  Spain,  but  not  to 
establish  a government  of  guerrillas  to  wipe  out  the  Spanish  civilization,  which 
was,  in  a sense,  barbarous,  but  not  savage.  A proclamation  was  issued  at  Hong- 
kong by  the  Filipino  Junta  just  before  Dewey  sailed  containing  these  paragraphs: 

“At  the  present  moment  an  American  squadron  is  preparing  to  sail  for  the 
Philippines. 

“We,  your  brothers,  are  very  much  afraid  you  may  be  induced  to  fire  on  the 
Americans.  No,  brothers,  never  make  this  mistake.  Rather  blow  your  own  brains 
out  than  fire  a shot  or  treat  as  enemies  those  who  are  your  liberators. 

“Your  natural  enemies,  your  executioners,  the  authors  of  your  misery  and 
unhappiness,  are  the  Spaniards  who  govern  you.  Against  these  you  must  raise 
your  weapons  and  odium;  understand  well,  against  the  Spaniards,  and  never  against 
the  Americans. 

“Take  no  notice  of  the  decree  of  the  Governor-General,  calling  you  to  arms, 
although  it  may  cost  you  your  lives.  Rather  die  than  be  ungrateful  to  our  Amer- 
ican liberators. 

“There,  where  you  gee  the  American  flag  flying,  assemble  in  numbers;  they 
are  our  redeemers.” 

There  was  a strong  tendency  in  our  able  and  interesting  Consuls  at  Hong- 
kong, Manila  and  Singapore  to  be  too  familiar,  sympathetic  and  co-operative  with 
the  two  or  three  “people”  of  the  Philippines — Aguinaldo  and  his  interpreter — and 
Mr.  F.  Agoncillo,  the  Aguinaldo  agent,  modestly  manifested  at  Washington  he 
seemed  to  expect  a call  to  be  the  Dean  of  the  diplomats  by  common  consent,  at- 
tempted, November  3,  1897,  to  open  a trade  with  the  United  States  for  arms! 
He  then  held  a commission  giving  unlimited  power  to  conclude  treaties  with  for- 
eign governments.  This  powerful  personage  wanted  the  United  States  to  supply 
20,000  stand  of  arms  to  the  Filipinos,  “to  be  paid  for  on  the  recognition  of  his 
government  by  the  United  States.  He  pledged  as  security  two  provinces  and  the 
custom-house  at  Manila.  He  is  not  particular  about  the  price — is  willing  the 
j United  States  should  make  25  per  cent  and  30  per  cent  profit.”  This  diplomatic 
gentleman  had  commercial  instincts  and  was  willing  to  see  the  United  State* 
'make  some  money!  It  was  very  kind  of  him,  but  our  Consul  with  whom  he  com- 
1 municate  1 was  instructed  to  be  “brief”  with  him  and  not  encourage  his  advances. 
Secretary  Day,  June  16,  telegraphed: 


324  OUR  INTEREST  IN  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


“Consul-General  Pratt:  Avoid  unauthorized  negotiations  with  Philippine  in- 
surgents.” 

On  the  same  date  the  Secretary  wrote  Mr.  Pratt: 

“To  obtain  the  unconditional  personal  assistance  of  General  Aguinaldo  in  the 
expedition  to  Manila  was  proper,  if  in  so  doing  he  was  not  induced  to  form  hopes 
which  it  might  not  be  practicable  to  gratify.  This  Government  has  known  the 
Philippine  insurgents  only  as  discontented  and  rebellious  subjects  of  Spain,  and 
is  not  acquainted  with  their  purposes.  While  their  contest  with  that  power  has 
been  a matter  of  public  notoriety,  they  have  neither  asked  nor  received  from  this 
Government  any  recognition.  The  United  States,  in  entering  upon  the  occupation 
of  the  islands,  as  the  result  of  its  military  operations  in  that  quarter,  will  do  in 
the  exercise  of  the  rights  which  the  state  of  war  confers,  and  will  expect  from 
the  inhabitants,  without  regard  to  their  former  attitude  towards  the  Spanish 
Government,  that  obedience  which  will  be  lawfully  due  from  them. 

“If,  in  the  course  of  your  conferences  with  General  Aguinaldo,  you  acted  upon 
the  assumption  that  this  Government  would  co-operate  with  him  for  the  further- 
ance of  any  plan  of  his  own,  or  that,  in  accepting  his  co-operation,  it  would  con- 
sider itself  pledged  to  recognize  any  political  claims  which  he  may  . put  forward 
your  action  was  unauthorized,  and  can  not  be  approved.  Respectfully  yours, 

“WILLIAM  R.  DAY” 

There  has  not  appeared  any  clearer  definition  than  this  of  the  policy  of  the 
United  States  in  dealing  with  insurgents.  It  is  solid  sense  and  will  stand.  Tht 
tone  of  our  representatives  at  this  time  was  extremely  eulogistic  of  Aguinaldo  and 
needed  the  cooling  application  it  got.  Mr.  E.  Spencer  Pratt,  Consul-General  tc 
the  United  States  at  Singapore,  wrote  after  Aguinaldo  had  sailed  for  Hongkong 

“Considering  the  enthusiastic  manner  General  Aguinaldo  has  been  received 
by  the  natives  and  the  confidence  with  which  he  already  appears  to  have  inspired 
Admiral  Dewey,  it  will  be  admitted,  I think,  that  I did  not  overrate  his  impor- 
tance and  that  I have  materially  assisted  the  cause  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Philippines  in  securing  his  co-operation. 

“Why  this  co-operation  should  not  have  been  secured  to  us  during  the  month 
General  Aguinaldo  remained  awaiting  events  in  Hongkong,  and  that  he  was  allowed 
to  leave  there  without  having  been  approached  in  the  interest  of  our  Government 
I can  not  understand. 

“No  close  observer  of  what  had  transpired  in  the  Philippines  during  the  past 
four  years  could  have  failed  to  recognize  that  General  Aguinaldo  enjoyed  abovt 
all  others  the  confidence  of  the  Filipino  insurgents  and  the  respect  alike  of  Span- 
iards and  foreigners  in  the  islands,  all  of  whom  vouched  for  his  high  sense  oi 
justice  and  honor.” 


OUR  INTEREST  IN  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO.  325 


Aguinaldo  had  impressed  all  our  Consuls  that  he  was  almost  a great  and  good 
American,  and  Mr.  Wildman,  Consul  at  Hongkong,  wrote  July  18,  1898: 

“I  have  lived  among  the  Malays  of  the  Straits  Settlements  and  have  been  an 
honored  guest  of  the  different  sultanates.  I have  watched  their  system  of  govern- 
ment and  have  admired  their  intelligence,  and  I rank  them  high  among  the  semi- 
civilized  nations  of  the  earth.  The  natives  of  the  Philippine  Islands  belong  to  the 
Malay  race,  and,  while  there  are  very  few  pure  Malays  among  their  leaders,  I think 
their  stock  has  rather  been  improved  than  debased  by  admixture.  I consider  the 
forty  or  fifty  Philippine  leaders,  with  whose  fortunes  I have  been  very  closely  con- 
nected, both  the  superiors  of  the  Malays  and  the  Cubans.  Aguinaldo,  Agoncillo, 
and  Sandico  are  all  men  who  would  be  leaders  in  their  separate  departments 
in  any  country,  while  among  the  wealthy  Manila  men,  who  live  in  Hongkong  and 
who  are  spending  their  money  liberally  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Spaniards  and 
the  annexation  to  the  United  States,  men  like  the  Cortes  family  and  the  Basa 
family,  would  hold  their  own  among  bankers  and  lawyers  anywhere. 

“I  believe  I know  the  sentiments  of  the  political  leaders  and  of  the  moneyed 
men  among  the  insurgents,  and,  in  spite  of  all  statements  to  the  contrary,  I know 
that  they  are  fighting  for  annexation  to  the  United  States  first,  and  for  independ- 
ence secondly,  if  the  United  States  decides  to  decline  the  sovereignty  of  the  islands. 
In  fact  I have  had  the  most  prominent  leaders  call  on  me  and  say  they  would 
not  raise  one  finger  unless  I could  assure  them  that  the  United  States  intended 
to  give  them  United  States  citizenship  if  they  wished  it.” 

The  exaggerated  rumors  were  afloat  about  the  proceedings  of  our  Consuls  with 
the  insurgents,  and  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  Moore  cabled  Wildman  at  Hong- 
kong, August  6,  that  if  a report  in  the  Daily  Mail  of  what  he  had  written  Aguin- 
aldo was  correct,  “your  action  is  disapproved,  and  you  are  forbidden  to  make 
pledges  or  discuss  policy.”  The  reply  of  Mr.  Wildman  was  that  he  “never  made 
pledges  or  discussed  policy  of  America  with  Aguinaldo  further  than  to  try  to  hold 
him  to  promises  made  before  Dewey  took  him  to  Cavite.”  Williams  of  Hong- 
kong said: 

“On  May  2 Aguinaldo  arrived  in  Hongkong  and  immediately  called  on  me. 
It  was  May  16  before  I could  obtain  permission  from  Admiral  Dewey  to  allow 
Aguinaldo  to  go  by  the  United  States  ship  McCulloch,  and  I put  him  aboard  in 
the  night.  According  to  his  own  statements  to  me  by  letter,  he  has  been  approached 
by  both  the  Spaniards  and  the  Germans,  and  has  had  tempting  offers  made  him 
by  the  Catholic  Church.” 

It  was  the  fixed  faith  of  Wildman  that  the  great  majority  of  Aguinaldo’s  fol- 
lowers “had  but  one  desire — wanted  to  become  citizens  of  the  United  States.” 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  IMPORTANT  STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA. 

The  True  Inwardness  of  the  Philippine  Situation  by  a Friend  of  Admiral  Dewey, 
Mr.  Andre,  Belgian  Consul  at  Manila — A Letter  from  Andrew  Carnegie 
That  Is  One  of  His  Mistakes — General  Merritt’s  Opinions  at  Paris — Mr. 
Andre’s  Memorandum  in  Full — Leading  People  of  Manila  Wish  to  Become 
Citizens  of  the  United  States — How  General  Merritt  Drew  the  Line  on 
Aguinaldo  and  Foretold  the  Way  Trouble  Would  Come. 

When  a memorandum  prepared  by  the  Belgian  Consul  at  Manila  was  about 
to  be  read  before  the  American  Commission  at  Paris  fashioning  the  Peace  Protocol 
into  a Treaty  of  Peace,  General  Merritt,  said  (we  quote  the  official  report  of  the 
proceedings): 

“General  Merritt:  ‘That  is  rather  important.  The  man  is  an  intelligent  man 
He  expresses  himself  very  poorly  in  English,  and  I have  tried  to  have  his  report 
corrected  to  an  extent,  but  I think  a good  deal  of  reliance  can  be  placed  upon  it 
He  is  very  earnest  in  hoping  that  the  Spanish  will  be  excluded  and  the  Filipinos 
not  allowed  to  govern  themselves,  hut  some  government  established  there  which 
will  protect  the  merchants  and  business  men.  It  might  be  remarked  that  he  if 
largely  interested  in  business  matters,  and  has  been  there,  I think,  for  about  four- 
teen years;  is  quite  a wealthy  man,  and  gives  his  views  from  that  standpoint.’ 

“The  statement  was  then  read  by  the  secretary. 

“Mr.  Frye:  ‘How  old  a man  is  he?’ 

“General  Merritt:  ‘He  is  quite  a young  man.  He  tells  me  he  has  been  then 
fourteen  years.  He  states  his  case  entirely  from  the  point  of  view  of  a rich  mer 
chant.  He  does  not  sign  himself  as  the  Belgian  Consul,  because  he  said  he  coulc 
not  do  so,  but  he  gives  his  statement  as  his  personal  opinion.  He  seems  to  thinl 
the  United  States  is  engaged  in  a crusade  for  the  benefit  of  the  oppressed  of  al 
lands.’ 

“Mr.  Gray:  ‘Where  is  this  Belgian  Consul  resident?’ 

“General  Merritt:  ‘In  Manila.’  ” 

General  Merritt’s  remarks  hardly  present  the  full  force  of  the  instructive  testi 
mony  of  the  Belgian  Consul.  He  was  of  great  service  to  Admiral  Dewey  and  influ 
ential  in  impressing  the  Spaniards  of  the  absolute  necessity  there  was  to  be  quie 
while  the  American  Admiral  abstained  from  bombarding  the  city,  and  the  preven 
tion  of  widespread  destruction  and  much  bloodshed  is  largely  credited  to  thi 

326 


STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA.  327 


Consul,  Mr.  Andre,  one  of  the  closest  friends  of  Admiral  Dewey,  whom  he  assisted 
in  supplying  his  crews  with  fresh  meat,  a service  of  which  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie 
spoke  in  his  mournful  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture,  the  Hon.  James 
Wilson,  in  these  distressful  words: 

“The  good  work  you  are  doing  for  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  country 
induces  me  to  call  your  attention  to  the  following: 

“PROVISIONS  FROM  AUSTRALIA  FOR  DEWEY’S  FLEET. 

“Vancouver,  British  Columbia,  December  2,  1898. 

“Advices  from  New  South  Wales  say  that  the  steamer  Cugon  has  sailed  from 
Sydney  with  a cargo  of  provisions  for  Rear  Admiral  Dewey’s  fleet  at  Manila.  The 
cargo  consists  of  5,000  carcasses  mutton,  250  lambs,  125  tons  of  potatoes,  81  tons 
of  onions,  and  22  tons  of  carrots. 

“Secretary  Gage  finds  ‘commercial  expansion’  a sufficient  reason  for  recanting 
his  former  opinions  and  becoming  an  imperialist.  Is  this  a sample  of  the  ‘com- 
mercial expansion’  which  has  captivated  him,  I wonder?  Mr.  Secretary,  none 
know  better  than  yourself  that  the  ‘open  door’  which  the  President  has  given  to 
the  foreigner  in  the  Philippines  means  the  ‘closed  door5  to  the  products  of  the  soil 
and  of  the  mine  of  your  own  country.  The  foreigner  gets  the  trade — the  American 
pays  the  taxes! 

“The  Philippine  Treaty  is  soon  to  come  before  the  Senate.  Surely  every  farmer 
of  the  United  States  can  look  to  you,  as  the  head  of  the  Agricultural  Department, 
to  secure  a change  in  the  clause  which  puts  the  producers  of  America,  both  of  the 
soil  and  of  the  mine,  at  so  serious  a disadvantage,  being  thousands  of  miles  farther 
away. 

“One  would  have  thought  that  the  food  of  our  soldiers  might  have  been  pur- 
chased by  the  Government  upon  the  Pacific  coast;  but  even  San  Francisco  is  thou- 
sands of  miles  farther  from  the  Philippines  than  the  competitive  agricultural 
country  of  Australia.  Even  India  is  nearer  still.  As  the  New  York  Tribune  justly 
says,  ‘The  Philippines  are  7,000  miles  away;  far  nearer  to  other  great  powers  or 
their  possessions  than  to  us,  and  belonging  to  the  geographical  and  commercial 
system  of  another  continent.’ 

“Knowing  your  strict  guardianship  of  the  interests  of  agriculture  in  this 
country,  I beg  to  lay  the  subject  before  you,  knowing  that  you  will  give  it  due 
attention. 

“With  sincere  congratulations  upon  your  successful  work  in  various  directions, 
rery  respectfully  yours,  ANDREW  CARNEGIE.” 

Mr.  Carnegie  is  the  greatest  manufacturer  of  steel  in  the  world,  but  as  an 
agriculturist  he  is  not  a conspicuous  success,  and  as  an  American  statesman  he 
has  intervals  of  melancholy  inaccuracy. 


328  STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA. 


It  was  necessary  the  men  of  the  American  fleet  in  Manila  Bay  should  be  sup- 
plied with  fresh  meat,  and  it  could  not  be  procured  in  a few  days  from  the  United 
States.  The  transports  had  been  taken  up  to  convey  the  troops.  Beef  experiments 
were  going  on,  but  the  meat  spoiled  in  a few  hours.  Consul  Andre  was  immensely 
useful  at  this  juncture.  Mr.  Carnegie  should  restore  his  reason  before  delivering 
further  judgments.  When  the  author  of  this  volume  was  calling  on  Admiral  Dewey 
aboard  the  flagship  Olympia  he  asked  the  famous  victor  in  the  May-day  battle  three 
months  and  three  weeks  before  as  to  the  beef  question,  and  the  Admiral  pointed 
to  a long  iron  ship,  his  nearest  neighbor,  and  said  it  was  a Belgian  vessel  and 
fitted  for  “cold  storage.”  “You  see  the  smoke  from  her  funnel,”  said  the 
Admiral.  “They  are  making  ice  with  fire,  and  they  can  produce  a temperature  40 
degrees  below  zero.  The  Australian  beef  and  mutton  aboard  are  perfectly  pre- 
served;” and  he  added,  “if  it  is  thawed  slowly  it  is  as  good  as  if  the  animals  had  been 
killed  but  a few  hours  before,  and  the  quality  of  it  excellent.”  The  conditions 
preventing  obtaining  meat  from  the  United  States  at  that  time  were  exceptional, 
and  Mr.  Carnegie’s  letter  is  not  impressive.  He  is  too  passionate,  whom  protection 
has  made  so  rich  he  is  a free  trader. 

Mr.  Andre  was  careful  not  to  present  his  views  to  the  Paris  commission 
as  the  Belgian  Consul  at  Manila,  but  in  a strictly  personal  capacity.  We  quote 
what  he  had  to  say  in  full: 

“Manila,  August  29,  1898. 

“The  future  of  the  Philippine  Islands  is  an  eager  and  most  interesting  ques- 
tion; and  if  the  United  States  does  not  take  these  islands  under  their  protection, 
the  country  will  he  utterly  ruined  and  all  the  foreign  merchants  will  leave  these 
islands. 

“The  retention  of  the  Island  of  Luzon  only  is  not  enough,  and  only  a half 
measure,  and  the  United  States  must  take  all  or  nothing.  If  the  south  of  the 
Philippines  remains  in  the  hands  of  Spain,  the  insurgents  will  attack  these  islands 
and  they  will  be  in  a constant  revolt,  exactly  as  happened  in  Cuba,  and  the  United 
States  will  have  a second  edition  of  what  has  happened  already,  and  will  prepare 
a second  war  for  the  same  reasons.  jj 

“Spain  will  always  remain  as  she  is  now.  She  will  even  be  exactly  the  same  j 
under  any  form  of  government.  The  numerous  empleados  (officeholders)  will 
always  be  the  plague  of  all  the  ministers  and  always  want  lucrative  posts,  with 
a high  pay.  They  will  never  admit  that  it  would  be  better  for  them  and  their 
country  to  work.  As  the  positions  of  these  empleados  (officeholders)  are  very 
uncertain,  their  only  object  is,  as  soon  as  they  occupy  their  posts,  to  make  as  much 
money  as  they  can.  Even  those  who  occupy  the  very  highest  posts  in  the  Philip- 
pines only  attend  to  their  own  fortune  and  hardly  pay  attention  to  public  affairs. 


STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA.  329 


As  they  give  the  example  of  a most  corrupt  administration,  they  are  unable  to  pre- 
vent their  subordinates  to  do  the  same.  The  justice  is  likewise  mismanaged,  and 
when  the  accused  does  not  bribe  the  judges  they  will  leave  them  in  jail  for 
years  without  paying  the  slightest  attention  to  these  unfortunates,  and  some  of 
these  prisoners  have  been  in  jail  more  than  ten  years. 

“The  monks,  more  united,  have  always  taken  advantage  of  the  troubled  state 
of  affairs  and  offered  their  protection  to  those  who  consented  in  allowing  the  money 
of  the  government  to  go  in  their  hands.  They  exacted  all  the  money  that  they  could 
of  the  Indians,  and  the  Spanish  governors  protected  openly  these  extortions.  Such 
state  of  things  exasperated  the  Filipinos,  and  those  who  suffered  the  most  began 
the  rebellion  with  a fury  that  astonished  everybody. 

“The  rebellion  broke  out  from  the  lower  classes,  and  they  still  predominate 
in  the  actual  rebellion.  Even  the  chiefs  are  ancient  tenants  of  the  monks.  The 
rebellion  has  no  committee  or  representatives  in  the  United  States,  as  the  Cubans. 
This  proves  that  those  who  revolted  only  act  as  mechanics  and  not  as  an  intellectual 
people.  Those  who  are  in  Hongkong,  and  represent  there  the  revolution,  went 
there  as  fugitives  to  escape  from  Manila,  and  later  on  they  formed  a meeting,  and 
no  serious  man  will  admit  that  they  are  leading  men  of  the  revolution.  Their 
names  are  not  even  known  in  Manila. 

“The  Indians  are  good  soldiers,  and  suffer  very  little  of  the  war.  They  can 
stay  for  days  in  the  swamps,  or  can  make  a long  march  in  this  hot  climate  without 
injury.  White  men  can  not  stand  it,  and  it  must  be  recognized  that  if  the  Indians 
are  very  poor  leaders  in  politics  they  are  good  enough  soldiers  to  be  taken 
in  good  consideration. 

“Since  the  Americans  arrived  in  the  Philippines  a new  period  seems  to  take 
place,  and  many  members  of  the  upper  classes  of  the  Mestizos  appeared  among 
the  rebels,  and  since  then  it  has  been  possible  to  discuss  some  matters  and  to 
demonstrate  to  them  that  if  they  wanted  to  be  taken  into  consideration  that  they 
must  act  as  civilized  people,  and  not  retain  as  prisoners  private  citizens,  women, 
and  children,  and  drop  many  abuses  that  they  commit  exactly  as  the  Spaniards 
have  done  and  taught  them.  During  the  blockade  of  Manila  many  prominent 
families  of  Mestizos  preferred  to  take  refuge  among  the  insurgents  rather  than  stay 
at  the  mercy  of  the  Spanish  authorities  in  Manila,  whose  arbitrary  acts  are  too 
well  known. 

“There  is  actually  in  Europe  and  Paris  an  important  colony  of  Filipinos  be- 
longing to  the  leading  families  of  Manila,  and  these  appear  to  be  actually  the 
representatives  of  the  rebels.  The  principal  of  them  pretended,  however,  that 
he  never  rebelled,  and  claimed  his  properties  seized  by  the  Spanish  Government.  He 
bribed  the  judges,  and  they  publicly  recognized  that  he  never  was  a rebel,  and 
restored  his  properties.  Now  he  is  the  chief  representative  of  the  rebels.  His 
name  is  P.  P.  Eoxas.  This  duplicity  is  not  much  in  his  favor,  but  it  reveals  the 
character  of  the  Indians  or  Mestizos,  and  in  all  their  acts  it  will  be  remarked  that 
they  never  are  sincere. 


330  STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA. 


“Money  is  what  means  the  most  to  the  rebellion,  and  this  leads  the  rebels 
to  many  unlawful  acts.  Until  the  present  time  most  all  the  money  has  been  raised 
from  the  lower  classes.  The  higher  classes  gave  very  little,  and  these  are  very 
unwilling  to  facilitate  funds.  This  class  is  composed  entirely  of  usurers  and 
pawnees.  All  the  pawnshops  and  gambling-houses  belong  to  the  principal  Mestizos 
families.  There  is  not  one  family  free  of  that  stigma.  This  proves  enough  the 
morality  of  them,  and  what  can  be  expected  of  them.  They  surely  will  not  risk 
their  capital  in  the  rebellion,  because  they  are  not  sure  enough  that  they  will,  be 
repaid  with  interest.  They  do  not  care  a snap  for  the  country,  and  many  told 
me  that  they  would  be  glad  to  see  the  United  States  take  these  islands  under  their 
protection  and  put  an  end  to  the  constant  appeal  for  funds  from  the  rebels.  This 
was  said  to  me  by  Bemito  Legarda,  a rich  Mestizo,  who  was  with  Aguinaldo  in 
Bacoor  and  acted  as  counsel,  and  this  deceived  him. 

“In  the  plantations  belonging  to  the  rich  families  of  Mestizos  or  Indians,  the 
workmen  are  treated  very  inhumanly.  If  they  do  not  work  quick  enough  they 
treat  them  exactly  as  slaves  were  treated  in  South  America.  The  most  common 
punishment  is  to  lash  their  backs  with  a thin  bamboo;  twenty-five  lashes  is  the  most 
ordinary  punishment.  I saw  some  receive  100  lashes  in  Negros  Island,  in  the  estate 
of  Aniceto  Lacson,  an  Indian.  One  hundred  and  twenty-five  lashes  were  given 
to  a man  in  Albay  (south  of  Luzon)  by  the  Indian  Mayor  of  Albay.  The  same 
man  threatened  to  give  100  lashes  to  one  of  my  workmen,  but  his  wife  warned 
me  and  I stopped  it.  Since  then  I stopped  always  this  treatment  when  I happened 
to  know  it,  and  more  than  once  had  rows  about  it  with  the  Spanish  Governor 
of  the  province,  Mr.  Valdes.  This  was  in  1892.  He  told  me  that  he  would  put 
me  in  prison  if  I interfered  with  the  authorities.  The  custom  all  over  the  Philip- 
pines is  to  engage  men  and  to  pay  for  them  their  personal  papers.  This  is  the 
beginning  of  a debt  that  will  make  a slave  of  a man;  for  each  dollar  advanced  an 
interest  of  5 cents  is  added.  At  the  slightest  fault  the  man  is  fined  and  his  debt 
grows.  Whenever  he  needs  money  to  baptize  a baby  or  bury  a parent  the  planter 
pays  the  fees  direct  to  the  curate,  and  always  adds  to  the  small  sum  advanced  two 
or  three  dollars  and  the  5 cents  for  interest.  This  last  way  is  the  most  heavy 
yoke.  At  the  end  of  the  year  he  owes  his  master  $50  or  $60,  and  as  long  as 
he  does  not  pay  his  debt  he  is  considered  as  a slave,  and  if  he  runs  away  he  will 
be  arrested  and  returned  to  his  master  and  is  awfully  lashed. 

“When  an  estate  is  sold,  nearly  always  the  papers  are  accompanied  with  a list 
of  the  debtors.  The  buyer  makes  a bargain  and  buys  the  debts,  and  those  who 
owe  the  money  become  his  slaves.  This  is  about  the  same  as  buying  the  slaves 
wfith  a plantation.  Now,  the  Mestizos  and  Indians  are  the  hardest  masters,  and  if 
ever  they  dominate  they  will  be  most  despotical  to  the  Indians.  The  Spanish 
Government  always  tolerated  this,  and  even  protected  those  who  used  to  treat  the 
men  as  slaves  and  allowed  the  pirates  to  abuse  the  poor  Indians.  Therefore  it  is 
easy  to  show  the  Indian  that  it  would  be  much  better  for  him  to  he  ruled  by 
Americans  than  by  his  own  countrymen.  Whatever  may  be  the  education  of  the 


STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA.  331 


Mestizos,  they  always  will  behave  just  the  same  as  the  Indians,  from  whom  they 
descend.  They  will  eat  with  their  hands,  go  barefooted,  and  sit  on  the  ground. 
There  is  an  enormous  difference  between  them  and  a white  man. 

“In  the  assemblies  of  the  chiefs  of  the  rebels  and  of  the  Mestizos  of  Manila, 
even  when  very  serious  matters  were  discussed,  they  used  to  joke  one  with  the 
other  and  give  his  neighbor  a nip  and  a laugh  and  behave  as  monkeys  would  do. 
This  happened  the  21st  of  June  in  the  house  of  P.  Paterno  in  Manila,  and  in  Cavite 
in  the  house  of  Ozorio  on  the  3d  of  August. 

“The  Chinese  Mestizos  join  the  sordidness  of  the  Indian  to  the  craftiness  of 
the  Chinaman,  and  give  the  type  of  the 'rapacious  Pawnee.  The  Spanish  Mestizo 
joins  the  presramption  of  the  Spaniard  with  the  duplicity  of  the  Indian,  and  give 
the  type  of  the  Sioux. 

“'This  is  enough,  I believe,  to  give  a very  slight  idea  of  what  the  Filipinos 
are  and  to  demonstrate  that  they  belong  to  an  inferior  race,  unfitted  to  rule  a 
country,  and  with  such  individuals  distinguished  rules  must  not  be  expected. 

“Of  course  the  education  and  example  given  by  the  monks  and  Spaniards 
is  the  principal  cause,  but  even  then  they  are  worse  than  their  masters,  and  that 
proves  their  inferiority,  and  therefore  it  is  more  than  time  that  the  United  States 
should  have  pity  on  these  people  and  show  them  better. 

“The  Spaniards,  with  their  accustomed  carelessness,  are  unable  to  manage 
properly  the  Philippines,  and  these  rich  islands,  which  contain  gold,  iron,  coal, 
etc.,  and  on  which  splendid  forests  are  abandoned;  there  is  only  one  very  little 
railway,  hardly  some  good  bridges  and  no  harbors.  Nothing  has  been  done  with 
the  $15,000,000  that  these  islands  give  annually. 

“The  foreign  merchants  in  Manila  are  constantly  robbed  by  the  custom-house 
officers,  and  no  protection  is  given  to  them.  If  a merchant  makes  a claim,  he  will 
be  bothered  all  the  year  round.  The  United  States  can  assure  a steady  govern- 
ment in  these  islands,  and  in  their  hands  the  country  will  increase  in  wealth,  and 
will,  in  a short  time,  be  able  to  return  to  the  United  States  the  money  laid  out; 
and  it  would  be  certainly  much  cheaper  and  more  humane  to  take  the  entire 
Philippines  than  to  keep  only  part  of  it  and  to  run  the  risk  of  a second  war  with 
Spain  for  the  very  same  reason  that  provoked  the  present  conflict.  It  is  a duty  of 
the  United  States  to  do  so  and  to  protect  the  entire  country.  Everybody  in  the 
Philippines  begs  them  for  protection;  even  the  Spanish  merchants.  Now,  at  is  to 
be  hoped  that  the  United  States  will  not  deceive  those  who  anxiously  await  the 
result  of  the  meeting  in  Paris. 

“The  Indians  do  not  desire  independence.  They  know  that  they  are  not  strong 
enough.  They  trust  the  United  States,  and  they  know  that  they  will  be  treated 
rightly.  The  present  rebellion  only  represents  a half  per  cent  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  it  would  not  be  right  to  oblige  6,000,000  inhabitants  to  submit  to  30,000  rebels. 
Luzon  is  only  partly  held  by  them,  and  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  a civilized 
nation  wdll  make  them  present  with  the  rest  of  the  island,  which  is  hostile  to  the 
Tagals  of  Luzon.  The  Spanish  officers  refuse  to  fight  for  the  sake  of  the  priests, 


332  STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA. 


and  if  the  Spanish  Government  should  retain  the  Philippines  their  soldiers  will  all 
fall  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians  in  the  same  way  as  they  did  already, 
and  this  is  because  the  army  is  sick  of  war  without  result,  and  only  to  put  the 
country  at  the  mercy  of  the  rapacious  empleados  and  luxurious  monks. 

“The  monks  know  that  they  are  no  more  wanted  in  the  Philippines,  and  they 
asked  me  to  help  them  to  go  away  as  soon  as  possible,  and  it  is  principally  for 
them  that  I asked  for  the  transports  to  the  United  States  Government,  and  to  send 
them  to  Hongkong.  The  Indians  will  be  delighted  to  see  them  go,  and  will  be 
grateful  to  the  United  States. 

“If  some  chiefs  of  the  rebellion  will  be  a little  disappointed  in  their  personal 
pride,  they  will  be  convinced  that  it  is  better  for  them  to  submit  in  any  case,  for 
most  of  these  chiefs  prefer  American  authority,  and  they  are  very  anxious  to 
know  the  result  of  the  meeting  of  Paris. 

“If  the  United  States  keeps  the  islands  they  will  remain  quiet,  but  if  the 
Spanish  authority  is  restored  in  the  islands,  or  part  of  them,  they  will  attack 
the  Spaniards  and  be  in  a constant  revolt.  This  has  been  told  to  me  by  Aguinaldo, 
Landico,  Ziroma,  Mabim,  and  other  principal  chiefs,  and  repeated  on  Sunday, 
28th  of  August.  Very  respectfully,  ANDRE.” 

Mr.  Andre  represents  something  more  than  a rich  man’s  view,  as  General 
Merritt  related.  He  speaks  for  all  the  property  that  stands  between  the  people 
and  utter  poverty,  and  for  a government  that  is  conservative  of  the  rights  of 
industry.  He  also  states  that  the  Indians  as  a mass  do  not  desire  independence. 
The  reason  is  they  know  that  the  Aguinaldo  Tagal  disorderlies  would  be  greater 
despots,  robbers  and  cut-throats  than  the  Spaniards  themselves;  and  Mr.  Andre 
adds  the  insurgent  element  represented  one-half  per  cent  of  the  inhabitants  before 
the  United  States  seemed  shaky.  The  considerable  force  of  Tagalos  and  some  other 
tribesmen  gathered  in  the  jungles  about  Manila,  have  been  rallied  because  the 
uncertain  attitude  of  this  country  has  been  disturbing,  and  the  disaffected  dema- 
gogues and  military  managers  of  the  Malays  who  have  drawn  the  first  full  breath 
of  their  lives  under  American  protection,  are  not  to  be  depended  upon  as  a “stable 
government.” 

The  idea  would  not  have  prevailed  to  a very  mischievous  extent  if  it  had  not 
been  for  the  prolongation  of  the  debate  in  the  Senate;  and  the  information  of 
the  Filipino  agents  at  Washington  was  that  we  were  a halting,  timid,  stumbling 
parcel  of  partisans  incapable  of  governing  ourselves  and  not  to  be  trusted  in 
friendship  or  as  protectors.  The  correspondence  following  shows  the  movement 
in  Manila,  submitting  allegiance  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States: 


STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA.  333 


MR.  WILDMAN  TO  MR.  DAY. 

Consulate  of  the  United  States, 

Hongkong,  May  6,  1898. 

Sir:  Supplementary  to  my  cable  of  this  date,  I have  the  honor  to  inclose, 

by  request,  statement  of  Don  Dorotes  Cortes,  Don  Maximo  Cortes,  and  Dona 
Eustaquia,  wife  of  Don  Maximo;  also  like  statement  of  Arcadio  Rosario,  Gracio 
Gonzaga,  and  Don  Jose  Maria  Basa,  all  very  wealthy  landholders,  bankers,  and 
advocates  of  Manila.  ' 

They  desire  to  tender  their  allegiance  and  the  allegiance  of  their  powerful  fam  • 
dies  in  Manila  to  the  United  States.  They  have  instructed  all  their  connections 
to  render  every  aid  to  our  forces  in  Manila. 

The  letters  to  the  President,  inclosed,  explain  themselves. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

ROUNSEYILLE  WILDMAN,  Consul.. 


MR.  CRIDLER  TO  MR.  WILDMAN. 

June  16,  1898. 

Sir:  The  Department  has  received  your  dispatch  No.  42,  of  the  6th  ultimo, 
reporting  that  a number  of  influential  families  of  Manila  desire  to  tender  their 
allegiance  to  the  United  States. 

In  reply  I have  to  inform  you  that  a copy  has  been  sent  to  the  War  Depart- 
ment, with  the  suggestion  that  the  information  be  conveyed  to  General  Merritt. 

Respectfully  yours,  THOS.  W.  CRIDLER, 

Third  Assistant  Secretary. 


MR.  WILDMAN  TO  MR.  DAY. 

Consulate  of  the  United  States, 

Hongkong,  May  14,  1898. 

Sir:  I have  the  honor  to  inclose,  by  request,  the  statements  of  Severino  Rotea, 
Claudio  Lopez,  A.  H.  Marti,  and  Eugenia  Plona,  all  wealthy  and  prominent  land- 
holders of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

They  desire  to  submit  their  allegiance  and  the  allegiance  of  their  famdies 
in  the  Philippine  Islands  to  the  United  States. 

The  letters  to  the  President  inclosed  explain  themselves. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

ROUNSEYILLE  WILDMAN,  Consul. 


To  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  North  America: 

Severino  Rotea  and  Lopez,  proprietor  and  farmer,  native  of  Negros  Oriental 
(Visayas),  Philippine  Islands,  with  great  consideration  exposes: 


334  STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA. 

Having  known  the  history  and  Constitution  of  the  noblest  liberal  and  rightful 
nation  of  the  United  States,  he  willingly  adheres  to  the  Government  in  annexing 
his  country,  and  it  will  be  for  him  a great  honor  to  be  joined  it  as  soon  as  an 
additional  star  to  the  victorious  flag  of  the  United  States  of  America  and  con- 
sidered him  as  one  of  its  citizens. 

Hongkong,  May  11,  1898. 

(Signed)  SEVERINO  ROTEA. 


To  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America: 

Claudio  Lopez,  merchant  and  proprietor  and  vice-consul  of  Portugal  at  Iloilo, 
native  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  emigrant  to  this  colony  of  Hongkong  for  political 
causes,  exposes  with  great  consideration: 

Having  known  the  history  and  Constitution  of  the  noblest  liberal  and  rightful 
nation  of  the  United  States  of  America,  he,  for  the  present,  adheres  to  the  Govern- 
ment in  annexing  his  country,  and  considers  that  it  will  be  for  him  a great  honor 
to  join  his  country  as  an  additional  star  to  the  always  victorious  flag  of  the  United 
States  of  America  and  to  count  him  as  one  of  its  citizens. 

Hongkong,  9th  May,  1898. 

(Signed)  CLAUDIO  LOPEZ. 


To  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America: 

We,  the  subscribers,  natives  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  emigrants  to  this  colony, 
for  political  causes,  with  great  consideration  expose: 

Having  known  the  history  and  the  Constitution  of  the  noble,  liberal,  and  right- 
ful nation  of  the  United  States  of  America,  for  the  present,  they  adhere  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, considering  that  it  will  be  for  them  a great  honor  to  join  their  country  as 
an  additional  star  to  the  always  victorious  flag  of  the  United  States  of  America 
and  considered  them  as  its  citizens. 

(Signed)  A.  LI.  MARTI. 


To  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  North  America: 

Eugenia  Plona  and  Padillo,  proprietor  and  farmer,  native  of  Negros  Occidental 
(Visayas),  Philippine  Islands,  and  emigrant  to  this  colony  for  political  causes,  with 
great  consideration  exposes: 

Having  known  the  history  and  Constitution  of  the  noblest  liberal  and  rightful 
nation  of  United  States,  he  willingly  adheres  to  the  Government  in  annexing  his 
country,  and  it  will  be  for  him  a great  honor  to  be  joined  it  as  an  additional  star 
to  the  always  victorious  flag  of  the  United  States  of  North  America  and  considered 
him  as  one  of  its  citizens. 

Hongkong,  May  10,  1898. 

(Signed)  EUGENIA  PLONA. 


STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA.  335 


It  goes  without  much  saying  that  these  people,  in  case  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  should  turn  the  islands  over  to  the  Tagalos  or  the  Spaniards, 
would  be  imprisoned,  executed  and  their  estates  confiscated,  and  that  this  would 
be  on  our  part  a base  desertion  that  would  justify  the  interference  of  any  one 
or  all  of  the  European  nations  to  spare  and  share  the  riches  we  threw  away.  Of 
course  this  is  preposterous  and  impossible,  but  that  is  not  the  way,  according 
to  great  speakers,  that  a good  many  congressmen  look  at  it,  for  they  assume  that 
the  only  “people’''  in  the  islands  are  the  dark  little  men  in  the  high  grass,  shoot- 
ing at  the  American  soldiers  who  have  destroyed  Spanish  dominion  and  bestowed 
on  Aguinaldo  a vicarious  glory.  It  has  been  in  evidence  that  Aguinaldo  was  deeply 
moved  by  the  question  of  the  boundary  line  between  his  forces  and  the  American 
army,  very  soon  after  our  troops  occupied  Manila.  Before  the  American  com- 
mission in  Paris  General  Merritt  testified  he  received  letters  from  General  Aguinaldo 
— claiming  to  have  conquered  positions  and  that  the  reply  was  “he  must  withdraw 
his  forces  outside  the  limits”  that  had  been  defined.  General  Merritt  goes  on: 

The  commission  he  (Aguinaldo)  refers  to  was  brought  to  me  by  General 
Anderson.  He  asked  me  if  I would  talk  to  them,  and  I said  I would.  It  was  a 
few  days  after  the  surrender,  and  I received  them  at  my  headquarters  in  Mknila, 
and  they  agreed  the  insurgents  should  withdraw  outside  any  lines  I might  desig- 
nate. I detailed  two  officers.  General  Greene  and  General  MacArthur,  to  designate 
a line  in  red  pencil,  and  give  it  to  them  on  a map,  and  told  them  I should  insist 
on  the  withdrawal  of  his  troops.  It  took  in  part  of  the  lines  Aguinaldo’s  troops  had 
occupied  previous  to  our  getting  there,  but  it  was  necessary  to  enforce  a proper 
status  between  the  insurgents  and  our  own  forces  and  to  keep  them  out  of  Manila. 

Before  that  time,  rather  early  after  my  arrival  there  at  Manila,  I had  tele- 
graphed to  the  War  Department  of  the  possible  trouble  that  might  arise  with  the 
insurgents,  and  asked  for  instructions  as  to  whether  I should  consider  them  as 
enemies  and  treat  them  accordingly  in  s-uch  case.  To  that  request  I had  no  reply, 
and  'the  consequence  was  I had  to  mix  diplomacy  with  force  in  order  to  avoid 
a tilt  with  them.  I knew  if  bloodshed  was  once  had  that  would  be  the  end  of  an 
amicable  status  there,  and  to  that  end  I was  careful  only  to  enforce  that  which  was 
proper  and  which  I conceived  must  be  executed  in  order  to  have  my  troops  fully 
occupy  the  ground  we  had  taken.  In  his  letters  to  General  Anderson  he  speaks 
of  concessions  they  made  there  in  the  occupation  of  lines.  They  did.  I told 
General  Greene — gave  him  the  instructions — to  try  to  get  these  positions  by  an 
amicable  arrangement  if  possible,  but,  if  necessary,  to  report  the  fact  to  me,  and 
I should  use  force  to  secure  them.  At  the  time  I went  there  I found  we  had  no 


336  STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA. 


lines,  no  base  upon  which  to  approach  Manila.  The  insurgents  had  their  pickets 
to  the  front  of  ours,  and  our  main  guard  was  in  the  rear  of  their  main  guard,  and 
I gave  General  Greene  orders  to  change  that  status,  which  he  did,  and  purely 
by  arrangement  with  that  general  of  whom  Major  Bell  speaks  as  being  a very 
sensible  fellow  and  a good  fellow.  It  appears,  when  the  request  was  made  of  him 
he  corresponded  with  Aguinaldo,  and  the  latter  agreed  to  it. 

Mr.  Reid:  Do  you  think  any  danger  of  conflict  is  now  reasonably  remote? 

General  Merritt:  I think  there  is  no  danger  of  conflict  as  long  as  these  people 
think  the  United  States  is  going  to  take  possession  there. 

Mr.  Gray:  Suppose,  by  final  treaty  with  Spain,  we  should  abandon  Luzon 

and  all  the  Philippines,  exacting  such  terms  and  conditions  and  guarantees  as  we 
should  think  necessary,  and  abandon  them  entirely,  reserving  only  a coaling  station, 
perhaps;  what  do  you  think  they  would  do  about  it? 

General  Merritt:  I think  in  the  island  of  Luzon  they  would  fight  to  the 

bitter  end.  I have  talked  with  a number  of  them,  intelligent  men,  who  said  their 
lives  were  nothing  to  them  as  compared  with  the  freedom  of  the  country,  getting 
rid  of  Spanish  government. 

Mr.  Davis:  Do  you  think  Spain  would  be  able  to  reduce  them? 

General  Merritt:  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Gray:  Do  you  think,  in  the  event  of  such  an  abandonment,  it  would  be 
possible  for  them  to  set  up  a self-government? 

General  Merritt:  It  would  take  time  to  do  it.  They  -would  have  to  be  edu- 

cated up  to  it.  They  want  a protectorate,  but  they  do  not  exactly  understand  what 
that  means.  Their  idea  is  that  they  should  collect  the  revenues  and  keep  them 
in  their  treasury,  and  that  we  should  be  at  the  expense  of  maintaining  an  army 
and  a navy  there  for  their  protection,  which  is  the  kind  of  a protectorate  they  would 
like  very  much. 

Mr.  Frye:  I suppose  their  idea  of  government  is  practically  derived  from  the 
Spaniards? 

General  Merritt:  Yes,  sir. 

The  Chairman:  What  they  desire  is  a government  for  their  benefit,  main- 
tained and  paid  for  by  us?  ; 

General  Merritt:  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Davis:  Do  you  understand  that  condition  of  slavery  prevails  which  is 

described  in  that  letter  read? 

General  Merritt:  Yes,  sir;  entirely  as  described  by  Mr.  Andre. 

Mr.  Gray:  If  Admiral  Dewey  had  sailed  away  after  accomplishing  that  naval 


STATEMENT  OF  THE  BELGIAN  CONSUL  AT  MANILA.  337 


achievement  and  left  this  people  as  he  found  them,  except  for  the  destruction 
of  the  Spanish  fleet,  what,  in  your  opinion,  would  have  been  the  condition  of  the 
island  as  to  Spanish  supremacy  and  their  ability  to  suppress  the  rebellion? 

General  Merritt:  If  the  Spaniards  had  replaced  their  fleet  with  another,  I 

do  not  believe  the  revolutionists  could  have  taken  Manila.  Along  the  hay  it  is 
thirty  miles,  seventeen  by  water,  and  the  coast  shows  the  evidences  of  where  the 
Spaniards  have  used  the  guns  of  their  fleets,  riddled  the  houses  with  shells,  and 
prevented  the  insurgents  from  approaching  the  town;  and  the  insurgents  would 
have  been  driven  to  approach  the  town  from  the  interior,  where  the  Spanish 
troops  were  concentrated  against  them.  It  was  only  after  the  destruction  by  Dewey 
of  the  fleet  and  his  occupation  of  the  hay  that  these  people  surrounded  the  place 
and  held  their  positions  and  took  possession  of  the  waterworks,  which  they  held 
for  some  two  or  three  months.  For  two  months,  perhaps  three  months,  the  water 
had  been  cut  off  from  the  town. 

Mr.  Reid:  What  is  the  nature  of  that  supply? 

General  Merritt:  Very  good. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  MOST  NOTABLE  OF  THE  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMIS- 
SION IN  PARIS. 

The  Remarkable  Utterance  of  Mr.  John  Foreman,  the  Historian  of  the  Philip- 
pines— His  Exposures  of  Spanish  Tyranny  and  the  Persecution  of  the  Poor 
— He  Credits  Stories  About  the  Immorality  of  Spanish  Priests  and  Gives 
Them — The  Grievances  of  the  Philippine  Peasants — Extent  of  Spanish 
Occupation — Resources  of  the  Islands — Habits  of  the  People — Their  Weak- 
ness and  Strength — Vast  Amount  of  Information  and  Suggestion — General 
Whittier’s  Personal  Observation — His  Interview  with  Aguinaldo  and  Judg- 
ment as  to  the  Philippine  Riches  and  Possibilities. 

The  statement  of  the  highest  authority  and  the  greatest  interest  before  the 
American  Treaty  Committee  at  Paris  was  that  of  Mr.  John  Foreman,  an  English- 
man and  author  of  the  most  valuable  book  on  the  Philippines.  This  gentleman 
lived  in  the  islands  nine  years,  and  traveled  a great  deal.  He  had  an  interest  in 
a London  firm  of  engineers,  whose  work  was  principally  for  sugar  machinery  and 
who  did  the  foreign  work.  He  stated  to  the  Commission  as  to  the  places  he  had 
lived  in  in  the  Philippines: 

“I  have  been  practically  all  over  the  island  of  Luzon;  several  times  over  in 
a number  of  years;  I have  been  everywhere  in  Negros;  I have  been  all  over 
Panay;  I have  been  in  the  island  of  Zelu  or  Jolo,  and  was  a guest  of  the  Sultan. 

I have  been  in  three-fourths  of  the  places  occupied  by  the  Spaniards  in  Mindanao. 

I went  on  foot  from  Zamboanga,  right  through  the  Province  of  Zamboanga,  up 
to  Misamis  on  the  north.”  [I 

In  the  course  of  his  travels  Mr.  Foreman  resolved  to  Avrite  a book  on  the 
islands,  and  his  subsequent  studies  intensified  his  interest.  As  to  the  character 
of  the  inhabitants  he  said  to  the  Commission,  and  we  quote  him  only  in  that  con- 
nection: The  people  were  o*f  “the  most  plastic  nature;  that  which  can  be  most 

easily  molded  and  attracted,  and  drawn  to  accommodate  themselves  to  and  accept 
a new  system  which  might  be  established  for  their  future  government,  would  be 
certainly  the  inhabitants  of  the  Island  of  Luzon.” 

The  Viscaya  Islands  are  the  Panay,  Negros,  Cebu,  Bojol,  Leyte,  Samar  and 
Masbate.  The  entire  group  are  called  by  the  Spaniards  Zolo,  and  they  have  a 

Sultan,  who  resides  at  Maybun,  and  as  to  his  jurisdiction,  “the  Spaniards  have  tried 

338 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


341 


to  reduce  it  to  his  own  island,  but  the  inhabitants  of  this  island  of  Mindanao 
give  allegiance  to  him  and  acknowledge  him  as  their  chief,  and  also  the  Batnos 
tribes  on  the  island  of  Palawan,  and  the  islands  running  down  to  the  island  of 
Bilbaoc.” 

The  people  of  the  Zolos  are  Musselmen  and  the  Spaniards  speak  of  them  as 
Moors.  The  Tagals  (the  tribe  of  Malays  of  which  Aguinaldo  and  Agoncillo  are 
representative  in  blood)  Mr.  Foreman  regards  as  of  a very  easy  and  willing  nature, 
who  “would  fall  into  any  new  system  adopted,”  but  the  Yiscayas  are  more 
uncouth,  less  hospitable  and  more  averse  to  association  with  outsiders.  They  would 
“want  a little  more  pressure,  have  to  be  guided  and  watched,  and,  perhaps,  a 
little  more  of  the  iron  hand.”  In  the  Island  of  Panay,  the  neighborhood  of  Iloilo, 
are  half  castes,  the  issue  of  Chinese  men  and  Viscayan  women,  who  hold  the  trade 
so  far  as  it  is  in  native  hands,  and  the  same  thing  is  noticeable  at  Manila.  They 
are  not  sociable,  and  not  the  organizers,  still  “the  cream  of  the  civilization  of  the 
Isle  of  Panay,”  about  the  best  of  the  islands.  The  Island  of  Negros  “is  a planting 
land,”  and  the  land-owners  live  elsewhere  as  a rule.  Negros  is  the  richest  island 
of  the  archipelago  for  the  production  of  sugar.  There  was  a rapid  development 
there  when  steam  navigation  was  used  and  a governor  was  appointed.  Mr.  Fore- 
man says  of  him  that  he  “was  murdered  because  he  was  going  to  make  raids  into 
the  interior  of  the  island  and  brush  it  up  generally,  and  build  roads,  etc.,  and 
as  he  was  to  do  this  so  as  to  cost  nothing  to  the  state,  he  seized  people  on  the 
pretext  of  being  criminals  and  on  all  sorts  of  pretexts  to  get  large  gangs  of  men 
to  utilize  them  for  the  purpose  of  making  these  roads.  Of  course  the  most  of 
them  were  not  criminals,  and  they  saw  that  they  were  going  to  have  a hard  time, 
and  so  they  dispatched  the  governor.  Another  governor  was  selected,  and  when 
he  heard  what  had  been  done  there  he  did  not  want  to  go.” 

As  to  the  inhabitants  of  Mindanao  and  the  Zulu  group  Mr.  Foreman  says: 
“From  the  beginning  of  the  occupation  of  the  islands  by  the  Spaniards  in  1751 
they  used  to  make  periodical  piratical  raids  upon  the  other  islands.  They  did 
not  interfere  with  Spanish  dominion,  because  the  Spaniards  had  never  hitherto 
pretended  to  trouble  themselves  much  about  the  Viscayas  or  central  group.  But 
the  Spaniards  thought  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  wipe  out  these  people  in  a 
little  while,  in  an  easy  campaign,  but  they  found  they  had  opened  up  a hornet’s 
nest.  They  -went  down  to  attack  these  people,  known  as  the  Moros,  and  ever 
since  that  time  these  people  have  made  a dead  set  upon  them.  They  never  left 
them  any  peace.  One  time  they  came  with  their  craft,  known  as  vinitos,  right 
up  the  Bay  of  Manila,  though  they  have  never  touched  the  city,  and  from  that 


842  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


time  until  year  before  last  there  has  been  constant  trouble  with  these  people.  They 
have  been  determined  that  they  would  not  be  subjected  by  the  Spaniards  at  least. 

“The  last  little  war — and  it  became  quite  a custom,  a thing  understood,  that 
almost  every  Governor-General  should  win  an  honor,  a decoration,  a medal,  or 
something  of  that  sort  in  his  career  by  making  war  in  Mindanao — the  last  war 
was  known  as  the  campaign  of  Maraout  in  the  north  of  Mindanao.  That  was 
year  before  last,  and  so  it  would  probably  have  been  the  custom  forever.  They 
will  not  acknowledge  the  Spaniards;  they  positively  refuse  their  dominion.  The 
Spaniards  kill  a few  and  break  up  some  of  their  strongholds,  and  then  the  thing 
goes  on  as  before;  they  never  will  admit  the  Spaniards  there.  For  other  for- 
eigners it  is  very  different.  I know  there  are  Germans  there. 

“The  Spaniards  hold  Zulu  or  Jolo  town  itself  in  Zulu  Island.  Frequently 
there  are  raids  made  into  the  town.  When  I was  there  once,  just  a few  days  before 
they  had  made  a swoop  on  the  town  and  killed  two  or  three  officers  who  were 
sitting  outside  a cafe,  a drinking  shop  or  shanty;  and  this  used  to  go  on  all  the 
time.  Frequently  it  was  so.  They  really  do  not  hold  on  the  Island  of  Zulu  more 
than  the  town  itself.” 

On  Mindanao  the  Spaniards  have  only  a few  posts  and  missions.  The  in- 
habitants of  Luzon  are  so  hospitable  that  there  is  no  hotel  on  the  island  outside 
Manila.  This  hospitality  is,  Mr.  Foreman  says,  an  “extraordinary  thing,”  the 
extent  of  which  “cannot  be  realized  by  anyone  who  has  not  been  there.”  It  is  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Foreman  that  Luzon  is  not  largely  populated  as  supposed — not 
more  than  a million  and  a quarter  of  people — the  whole  people  of  the  archipelago 
being  six  million,  of  which  five  are  nominal  Catholics.  The  islands  were  aban- 
doned by  the  Spaniards  for  nearly  fifty  years  after  the  death  of  Magellenes,  and  then 
a priest  who  resided  in  the  City  of  Mexico  pressed  the  matter  of  the  annexation 
of  the  islands  for  the  saving  of  souls  upon  the  King  very  forcibly.  At  last  the  King 
gave  way  and  orders  were  issued  for  an  expedition  to  leave  Mexico  for  that  pur- 
pose, and  the  islands  were  ruled  through  Mexico — “New  Spain.” 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  statements  of  Mr.  Foreman  was  in  answer  to 
the  question  “What  is  the  relation  of  the  church  to-day  to  land  titles,  to  the 
people,  and  to  the  government?” — A.  There  are  four  orders  of  monks,  the 
Augostinos,  or  Augustinian  friars,  the  Dominican  friars,  the  Recolletto  friars,  and 
the  Franciscan  friars.  These  are  the  monks  who  are  alleged  to  have  usurped  the 
incumbencies  and  are  vicars  of  parishes.  In  addition  to  them  are  the  Jesuits,  who 
now,  for  some  years  past,  have  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  but  to  take  care  of 
the  education  of  the  people.  There  is  not  anything  like  the  same  animosity 
against  them  that  there  is  to  the  others,  and  I am  inclined  to  think  that  the  people 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


343 


look  upon  them  very  well.  They  do  not  interfere  with  the  personal  liberty  of  the 
people. 

Mr.  Reid: 

Q.  The  morality  of  the  Jesuits  is  better,  also,  is  it  not? — A.  Yes,  sir;  it  is 
very  good.  There  is  nothing  to  be  said  against  them  now.  The  head  of  the 
church  is  the  archbishop.  The  archbishop  is  usually,  but  it  is  not  absolutely  neces- 
sary that  he  should  be,  an  individual  of  one  of  these  orders.  The  immediate  chief 
of  each  of  these  orders  is  called  a provincial.  The  provincial  is  the  business  man 
of  the  order,  and  these  provincials  are  not  very  much  subjected — they  are  nom- 
inally, but  not  very  much  really — to  the  archbishop.  In  fact,  they  sometimes,  it  is 
well  known,  have  shown  insolence  and  insubordination  to  the  archbishop.  The 
present  archbishop  seems  to  have  very  little  hold  upon  them;  what  the  provin- 
cials wanted  to  do  they  did.  The  case  against  the  friars  is  this,  and  it  showed  itself 
in  a little  outbreak,  called  the  rebellion  of  Cavite,  in  1872.  The  secular  clergy — 
these  monks  are  the  regular  ordained  clergy — claimed,  under  the  conditions  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  that  these  monks,  as  missionaries,  were  not  entitled  to  hold 
the  incumbencies;  that  by  a papal  bull  which  settled  this  matter  when  it  was 
raised  these  monks  were  allowed  to  be  only  missionaries,  and  could  only  open  and 
establish  missions,  but  that  when  these  missions  became  parishes  and  when  the 
people  around  them  adopted  the  Catholic  faith,  they  should  then  retire  from 
these  parishes  and  the  incumbency  should  be  taken  by  the  secular  clergy. 

Q.  What  do  you  mean  by  “incumbency”? — A.  The  position  occupied  by  the 
parish  priest — the  incumbency  of  the  parish. 

Q.  The  titles  to  lands  are  usually  in  the  hands  of  these  monies? — A.  Yes,  sir; 
they  hold  large  tracts. 

Q.  How  did  they  get  these  lands? — A.  Usually  they  simply  took  possession 
— appropriated  it.  They  have  in  their  orders  what  are  called  “brothers.”  There 
are  “fathers”  of  the  orders  and  ‘brothers.”  “Brothers”  are  simply  persons  who 
have  taken  certain  vows,  but  who  are  not  allowed  to  celebrate  mass — simply  work- 
men— and  they  put  these  in  charge  to  take  possession  of  the  land. 

Q.  They  took  possession.  Did  they  have  no  decree  from  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment, or  the  Governor-General,  authorizing  them  to  take  possession  of  the  land? 
— A.  Not  at  first.  Subsequently  they  received  decrees,  but  never  could  they  get 
title  deeds,  owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  natives.  The  lands  taken  were  not 
devoid  of  settlers,  but  most  of  them  were  simply  squatters. 

The  habit  is  for  a tenant  to  hold  land  for  three  years,  and  when  the  time  is 
up  he  has  to  turn  over  the  improvements  to  the  landlord,  and  the  possession  is 


344  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


often  that  of  corporations,  and  as  they  are  capitalized  and  improved,  higher  rents 
are  required.  Mr.  Foreman  remarks  of  the  Spanish  corporations  that  they  “steal 
the  fruits  of  labor.” 

In  the  province  of  Laguna,  Dr.  Rizal  was  shot  by  the  Spaniards  on  De- 
cember 30tli,  1896,  because  he  raised  the  question  of  land  titles  in  his  native 
town  with  the  Dominican  order,  and  no  title  deeds  could  be  shown.  One-thirtieth 
of  the  land  that  is  cultivated  is,  however,  all  that  the  holding  of  the  corporations 
amount  to.  There  are  not  more  than  six  estates  held  by  foreigners  not  Spaniards. 
Three  thousand  acres  would  be  a large  estate.  As  to  the  moral  character  of  the 
friars,  Mr.  Foreman  says  a large  number  of  them  lead  loose  lives  and  get  up 
societies  and  persuade  women  to  join  them  and  become  servants;  and  he  adds  there 
are  “a  great  many  of  the  sons  and  daughters  of  priests  throughout  the  islands” 
and  “there  is  no  secret  about  it.” 

Mr.  Foreman,  it  will  be  remembered,  in  reply  to  a question  from  Mr.  Reid, 
said,  in  regard  to  the  moral  standing  of  the  Jesuit  priests,  that  they  stood  well, 
and  this  is  in  the  line  of  a great  deal  of  evidence  from  the  Filipinos  and  also  from 
visitors  to  the  islands,  who  join  in  praising  Jesuits  for  educational  labors,  in- 
stancing famous  schools,  the  observatory  at  Manila  and  its  records,  known  all  over 
the  world,  and  the  introduction  of  sugar  making,  coffee  raising,  and  other  indus- 
tries. But  the  same  people  who  speak  in  such  good  terms  of  the  Jesuits  have  no 
hesitation  in  denouncing  the  other  orders  of  the  church;  and  the  grand  passion  of 
the  insurgent  Filipinos  is  directed  toward  the  extermination  of  the  friars  at  large — 
reserving  a cooler  temper  for  the  Jesuits  only,  and,  whilst  stating  that  they  are 
moral  and  of  utility,  pour  forth  the  most  abominable  accusations  about  the  Spanish 
members  of  the  orders  generally.  Mr.  Foreman,  curiously  enough,  is  no  exception 
to  this  rule  of  generalization.  Soon  after  bearing  testimony  that  the  Jesuits  were 
good  citizens  he  gave  in  detail  incidents  assuming  the  responsibility  of  personal 
knowledge  of  them  of  a scandalous  nature  quite  startling,  specifying  a case  at 
the  house  of  a friend,  and  going  on  to  say: 

“My  friend’s  name  is  Henry  George  Brown.  He  lives  now  at  Saffron- Walden 
in  Essex,  England.  I have  known  him  about  seventeen  years,  and  I was  staying 
at  his  place,  on  the  Island  of  Luzon,  and  a letter  came  from  the  corporation 
saying  that  Father  So-and-So  ‘is  going  to  pass  through  your  town  on  his  way  to 
Tamina,  due  north  of  this  place,  and  will  you  please  take  charge  of  his  goods 
and  parcels,  and  see  that  they  are  sent  on  to  Tamana?’  I was  there  at  the  time 
the  small  steamer  came  in,  and  a drenching  rain  came  down,  and  simply  drenched 
the  things,  and  Brown  said  that  it  would  be  a good  act  to  open  those  things 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


345 


and  dry  them,  and  so  we  had  the  cases  opened  and  the  things  spread  out  to 
dry,  and  he  called  to  me  and  said  Must  look  here;  is  this  not  astonishing?’ 
And  he  showed  me  some  filthy  prints,  photographic  slides  for  a sort  of  kaleidoscope 
arrangement,  slides  and  prints  of  a most  filthy  nature.  He  said:  T show  you 

this  because  it  does  not  seem  possible  that,  coming  in  the  package  of  a priest, 
these  things  could  be  possible.’  He  said  it  was  no  business  of  ours,  hut  that  he 
showed  them  to  me  for  their  moral  effect,  and  I mentioned  it  in  my  hook.  And 
that  is  the  man  who  was  to  take  charge  of  the  souls  of  the  parish  he  was  appointed 
to.  That  man  had  been  turned  out  of  the  parish  he  had  because  he  was  so  obnox- 
ious; he  was  simply  a human  beast.” 

There  was  another  case.  When  I first  went  to  Manila  there  was  quite  a hub- 
bub about  a certain  priest  called  Pierre,  who  held  a parish  in  Pampanga  province, 
and  he  had  beaten  a boy  to  death,  so  he  was  taken  away  from  there  and  sent  farther 
north  to  a town  called  San  Miguel  de  Mayamo.  I had  occasion  to  go  to  that 
town  and  they  told  me  about  it — it  was  notorious.  A woman  came  to  see  him, 
and  he  kicked  her  in  the  abdomen  and  she  fell  down,  badly  hurt,  and  died.  This 
became  too  notorious,  and  they  removed  him  from  there.  It  was  talked  about  freely 
— what  a scandal  it  was,  etc.  That  was  when  I arrived,  seventeen  years  ago,  and 
they  said,  “Is  it  possible  we  are  going  to  have  these  priests  free  from  justice,  and  that 
they  can  do  as  they  like  with  us?”  so  he  was  taken  away  and  sent  down  to  the 
province  of  Cavite,  and  there  the  rebels  caught  him  in  this  last  rebellion,  and, 
more  to  ridicule  him  than  anything  else,  I think,  they  made  him  their  bishop. 
They  said,  “Mind  what  you  do.  You  can  be  our  bishop  and  take  charge  of  our 
clergy,  but  don’t  you  attempt  anything  behind  our  backs.”  He  thought  he  was 
quite  safe,  and  he  was  found  taking  sketches  and  notes  of  their  strongholds.  He 
had  already  made  arrangements  with  the  monks  for  their  delivery.  They  caught 
him,  and  they  said  it  was  treachery — he  had  made  negotiations  with  the  Augustine 
monks  in  Manila — and  after  proper  trial  he  wras  condemned  to  death.  He  was  tied 
to  a post,  without  a hat  and  without  water,  and  died  of  sunstroke,  fever,  and  hunger, 
and  that  was  his  end.  And  no  one  regrets  it. 

Q.  How  much  influence  on  the  civil  government  and  the  administration  of 
the  courts  do  these  orders  have? — A.  The  priests  can  not  be  summoned  to  an 
ordinary  court,  nor  can  they  pursue  others  in  court;  they  can  not  appear  in  court 
at  all,  but  when  a priest  makes  a declaration  it  is  accepted  as  a fact,  and  no  proof 
is  necessary.  It  is  quite  sufficient  that  Father  So-and-So  signs  it.  The  admin- 
istration governor  may  be  regarded  as  purely  and  simply  the  executive  of  the 
priests,  who  are  the  ruling  order  there.  Over  and  over  Governors-General  have 


346 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


been  sent  away  on  the  recommendation  of  the  monastic  orders  in  recent  times.  At 
the  end  of  1892  I was  in  Spain,  and  the  son  of  General  Despujols  came  to  visit 
me,  knowing  that  I was  well  acquainted  with  the  country,  and  he  told  me  that 
his  father  was  going  out  as  Governor-General  of  the  islands  and  he  would  like  to 
have  a chat  with  me.  I asked  him  how  his  father  stood  with  the  priests.  He  said 
he  stood  very  well,  that  he  would  try  to  recognize  their  power  and  stand  in  har- 
mony with  them,  and  I said  that  if  he  did  that  he  was  all  right. 

General  Despujols  went  out,  and  I went  out  there  in  1893,  and  he  had  just 
left.  He  had  been  eight  months  in  power.  Appointed  for  three  years,  at  the  end 
of  eight  months  he  had  been  obliged  to  clear  out,  from  the  influence  of  the  monastic 
power.  The  main  points  against  him  were  these:  This  man,  Dr.  Rizal,  who  went 
down  and  raised  the  point  of  the  deeds,  etc.,  with  the  monks,  had  been  to  Europe 
and  had  studied  in  Germany.  He  was  a very  clever  man,  quite  an  exception  to 
the  general  rule,  and  had  published  three  books  against  the  priests — one  called 
Noli  me  Tangere,  another  Filibustero,  and  another  was  a reproduction  of  a book 
written  by  a priest  years  ago,  who  was  also  an  exception.  For  this  he  was  looked 
down  upon  by  the  priests  as  a disturbing  element.  He  came  to  Hongkong,  and 
from  there  he  was  cajoled  to  Manila  on  the  promise  that  he  would  not  be  molested. 
He  went  there  to  the  Governor-General,  but  they  detained  his  baggage  and  pre- 
tended that  he  carried  incendiary  leaflets  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a rebellion. 

The  priests  required  that  he  should  be  executed,  but  the  Governor-General 
refused  to  allow  it;  said  that  it  was  utterly  impossible  that  he  should  be  executed 
for  what  he  had  written,  and  refused.  All  they  could  get  out  of  the  Governor 
was,  “Very  well,  you  are  banished  to  the  island  of  Mindanao.”  This  is  the  place  to 
which  he  was  banished,  and  where  he  remained  for  four  years,  Dapitan.  I saw 
his  little  hut  there  on  the  bay,  and  visited  him  there.  That  displeased  the  priests 
very  much.  They  had  strife  and  questions  between  them  and  the  Governor- 
General,  and  the  latter  said,  “I  am  going  to  see  how  you  are  working,”  and,  all 
of  a sudden,  he  had  a raid  made  upon  the  residences  of  the  Augustino  monks 
in  a place  north  of  Manila,  and  had  the  place  suddenly  seized  and  raided,  and 
it  is  very  well  known  that  he  found  a printing  press  printing  these  same  incen- 
diary leaflets,  and  the  priest  who  was  employed  in  doing  so  was  perfectly  we11 
known  to  every  one  in  Mailaban,  to  Americans  and  English,  where  there  is  a b 
sugar-refining  establishment  owned  by  Americans  and  English,  the  English  res 
dent  in  Manila  and  the  Americans  in  Hongkong,  and  known  personally  to  thei 
The  man  disappeared  and  was  never  seen  again.  I can  not  say  where  he  wer 
These  leaflets  were  seized,  and  from  that  moment  the  Governor-General  was 
condemned  man,  and  he  left.  I went  out  in  1893  and  he  was  not  there. 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


347 


Q.  You  regard  these  orders  as  the  dominating  power? — A.  Yes,  sir.  General 
Blanco  was  out  there  in  Manila,  where  I saw  him  nearly  every  day.  He  was  there 
at  the  beginning  of  this  insurrection  in  1896.  The  archbishop  is  the  most  blood- 
thirsty man  there.  I knew  him  perfectly  well.  I used  to  meet  the  priests  and 
hear  what  they  had  to  say,  and  they  said  that  what  Blanco  had  done  did  not  please 
them  at  all;  did  not  suit  their  view  of  it,  though,  of  course,  I had  very  little  to  say — 
nothing  to  say,  in  fact.  But  their  complaints  were  that  General  Blanco  was  not 
sufficiently  bloodthirsty  for  them,  and  that  is  the  reason  he  went  away  from  there. 
Mr.  Foreman  spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  climate,  and  Mr.  Reid  asked: 

Q.  Are  there  any  prevalent  fevers  there? — A.  People  do  get  fever,  but  very 
seldom. 


Q.  Is  it  a pernicious  fever,  such  as  they  have  in  Cuba? — A.  Oh,  no;  very 
light,  indeed;  and  the  natives  will  get  a fever  more  often  than  Europeans;  it  is 
owing  to  their  mode  of  living. 

Q.  Is  it  a malarial  fever? — A.  No,  sir;  I consider  malarial  fever  to  be  that 
which  comes  from  the  opening  of  new  ground. 

Q.  Would  it  be  with  chills? — A.  Not  malarial  fevers,  as  I understand  them. 
I was  once  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  I saw  that  there  was  a lot  of  fine  land  back  of  the 
city  which  was  not  used  at  all,  and  I asked  why  it  was  not  utilized,  and  they 
explained  to  me  that  the  minute  they  turned  the  sod  the  people  were  attacked 
by  the  fever  and  dropped  down  with  it,  and  died  within  eight  hours  after.  I 
never  knew  or  heard  of  men  being  troubled  from  the  opening  of  new  ground 
in  Manila  or  the  Philippines. 

The  Chairman: 

Q.  Which  is  the  best  and  farthest  advanced  of  these  islands? — A.  Luzon 
I consider  the  most  advanced,  owing,  of  course,  to  the  close  association  with  the 
Europeans. 

Q.  More  insurrections  break  out  there. — A.  Yes;  and  it  is  just  because  they 
are  able  to  see  other  things.  What  they  ask  is  perfectly  just.  Their  insurrection 
is  not  from  a love  of  quarreling  or  opposition  to  white  men  at  all.  There  is  no 
such  thing  as  any  hostility  to  white  men;  such  a thing  does  not  exist. 

Q.  What  are  the  causes,  briefly,  of  insurrections? — A.  Very  broadly  speak- 
ing, the  main  cause  is  the  persecution  of  the  priests,  their  interference  in  the  little 
petty  details  of  a man’s  life,  his  wife,  his  daughter,  the  constant  persecution,  the 
petty  revenge.  These  parish  priests  interfere  in  a man’s  own  home  and  household, 
in  the  interior  workings  of  a man’s  house.  And  all  of  a sudden  a priest  will  take 
a dislike  for  some  little  thing,  or  nothing,  and  then  that  man  is  marked,  and 


318 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


periodically  the  priest  will  take  a piece  of  paper  and  write  on  it  and  say  that  he 
has  reason  to  believe  the  individuals  marked  in  the  margin  are — whatever  he  wants 
to  call  them — disturbers  of  the  peace,  etc.,  and  will  request  that  they  be  removed 
from  his  district,  and  the  man  will  be  taking  his  coffee  in  the  morning,  getting 
ready  to  go  to  his  estate,  and  the  civil  guard  will  appear  and  say,  “You  are  wanted.” 
“What  for?”  “By  order  of  the  Governor.”  And  he  is  walked  off,  and  if  he 
shows  the  least  disposition  to  dispute,  his  arms  are  tied  behind  him  and  he  has  to 
tramp,  tramp,  tramp,  down,  and  down,  and  down  to  Manila.  That  is  one  of  the 
points  especially  raised  by  Aguinaldo,  that  arbitrary  power  to  arrest  at  any  time 
simply  on  the  name  of  the  Governor. 

Mr.  Gray: 

Q.  Has  the  person  so  arrested  no  chance  for  a judicial  inquiry? — A.  No,  sir; 
the  Governor-General  has  the  exclusive  power. 

Mr.  Foreman  said  one  of  the  greatest  misfortunes  of  the  people  of  the  Philip- 
pines was  there  was  no  fair  administration  of  justice.  When  a foreigner  got  into 
a lawsuit  he  might  as  well  flee  from  the  islands.  He  gives  a remarkable  instance: 
That  in  the  case  of  the  Hongkong  and  Shanghai  bank,  which  had  some  question 
with  the  house  of  Jurado  & Co.  The  question  is  still  on.  They  went  to  court 
over  it.  The  bank  certainly  did  make  a mistake  in  wishing  to  close  down  upon 
them  for  certain  promissory  notes  before  they  were  due,  but  they  put  it  on  the 
ground  that  the  promissory  notes  had  been  indorsed  by  everybody  and  anybody, 
even  by  boys  back  of  the  counter. 

“The  thing  came  into  court,  and  Jurado  & Co.  found  themselves  in  bad  shape, 
and  it  came  out  and  back  again,  and  went  from  civil  court  to  criminal  court,  and 
sometimes  one  side  would  get  the  best  of  it  and  sometimes  the  other.  The  bank 
was  shut  up,  and  Mr.  Townsend,  the  manager  of  the  bank  there,  was  notified 
that  he  must  consider  himself  a prisoner.  The  Consul  protested  against  it,  and 
he  was  ordered  to  be  sent  to  Bombay  or  Calcutta  as  a persona  non  grata.  He 
removed  his  things,  and  the  whole  thing  was  shut  up.  They  sent  for  an  English- 
man who  was  a machinist  to  pry  the  locks  of  the  safe,  and  he  said  he  could  not 
do  it.  He  was  working  on  it  for  a week,  and  then  said  he  could  not  do  it,  that  he 
could  not  possibly  pry  these  locks,  and  then  they  got  up  a little  syndicate  of  natives, 
a little  banker  there  whose  name  I forget,  and  some  others,  to  personate  the  bank, 
and  they  thought  they  would  be  able  to  make  a large  claim  out  of  it,  and  the  last 
I heard  of  it  the  claim  was  for  $930,000  Mexican,  the  claim  made  by  this  house 
of  Jurado  & Co.,  and  they  have  kept  on  and  can  not  get  a settlement,  and  it  is 
still  pending.  I bank  myself  with  the  bank.  It  has  its  offices  in  London  at  31 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


349 


Lombard  street,  and  the  brother  of  this  man  Jurado  is  also  living  in  London, 
I beheve  in  Chelsea,  but  his  office  is  at  21  Billeter  street. 

“Q.  They  will  never  get  a settlement? — A.  No,  sir;  never.  Years  after  this 
came  up  I was  in  Madrid,  and  I was  going  down  by  the  offices  of  the  Minister  of 
War,  and  I met  this  man  Jurado  from  London,  and  he  said  the  whole  thing 
would  be  settled  in  a fortnight,  and  that  he  would  get  his  claim.  I went  on 
to  the  Minister  of  War,  with  whom  I had  an  engagement,  and  he  said  I was  a 
little  late,  and  I told  him  that  I had  been  detained  by  meeting  this  man  and  his 
conversation  with  me,  and  that  he  said  the  whole  thing  would  be  settled  in  a 
fortnight.  He  asked  me  if  I would  meet  the  man  again,  and  I said  that  I might, 
perhaps.  ‘Tell  him  it  is  a lie,  and  that  the  matter  is  not  settled  yet.’  ” 

There  was  a rule  that  for  a small  tax  all  the  people  over  eighteen  years  of 
age,  men  and  women,  had  to  hold  a paper  of  identification,  and  one  found  with- 
out it  had  to  pay  the  officer  a bribe.  Another  abuse  is  that  the  countrymen  have 
to  give  a period  of  fifteen  days’  forced  labor  to  the  Government,  and  the  libera- 
tion of  workingmen  from  this  exaction  enabled  the  officers  to  establish  a system 
of  blackmailing  the  poor.  There  is  a civil  guard  to  keep  order,  and  this  organ- 
ization coidd  not  be  dispensed  with,  and  yet  was  fruitful  of  abuses.  For  example: 
An  officer  will  send  a patrol  of  two  men  to  walk  through  the  district,  and  generally 
to  patrol  it  and  see  what  is  going  on  around  there.  These  men,  as  they  go  along 
from  hut  to  hut  will  steal — the  people  are  miserably  poor,  and  it  is  a great  thing 
for  them  to  lose  two  or  three  chickens  or  a little  tobacco  or  sugar — and  they  go 
along  and  pick  up  anything  they  like.  They  will  go  to  a man  and  say:  “Where 
is  your  document  of  personal  identity?”  and  the  man  is  out  in  the  field,  perhaps, 
and  he  says:  “I  have  not  got  it;  I left  it  somewhere  else,  at  the  house,”  and  they 
arrest  him  at  once.  He  says:  “Let  me  off.”  “How  much?”  and  he  gets  off  if 
he  pays.  They  do  this  on  their  own  account.  They  will  also  trump  up  charges 
against  the  natives.  If  an  officer  of  the  civil  guard  can  not  get  milk  delivered  as 
he  wants  it,  or  sugar,  or  whatever  else  he  wants,  or  can  not  get  a man  to  run  his 
horses  gratis,  or  anything  whatever  he  wrants  for  his  use,  he  will  trump  up  a 
charge,  and  the  man  is  taken  off  to  the  principal  town  of  the  province  on  some 
trumpery  charge.  Then  they  will  allow"  a certain  license  in  the  cock  fighting. 
It  is  supposed  to  be  prohibited,  but  it  is  alleged  that  it  is  so  set  in  the  native 
character  that  it  can  not  be  eradicated,  and  on  Sundays  and  certain  other  days 
they  allow  it,  and  the  guards  will  go  in,  and  if  they  do  not  get  a certain  percent- 
age of  the  bets,  etc.,  they  are  dowm  on  them.  They  are  also  constantly  interfering 
with  the  internal  workings  of  the  households  amongst  the  natives. 


350  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


Mr.  Gray: 

Q.  Would  the  passing  into  the  hands  of  an  anti-Catholic  power  he  a source 
of  irritation? — A.  No,  sir;  the  matter  of  religion  would  not  trouble  them  at  all. 

The  Chairman: 

Q.  They  submit  to  the  present  religion  because  it  is  a matter  of  policy  to 
do  so? — A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  What  do  you  say  as  to  whether  or  not,  if  it  should  be  concluded  that 
Luzon  should  be  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  group,  a government  could  be 
maintained  there  of  sufficient  resources  in  that  island  for  the  maintenance  of  gov- 
ernment? In  short,  what  would  be  the  effect  of  seeking  to  establish  a colonial 
government  on  the  island  of  Luzon  by  itself  first? — A.  For  the  moment  there 
would  be  a difficulty  of  labor.  Nature  is  so  prolific  there  that  man  can  get  along 
almost  entirely  without  work.  Of  course  in  the  city  of  Manila  it  is  not  the  same, 
but  the  people  from  among  whom  you  would  draft  for  labor  can  almost  live 
without  work  and  get  all  they  want,  construct  their  houses  entirely  of  wood,  get 
wearing  apparel  to  merely  cover  their  nudity,  and  can  get  all  they  want  to  eat 
and  drink  without  the  necessity  of  working. 

But  I think  if  Luzon  were  kept  by  yourselves,  they  would  be  so  startled  by 
the  perfect  paradise  it  would  seem  to  them  under  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  that  the  natives  of  the  other  islands  would  hear  of  it  from  all  sides.  There 
would  be  steamers  and  canoes  coming  to  and  fro,  and  they  would  hear  that  they 
could  walk  the  streets  perfectly  free,  without  being  obliged  to  carry  a piece  of 
paper  to  show,  and  they  would  be  as  much  astonished  as  was  Aguinaldo  when  he 
found  that  he  was  on  free  soil  and  could  open  his  mouth  when  he  was  at  Hong- 
kong. It  was  months  before  he  could  open  his  mouth  to  speak  freely  concerning 
the  Philippines.  I think  that  would  draw  large  immigration  from  the  other  islands 
to  Luzon,  assuming  that  the  other  islands  were  under  Spanish  dominion.  Con- 
ditional on  that,  I think  it  would  draw  very  large  numbers  from  there,  and  that 
you  would  thus  get  over  the  labor  difficulty,  and  the  island  of  Luzon,  being  worked 
up,  would  be  sufficient  to  establish  a very  prosperous  colony.  I think  it  would  be 
a very  fine  colony. 

In  the  course  of  his  examination  Mr.  Foreman  said  that  he  thought  he  had 
“said  enough  about  the  priests,”  and,  upon  inquiry  by  Mr.  Frye,  said  his  remarks 
did  not  apply  to  the  Jesuits  nor  to  the  native  priests.  The  natives  wanted  to 
clear  out  the  priests  except  Jesuits  as  educators.  “In  my  interview  at  Bacoor, 
August  25th,  1898,  with  General  Aguinaldo,  I asked  him,  after  he  had  said  the 
Spanish  priests  ‘should  go,  ought  to,  want  to  go,  and  had  better  go,’  whether 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS.  351 


[vhat  lie  said  applied  to  the  Jesuits,  and  he  said,  after  a moment’s  hesitation,  ‘The 
Fesuits  also  must  go.’  He  added  that  the  native  priests  were  respected  and  not 
placed  in  the  list  of  those  who  must  be  deported  or  destroyed.” 

Mr.  Foreman  holds  the  native  not  capable  of  self-government  because  he  has 
10  “expansive  ideas,”  and  could  not  go  so  far  as  to  understand  the  common 
veal.  An  attempt  at  native  government  would  be  “a  fiasco  altogether.”  The  his- 
orian  also  gave  a glancing  account  of  the  fertility  of  Luzon,  but  did  not  know 
d any  coal  good  enough  to  depend  upon  in  raising  steam.  He  answered  several 
earching  questions  in  an  instructive  way,  as  follows: 

The  Chairman: 

Q.  You  think  the  entire  group  could  be  taken  and  governed,  or  that  Luzon 
ould  be  taken  and  governed,  with  the  free-trade  regulations  between  the  islands 
nd  the  other  stipulations  you  mentioned? — A.  Yes,  sir;  either  course  could  be 


airsued. 

Mr.  Davis: 

Q.  Do  you  think  the  native  priests  would  assist  in  establishing  and  main- 
aining  good  government  there? — A.  Oh,  yes;  you  would  certainly  have  no  oppo- 
ition  from  the  native  priests. 

Q.  Would  we  have  their  active  aid? — A.  The  native  priests  would  not 
ppose  at  all;  they  would  not  take  a hostile  course;  there  would  be  no  difficulty 
liere. 


The  Chairman: 

Q.  Flow  would  they  regard  the  Protestant  missionaries? — A.  I think  it 
ould  be  a matter  of  indifference  to  them. 

Q.  You  think  the  only  trouble  would  be  with  the  monastic  orders? — A. 
rom  a religious  point  of  view  only;  I do  not  think  the  native  priests  would  give 
le  least  trouble. 

Mr.  Gray: 

Q.  Are  these  priests  supported  by  the  State? — A.  Yes,  sir;  by  the  govern- 
lental  funds. 

Q.  Would  the  withdrawal  of  government  support  make  trouble  with  them? — 

I do  not  think  they  could  get  up  any  trouble. 

Mr.  Davis: 

Q.  Would  they  be  disposed  to  do  so? — A.  I do  not  think  it  would  go  past 
ich  individual  feeling  a little  sore.  You  must  remember  they  constitute  the 
cular  clergy,  and  the  secular  clergy  are  not  bound  by  any  vow  of  poverty.  They 
■e  very  good  fellows,  indeed;  very  hospitable,  and  will  put  you  up  any  time 


352  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


for  a night  or  two.  I should  say  that  75  per  cent  of  the  secular  clergy  have 
quite  sufficient  to  live  upon.  And  they  have  lands. 

Q.  State,  if  you  know,  what  the  amount  of  aid  furnished,  per  annum,  to 
one  of  these  secular  priests  will  average. — A.  It  is  very  trifling  all  around;  I 
should  say  possibly  $500  Mexican  to  each  one  would  be  a fair  average;  about  $40 
per  month. 

Q.  I think  you  stated  in  your  book  that  about  seven-tenths  of  the  revenues 
of  the  island  are  turned  over  to  the  church.  How  is  that? — A.  I will  read  an 
extract  from  an  article  written  by  me  which  it  may  be  interesting  to  you  to  hear: 
“The  total  revenues  for  the  island,  estimated,  for  1896,  were,  in  round  numbers, 
86,000,000  pesetas.  If  you  will  divide  that  amount  by  ten,  it  will  give  the 
amount  in  gold  dollars,  or  $8,600,000.” 

Mr.  Davis: 

Q.  Where  do  you  derive  that? — A.  From  statistics  sent  me  from  Madrid 
for  the  purposes  of  my  literary  work.  To  the  clergy  I suppose  we  might  call  it 
an  allowance  made  for  the  Government  to  the  clergy,  general  allowance,  7,000,000 
pesetas  out  of  a total  of  86,000,000  pesetas. 

Mr.  Gray: 

Q.  Seven  hundred  thousand  dollars? — A.  Yes,  sir.  For  the  Franciscan 
College  in  Spain,  and  passages  of  priests  from  Spain  to  the  islands,  275,000  pesetas, 
or  $27,500  gold.  For  the  maintenance  of  Manila  Cathedral,  294,000  pesetas,  or 
$29,400  gold.  For  the  maintenance  of  the  choir  school,  20,000  pesetas,  or  $2,000 
gold.  Total,  7,589,000  pesetas,  or  $758,900  gold;  so  that  the  net  result  is  three- 
quarters  of  a million  dollars  gold  out  of  a total  of  $8,000,000  gold. 

Mr.  Davis: 

Q.  About  10  per  cent  of  the  entire  amount? — A.  Yes,  sir.  Of  course  the 
total  amount  varies  from  year  to  year.  Another  curious  item  comes  out  of  this 
total  revenue  which,  of  course,  would  cease  to  exist  under  new  arrangements— 
pensions  and  allowances  paid  outside  the  colony,  of  absolutely  no  interest  to  the 
Philippine  Islanders.  I have  not  noted  it  here,  but  they  are  pensions  to  the 
descendants  of  Christopher  Columbus,  to  a man  known  as  the  Marquis  de  Bade- 
mont,  the  maintenance  of  consuls  in  the  far  East,  which  are  absolutely  of  no 
value  to  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  consuls,  as  at  Hongkong,  are  under  the 
jurisdiction  in  no  sense  of  the  Governor-General  of  the  islands;  if  the  Governor- 
General  wants  to  make  use  of  them,  he  telegraphs  to  Spain  and  Spain  telegraphs 
back  to  Hongkong,  while,  as  a matter  of  fact,  the  distance  is  only  630  miles  from 
Manila  to  Hongkong.  This  amount  is  5,890,000  pesetas,  or  $589,000  gold.  For 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


353 


public  works,  highways,  bridges,  and  public  buildings,  nothing.  Besides  the  above 
amounts,  paid  direct  to  the  clergy,  the  sums  extorted  by  the  priests  for  marriages, 
sale  of  indulgences,  feasts,  masses,  burials,  baptisms,  scapularies,  etc.,  are  esti- 
mated at  about  10,000,000  pesetas,  or  $1,000,000  gold. 

Mr.  Frye: 

Q.  What  would  be  the  effect  of  stopping  cockfighting  and  lotteries? — A. 
Lotteries  you  can  stop  at  once. 

Q.  There  would  be  no  trouble  about  that? — A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  How  about  the  cockfighting? — A.  I think  there  would  be  cockfighting 
carried  on  secretly.  I think  it  would  be  advisable  to  tolerate  it.  The  life  of  these 
people  is  very  dreary,  these  natives;  they  live  in  these  rural  districts  and  .see 
nothing  but  mountains  and  planted  lands,  and  if  this  is  prohibited  their  vices 
will  break  out  in  some  other  form;  they  would  have  to  have  some  form  of  amuse- 
ment. I do  not  think  it  would  be  practicable  to  absolutely  suppress  the  cock- 
fighting. 

Q.  You  think  the  lottery  could  be  abolished  without  any  trouble? — A.  Yes, 
sir.  The  natives  are  so  used,  when  they  do  get  a prize,  to  having  to  tip  so  many 
people  and  to  having  so  many  squeezes  that  they  get  very  much  disgusted  and  say  it 
is  a fraud,  but  it  is  not  a fraud.  I believe  the  matter  is  entirely  fair;  but  the 
base  of  a lottery  system  is  about  as  strong  as  a house  built  of  a pack  of  cards  put 
on  end. 

In  1878,  when  the  Martines  Campos  treaty  with  Gomez  was  announced,  Mr. 
Foreman  w7as  in  Spain,  and  when  the  news  of  peace  came  the  flags  were  flying 
and  there  was  great  joy.  Campos  returned  to  Spain  the  idol  of  the  people,  and 
was  wanted  for  Prime  Minister.  The  King  sent  for  Canovas,  who  said,  “You 
had  better  let  him  go  in;  the  higher  he  goes,  the  lower  he  will  fall.”  Campos 
made  it  the  object  of  his  government  to  get  Cortez  to  ratify  the  treaty,  but  “he 
was  pooh-poohed  and  laughed  at.  They  said,  ‘The  Cubans  have  laid  down  their 
arms,  everything  is  quiet;  why  should  wre  do  anything  more?  we  have  accom- 
plished what  we  wanted/  He  said,  T have  given  my  word  of  honor;  my  personal 
honor  is  affected.’  But  they  said,  ‘Oh,  you  have  fallen  out  of  power,  and  you 
will  never  come  in  again.  It  is  a very  good  trick.  You  have  got  each  one  to 
lay  down  his  arms  and  go  to  his  house,  and  now  let  the  reforms  go;  never  mind 
the  engagement.’  They  have  done  the  same  with  the  treaty  or  agreement  of 
Biac-na-bato,  made  with  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  the  rebel  general.  They  paid,  of 
course,  the  first  installment,  which  had  to  be  paid  simultaneously  with  the  exile 
of  Aguinaldo  and  the  thirty-two  rebel  leaders,  and  which  w?as  deposited  in  the 


354  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


Shanghai  bank,  but  they  paid  no  more.  One  of  the  conditions  was  that  the 
families  and  others  connected  with  the  rebellion  should  not  be  molested  in  any 
form  or  sense  whatever;  but  immediately  that  Aguinaldo  left  for  Hongkong  the 
priests  started  to  persecute  those  left  behind,  and  the  result  was  that  another 
chief  turned  up — I knew  his  father  very  well — Alejandrino.  He  had  fled,  but 
returned,  and  is  one  of  the  leaders  now.” 

Mr.  Gray: 

Q.  If  that  exodus  of  the  friars,  these  priests  of  the  monastic  orders,  was 
carried  out,  either  voluntarily  on  their  part  or  with  some  degree  of  compulsion 
applied  to  them,  what  disposition  would  be  made  of  their  holdings  of  land;  what 
would  become  of  the  land? — A.  What  the  natives,  I think  I may  say  pretty 
decidedly,  would  aspire  to  would  be  that  the  land  should  be  declared  to  be  the 
possession  of  those  actually  in  possession  as  tenants  to-day.  holding  it  in  rent 
from  these  corporations.  It  is  let  in  parcels.  They  would  say,  “the  priests  are 
gone,  let  us,  as  we  stand,  hold  the  land,”  and  with  very  little  disturbance  at  all 
the  man  in  possession  holds  his  patch  of  land. 

Q.  They  hold  by  a legal  title  now? — A.  Only  by  a contract  with  the  priests. 

Q.  I mean  the  monastic  orders  hold  by  a title? — A.  No,  sir.  That  is  to  say, 
I draw  my  information  from  this  source — that  Dr.  Rizal  challenged  the  priests  to 
bring  forward  their  titles.  He  said,  “If  you  will  exhibit  your  title  deeds,  it  will 
be  satisfactory  for  you  and  for  us;  I shall  be  satisfied,  my  agitation  will  end,  the 
people  interested  roundabout  will  be  satisfied,  and  you  certainly  will  insure  to 
yourselves  tranquillity  by  settling  this  matter  on  the  exhibition  of  your  title  deeds,” 
and  they  could  not  do  it.  They  would  go  to  the  length  of  intriguing  for  three 
or  four  years  to  bring  about  the  execution  of  this  Dr.  Rizal  rather  than  show 
their  title  deeds,  and  we  can  only  surmise  that  the  title  deeds  did  not  exist. 

Q.  How  long  have  they  been  flourishing  there  and  holding  these  titles,  So 
called?— A.  I can  not  say. 

Q.  It  is  an  old  business?— A.  Yes,  sir;  very  old. 

In  concluding  his  testimony  Mr.  Foreman  said  as  to  raising  horses,  if  one 
had  a fine  pony  the  Spaniards  would  take  it  unless  the  native  rider  had  a permii 
in  his  pocket.  There  is  a very  fine  wood  in  the  Island  of  Mindora,  twenty-two 
varieties,  and  in  the  Island  of  Mindanao,  speaking  of  woods,  there  is  knowr 
to  be  the  ironwood,  an  extremely  hard  wood.  It  is  very,  very  hard  indeed.  0: 
course,  at  the  same  time,  it  has  the  defect  of  being  somewhat  brittle,  but  in  sub 
stantial  sizes,  say  in  three-inch  growth,  it  is  tremendously  strong. 

Q.  Is  there  not  oil  in  those  islands? — A.  Only  in  one  place  has  it  beei 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


355 


discovered  so  far;  that  is  in  the  Island  of  Cebu,  on  the  estate  known  as  Calumam- 
pao,  belonging  to  an  Englishman  named  Pickford  and  a Mr.  Wilson,  an  American. 

Earthquakes  have  been  destructive.  The  cholera  came  to  the  Philippines  in 
1882,  and  twenty  Europeans  and  forty  thousand  natives  died.  Typhoons  are  not 
so  serious  except  once  in  six  or  seven  years.  In  the  lake  near  Manila,  Laguna 
del  Bayao,  there  is  a pretty  and  famous  volcano  known  as  the  one  of  Taal,  which 
was  in  eruption  when  I last  heard  from  Manila.  There  is  a business  to  be  done 
there — the  export  of  sulphur.  At  one  time  it  was  permitted,  but  all  of  a sudden 
the  Government  expressly  prohibited  it.  There  is  another  volcano  there  which  is 
very  famous,  and  one  of  the  finest  things  to  he  seen,  with  the  most  perfect  cone 
to  be  seen.  In  nature  it  is  like  an  enormous  limpet  shell,  and  the  most  perfect, 
on  the  clean-cut  style,  and  that  is  the  volcano  of  Mayon,  in  the  extreme  east  of 
the  Island  of  Luzon,  in  the  province  of  Albay.  That  is  a very  fine  volcano;  a 
grand  sight  to  see  it  at  night.  Of  course  the  whole  island  is  supposed  to  he 
of  volcanic  origin,  and  when  the  volcanoes  are  in  eruption  you  know  there  is  no 
danger;  you  know  that  there  will  be  no  earthquakes,  and  they  do  no  damage. 
Of  course  some  of  the  natives  are  stupid  enough  to  live  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
and  occasionally  get  killed. 

Q.  When  is  the  rainy  season? — A.  The  middle  six  months  of  the  year;  the 
first  three  months  and  the  last  three  months  is  the  dry  season. 

Q.  From  April  to  October? — A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  It  is  rather  an  uncomfortable  season? — A.  Yes,  sir;  drenching  rains 
come,  frightful  downpours  sometimes,  but  everything  dries  so  quickly. 

Q.  How  in  the  other  six  months,  from  October  to  April? — A.  Out  of  those 
six  months  four  months  absolutely  not  a drop;  approaching  it,  it  shades  off. 

Q.  Pleasant  months? — A.  Delightful.  I would  not  choose  any  other  place 
to  live  in  the  month  of  December.  Anywhere  in  the  islands  is  simply  delicious; 
a most  wonderful  climate;  altogether  it  is  very  agreeable  living,  a very  pretty 
place. 

The  well-informed  historian  thought  if  we  took  all  of  the  islands  the  burden 
m us  would  be  “only  a little  more  expense  of  administration,  which,  I think, 
vould  be  covered  by  the  islands  themselves.”  He  concluded: 

“The  name  of  Japan  has  been  brought  up.  It  is,  of  course,  quite  out  of  the 
piestion,  because  it  is  a pagan  nation.  The  natives  have  been  brought  up  as 
Christians,  and  I am  sure  it  would  be  opposed  to  the  popular  opinion  in  Europe, 
md  in  America,  I should  think.  That  excludes  Japan,  in  my  opinion.” 

Commander  Bradford  of  the  United  States  Navy  was  asked  by  Mr.  Frye: 


356  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


“Suppose  the  United  States,  in  the  progress  of  war,  found  the  leader  of  the  present 
Philippine  rebellion  an  exile  from  his  country  in  Hongkong  and  sent  for  him  and 
brought  him  to  the  islands  in  an  American  ship,  and  then  furnished  him  4,000 
or  5,000  stands  of  arms,  and  allowed  him  to  purchase  as  many  more  stands  of 
arms  in  Hongkong,  and  accepted  his  aid  in  conquering  Luzon,  what  kind  of  a 
nation,  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  would  we  appear  to  be  to  surrender  Aguinaldo  and 
his  insurgents  to  Spain  to  be  dealt  with  as  they  please? — A.  We  become  respon- 
sible for  everything  he  has  done;  he  is  our  ally,  and  we  are  bound  to  protect  him.” 

This  was  in  October,  1898.  Aguinaldo  is  better  known  now. 

General  Charles  A.  Whittier  of  New  York,  a business  man  of  mild  knowl- 
edge and  enterprise,  and  a soldier  of  distinction,  was  one  of  the  Commis- 
sioners who  arranged  with  the  Spaniards  the  terms  of  the  surrender  of  Manila. 
He  says:  “Admiral  Monti  jo  seemed  to  have  his  wits  about  him  better  than  the 
rest.”  The  Captain-General  reported  in  trepidation  that  the  insurgents  were 
coming  into  the  city.  General  Whittier  made  it  his  business  to  see  the  country 
and  says: 

“I  went  over  the  line  of  the  only  railroad  in  the  Philippines,  leaving  one 
Saturday  morning  and  going  up  120  miles  through  the  rice  fields,  a country  of 
marvelous  and  most  extraordinary  fertility. 

“Q.  What  sort  of  looking  people  are  the  insurgents? — A.  They  are  some- 
what undersized,  are  fairly  good  in  appearance,  are  brave,  will  stand  any  amount 
of  hunger  and  hardship,  and,  well  led,  would  be  very  good  soldiers.  The  country 
on  the  line  of  railroad  is  divided  into  four  parts  or  zones.  There  was  one  General 
Macabulus,  whose  headquarters  wrere  at  Tarlac,  and  it  was  said  that  Aguinaldo 
rather  dreaded  his  popularity,  and  wanted  to  transfer  him.  There  was  good  feeling 
between  them,  however,  and  he  sent  down  by  Higgins  $36,000  as  a contribution. 
This  was  Mexican,  of  course. 

“The  next  Sunday,  in  company  with  a member  of  one  of  the  chief  mercantile 
houses  and  the  senior  British  medical  officer  at  Hongkong,  Colonel  Evatt,  we  went 
up  the  River  Pasig  on  the  launch  of  the  former.  We  went  up  about  twenty-eight 
miles  to  the  laguna.  Paixanang  would  have  been  better  to  see,  but  time  would 
not  permit.  We  went  to  Banos,  a health  resort.  There  is  a tract  of  land  on  the 
laguna  on  the  market,  held  by  the  priests.  They  wish  to  sell  it  for  $1,700,000.  It 
is  an  enormously  productive  country.  You  pass  cascos  loaded  with  cocoanuts  and 
quantities  of  nipa  thatching  for  roofs. 

General  Whittier  quotes  as  his  own  idea  Frank  Swelltenham  of  the  British 
Straits  Settlement  Colony: 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS.  359 


“The  Philippines  are  Malays,  with  more  intelligence,  more  education,  mor 
courage,  perhaps,  than  their  confreres  in  the  Peninsula. 

“In  one  sense  they  would  he  easier  to  govern,  because  they  have  been  fot 
many  years  in  contact  with  white  men  and  understand  their  ways.  Moreover, 
the  majority  are  not  Mohammedans. 

“But,  on  the  other  hand,  they  have  aspirations  for  political  institutions  and 
the  management  of  affairs  without  the  necessary  experience,  perhaps  without  the 
essential  qualities  to  secure  success. 

“I  should  say  that  our  experiment  in  the  Malay  Peninsula  might  be  success- 
fully repeated  in  the  Philippines,  provided  that  the  controlling  power  made  it 
clearly  understood  at  the  start  that  they  meant  to  control  and  not  only  to  advise 
and  educate. 

“If  that  point  were  never  in  doubt,  and  the  means  of  enforcing  authority  were 
in  evidence  for  a short  time,  the  rest  would  be  easy,  and  I firmly  believe  the  results 
would  surpass  all  anticipations.” 

It  is  the  opinion  of  General  Whittier  that  if  any  sensible  nation  governs  the 
islands  a Bureau  of  Science  should  be  at  once  established  and  the  results  would 
be  great  and  surprising.  The  General  had  little  prejudice  against  Spaniards,  but 
he  was  convinced  by  contact  with  people  in  Manila  “that  they  are  without  prin- 
ciple or  courage,  and  brutally,  wickedly  cruel,  with  no  improvement  on  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty-five  years  ago  in  the  days  of  Philip  II.  The  bones  (skulls,  arms, 
legs)  of  their  dead  lie  without  the  honor  of  a covering  of  earth,  exposed  in  their 
fashionable  cemetery,  exhumed  on  account  of  a failure  by  their  descendants  to 
pay  rent  for  the  tomb.  The  shooting  in  the  Luneta  (their  favorite  driveway)  of 
dozens  of  so-called  ‘rebels’  and  conspirators,  notably  Dr.  Rizal,  a man  of  literary 
merit,  with  no  trial,  vague  charges  of  belonging  to  secret  societies,  with  the  hope 
of  making  their  victims  confess  to  what,  in  many  cases,  did  not  exist,  was  made 
a fete,  advertised  in  the  papers.  ‘There  will  be  music,’  and  I have  been  frequently 
told  that  women  and  children  attended  in  their  carriages.  The  tortures  inflicted 
with  the  same  view  of  eliciting  confessions,  are  too  brutal  to  commit  the  narra- 
tive to  paper. 

“I  have  brought  from  Manila  for  the  inspection  of  the  Commissioners  four 
carvings  in  wood  representing  tortures  inflicted  by  the  Spaniards  upon  the  natives. 
They  were  executed  by  Bonifacio  Arevelo,  who  is  now  practicing  as  a dentist  in 
Manila.  He  is  a man  of  fine  presence,  benevolent  aspect,  not  sensational  at  all 
in  his  utterances,  and  in  submitting  them  to  me  he  wrote  the  wish  that  upon 
teaching  Paris  I would  not  forget  that  the  Filipinos  begged  me  to  use  my  efforts 


:S6Q  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


to  convince  all  concerned  of  the  utter  impossibility  of  the  return  by  them  tc 
Spanish  domination.  He  also  gives  a description  of  the  models: 

“Figure  No.  1. — This  figure  represents  the  chastisement  which  one  of  the 
municipal  authorities  of  Jaen  (Nueva  Ecija)  suffered  in  the  prison  of  that  town, 
the  Spanish  employees  of  the  prison  entertaining  themselves  by  applying  the 
most  horrible  tortures. 

“Figure  No.  2.— This  represents  an  honorably  and  peaceably  inclined  resi- 
dent in  a village  of  the  province  of  Nueva  Ecija,  taken  prisoner,  brutally  treated 
for  being  suspected,  without  cause,  of  belonging  to  the  Katipunan,  and  afterwards 
shot. 

“Figure  No.  3. — This  figure  represents  one  of  the  many  natives  of  the  Philip- 
pines whom,  during  the  late  insurrection,  the  Spaniards  shot  without  previous  trial, 
in  the  outskirts  of  the  village,  leaving  their  corpses  without  burial. 

“Figure  No.  4. — This  figure  represents  Mr.  Moses  Salvador,  a young  Tagalo, 
who  studied  several  years  in  Europe.  He  is  a native  of  Manila,  and  was  impris- 
oned in  September,  1896,  for  being  a Freemason,  was  horribly  martyrized  in  the 
headquarters  of  the  police,  and,  after  many  months  of  imprisonment,  was  shot 
by  order  of  the  Spanish  General  Polavieja  in  the  Luneta,  in  company  with  several 
of  his  countrymen,  all  condemned  on  the  same  charge,  of  which  several  were  abso- 
lutely innocent. 

“The  opinion  of  Alexandre  Dumas,  Sr.,  in  regard  to  the  Spaniards  was  often 
quoted  in  the  Philippines,  that  they  possess  ‘honor  without  honesty,  religion 
without  morality,  pride  with  nothing  to  be  proud  of.’ 

“The  rapacity,  stealing,  and  immoralities  of  the  priests  are  beyond  question, 
and  the  bitterness  of  the  natives  against  them  has  been  caused  and  aggravated  by 
years  of  iniquity.  To  demand  a wife  or  daughter  from  a native  has  been  a 
common  occurrence.  Failing  to  obtain  acquiescence,  the  husband’s  or  father’s 
goods  have  been  seized,  he  deported  or  thrown  into  jail,  under  an  order  easily 
obtained  from  the  government  in  Manila.  The  priests’  influence  was  paramount — 
they  are  rich,  and  fathers  (not  only  of  the  church),  despised  and  hated  by  the 
'people. 

“The  inefficiency,  to  put  it  mildly,  of  the  Spaniards  in  war  has  been  so  clearly 
demonstrated  in  this  war  that  I will  call  attention  only  to  the  facts  in  Manila 
Bay  and  the  defenses  of  the  town.  When  it  was  absolutely  known  by  everyone 
there,  on  the  last  day  of  April,  that  our  ships  were  on  the  way  and  very  near,  that 
night  many  of  their  naval  officers  spent  in  town,  far  from  the  fleet.  All  their  ships 
were  destroyed,  and  every  man  of  the  American  fleet  (except  one,  upon  whom 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


361 


some  heavy  metal  on  one  of  our  ships  fell)  reported  for  duty  the  next  day.  And 
yet  Admiral  Montijo  applied  to  Dewey  for  a certificate  of  good  conduct  on  that 
occasion  to  show  to  the  Madrid  authorities,  who  lately  ordered  him  home. 

“Their  inefficiency  (and  the  creditable  work  of  the  insurgents  as  well)  is  fur- 
ther proved  by  the  fact  that  they  were  driven  by  the  natives  from  Cavite  twenty 
odd  miles  into  the  defenses  of  Manila,  with  never  a successful  attack,  never  a 
capture  of  arms  or  men.  All  the  success  was  on  the  native  side,  and  yet  the 
Spaniards  surrendered  between  7,000  and  8,000  men,  well  armed,  plenty  of  ammu- 
nition, and  in  good  physical  condition.  The  excuse  of  the  latter  may  be  that  their 
enemy  was  in  small  bands — but  they  never  captured  one  of  these — and  the  small 
bands  cfcove  them  to  their  walls.  Jaudenes,  the  acting  Captain-General,  in  reply 
to  Merritt  and  Dewey’s  notice  to  remove  his  non-combatants,  acknowledged  that 
the  insurrectionists  surrounded  the  city,  and  that  he  could  not  move  women, 
children,  etc.,  out.  (His  fear  and  solicitude  about  the  natives  entering  the  city 
when  I received  the  surrender  of  Manila  were  almost  painful  to  witness.)  This 
admission  demonstrates  as  well  the  military  ability  shown  by  the  Filipinos,  whose 
characteristics  I will  now  enumerate. 

“Aguinaldo  went  to  Cavite,  under  the  permission  of  Admiral  Dewey,  in  reply 
to  a telegram  sent  by  Spencer  Pratt,  Esq.,  our  Consul-General  at  Singapore,  who 
offered  that  chief  money  for  his  expenses.  The  offer  was  declined.  After  arrival 
(on  one  of  our  ships)  he  went  ashore,  accompanied  by  thirteen  staff  officers,  to 
organize  his  army;  but  no  adherents  appeared  the  first  day,  and  Aguinaldo,  rather 
discouraged,  meditated  returning  to  Hongkong.  I think  Dewey  advised  him  to 
make  another  effort,  at  the  same  time  saying  that  he  must  leave  the  public  build- 
ings at  Cavite,  where  he  had  made  his  headquarters.  Soon,  from  across  the  bay 
and  from  all  sides,  men  gathered.  The  fact  that  Dewey  permitted  the  armed  men 
to  move  from  the  surrounding  districts  and  for  the  rebels  to  take  arms  (not  many, 
says  the  Admiral)  in  the  arsenal  was  the  only  help  we  gave  him,  excepting,  of 
course,  the  most  important  destruction  of  the  Spanish  navy.  From  that  time  the 
military  operations  and  the  conduct  of  the  insurgents  have  been  most  creditable. 
Positions  taken  and  the  movements  of  troops  show  great  ability  on  the  part  of 
some  leader — I do  not  say  it  was  necessarily  Aguinaldo,  but  he  gave  the  directions. 

“I  believe  the  natives  to  be  brave  (under  good  leadership),  most  tolerant  of 
fatigue  and  hunger,  and  amenable  to  command  and  discipline,  if  justice  and  fair 
dealing  rule.  They  are  very  temperate,  as  most  of  the  natives  of  the  East  are. 
I have  never  seen  a drunken  one,  and  this  with  the  example  of  our  soldiers,  whom 


362  STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


they  imitate  in  everything  else;  very  quiet,  no  loud  quarrels,  very  good  house 
servants  and  cooks. 

“Their  skill  in  trades,  occupations,  and  professions  is  very  great.  Critics  will 
call  this  imitation,  but  imitation  of  good  things  is  not  reprehensible.  I refer  now 
to  the  common  people,  and  so  will  omit  very  able  lawyers  (one  or  two  having  ranked 
as  the  best  of  all  nationalities  in  the  Philippines),  and  the  higher  professions. 

“As  accountants,  they  are  excellent.  In  the  custom-house  sixty  (more  before) 
were  employed  during  my  administration.  Any  information  desired,  say  the  amount 
of  imports  and  exports  of  last  year,  kind  of  articles,  whence  obtained,  and  where 
going,  duties,  etc.,  was  sought  from  them,  and  the  reply  was  always  given  in  writ- 
ing in  a neat,  satisfactory  manner.  All  the  cash  was  received  by  a native — 
$1,020,000,’ from  August  22  to  October  21,  much  of  this  in  silver — all  counterfeits 
and  filled  dollars  were  detected  at  once  by  his  skill,  and  only  $1  was  returned  to 
us  from  the  banks.  His  neighbor,  who  kept  the  record  of  receipts,  was  most 
systematic  and  able.  The  Spaniards  depended  absolutely  on  them  for  the  clerical 
work  of  the  office,  and  the  same  in  the  other  departments. 

“I  visited  three  factories  for  the  manufacture  of  cigars  and  cigarettes:  First, 
that  of  H.  J.  Andrews  & Co.,  where  150  to  200  natives  were  employed;  second,  the 
Alhambra,  which  had  300  in  April,  now  600;  third,  the  Insular,  with  2,000.  The 
Tabacallera,  largely  owned  in  Paris,  I was  unable  to  see;  it  has  4,000.  These  work- 
ing people  seemed  to  me  of  the  best — quiet,  diligent,  skillful.  The  same  qualities 
were  apparent  in  the  one  cotton  mill  of  the  place,  where  at  least  200  were  em- 
ployed. 

_l‘As  mariners,  quartermasters  of  large  boats,  and  managers  of  small  ones,  their 
skill  has  been  proverbial  over  the  East  for  years,  and  we  had  great  opportunities 
during  our  three  weeks  in  the  bay  of  proving  their  ability  and  cleverness. 

“Manila  straw  hats  have  been  famous  for  years;  also  pina  cloth  and  jusi  cloth, 
the  former  made  of  pineapple  fiber  and  the  latter  made  of  pineapple  fiber  and 
hemp. 

“The  station  masters  and  employees  of  the  Manila  Railway  compare  favor- 
ably with  any  I have  ever  seen  at  ordinary  way  stations.  Clean,  neat,  prompt,  well 
disciplined,  their  superiority  is  largely  due  to  excellence  of  the  general  manager, 
Mr.  Higgins,  a man  of  great  ability.  Still  the  quality  is  in  the  men.  The  three 
servants  in  his  house  (on  the  line)  have  all  learned  telegraphy  by  observation  and 
mitation. 

“I  have  also  some  fine  samples  of  their  embroidery. 

“They  are  admittedly  extraordinary  musicians,  and  their  orchestras  and  bands 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


363 


have  found  places  all  over  the  East,  playing  without  notes  with  great  harmony 
and  sweetness.  It  seems  to  be  instinct,  and  is  all  instrumental,  with  little  or  no 
vocal  talent.  All  these  accomplishments  do  not  argue  greatness,  but  they  do  show 
that  they  are  something  more  than  ignorant  and  brutal  savages.  I do  not  mean 
to  ascribe  to  them  all  the  virtues — they  may  be  liars  and  thieves,  it  is  a wonder  they 
are  not  worse  after  the  environment  and  example  of  centuries — but  to  my  mind 
they  are  the  best  of  any  barbaric  or  uncivilized  race  I have  ever  seen,  and  open, 
I trust,  to  a wonderful  development.” 

General  Whittier  visited  Aguinaldo  at  Moloros  and  “found  his  headquarters  in 
a very  nice  house  ten  minutes’  drive  from  the  railway  station”  and  the  “president” 
was  “dressed  in  a smoking  jacket,  low-cut  waistcoat  and  trousers,  both  black,  large 
white  tie — in  fact,  the  evening  dress  common  at  our  clubs  during  the  summer.” 
The  “president  was  told  that  General  Whittier  would  soon  leave  to  go  to  the 
Paris  Commission,  and  would  like  to  be  able  to  present  to  the  Commission  his  and 
his  people’s  views  and  demands  and  what  relation  they  expected  to  hold  to  the 
United  States  in  case  we  decided  to  keep  the  islands. 

“Aguinaldo  replied,  rather  naively,  that  his  people  were  divided  into  two 
parties — those  in  favor  of  absolute  independence  and  those  of  an  American  pro- 
tectorate; that  the  parties  are  about  equal;  that  he  is  waiting  to  see  who  will  have 
the  majority,  in  that  case  to  take  his  position.  I pointed  out  to  him  that  it 
would  probably  be  useless  to  try  to  bring  those  in  favor  of  absolute  independence 
to  any  change  of  opinion,  but  they  must  consider  that  they  are  without  any  navy 
and  without  capital,  which  is  greatly  needed  for  the  development  of  the  country; 
that  the  Philippine  government  alone  did  not  possess  the  element  of  strength  to 
insure  the  retention  of  the  islands  without  the  assistance  of  other  governments. 
They  would  be  at  the  mercy  of  half  a dozen  powers  striving  to  take  either  a part 
or  the  whole  of  the  islands,  and  they  must  consider  that  their  greatest  prosperity 
would  come  by  the  gradual  accession  of  power  under  American  auspices. 

“He  said:  ‘But  the  civilized  nations  of  the  world  would,  see  that  our  posses- 
sions were  not  taken  from  us.’  I replied:  ‘How  has  it  been  in  China,  where 

England,  Russia,  France,  Germany,  etc.,  all  strive  to  control  territory?’  To  this 
he  could  make  no  reply.  I further  asked  what  that  side  would  expect  America, 
acting  the  role  of  protector,  to  do.  He  said:  ‘To  furnish  the  navy,  while  the 

Filipinos  held  all  the  country  and  administered  civil  offices  with  its  own  people.’ 
‘And  what  then  would  America  get  from  this?’  said  I.  ‘That  would  be  a detail,’ 
he  said,  ‘which  would  be  settled  hereafter.’ 

“I  asked  how  far  they  controlled  Luzon  and  other  islands.  ‘Almost  entirely,’ 


364 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


he  said.  That  the  different  bands,  little  by  little,  were  expressing  their  desire  to 
join  him.  The  Igorrottos  had  sent  in  some  of  their  leaders  the  day  before  and 
were  acting  with  him.  That  he  had  had  three  representatives  from  Iloilo  within 
a few  days  on  the  same  mission. 

“We  pursued  all  this  subject  of  a protectorate  for  some  time  without  getting 
any  nearer  any  satisfactory  result.  Mr.  Higgins  felt  that  Aguinaldo  had  been 
simply  repeating  a lesson,  but  I did  not  feel  so  sure  of  that.  He  said  that  he  had 
had  many  Americans  to  interview  him,  most  of  them  reporters,  I fancy,  and  he 
had  always  told  them  the  same  thing.  Thereupon  I stated  that  this  was  quite  a 
different  case.  ‘I  am  ordered,  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States  Army,  to  proceed 
to  Paris  and  give  evidence  on  points  which  may  be  of  vital  interest  to  you.’  After 
that  his  tone  was  different.  Buen  Camino  returned,  and  .Aguinaldo  reported  to 
him  everything  he  had  said  to  us.  After  a little  talk  between  the  two,  Buen  Camino 
said  he,  and  he  was  sure  the  president,  was  in  favor  of  an  American  protectorate, 
and  seemed  to  approve  the  suggestion  that  we  should  have  the  nucleus  of  an 
army;  that  his  people  should  be  joined  to  it,  filling  the  places  of  minor  officers; 
and  the  possibility  and  the  hope  within  a few  years  that  they  should  fill  the  most 
important  civil  and  military  functions. 

“Buen  Camino  said  I could  be  certain  that  if  a protectorate  were  granted 
that  they  would  do  their  best  to  have  it  accepted  by  their  people  on  the  lines  that 
I have  stated,  agreeing  with  me  fully  that  to  hold  one  island  and  giving  the  others 
to  other  powers  would  be  most  unfortunate,  and  not  to  be  considered. 

“They  expressed  pleasure  at  my  having  come  to  them,  feeling  that  they  had 
been  rather  neglected  by  the  Americans. 

“This  I dictated  hastily  just  after  the  visit,  and  it  does  not  give  the  impres- 
sion which  the  interview  left  upon  me — a great  desire  for  our  protection,  for  the 
improvement  of  their  people  materially  and  intellectually,  the  wish  to  send  their 
young  people  to  America  for  education. 

“Subsequently  (October  31,  the  day  I left  Manila)  he  sent  three  officers  to  me 
with  the  friendliest  messages,  expressing  the  wish  that  I should  use  my  best 
influence  with  the  Commission  in  their  favor. 

“Many  methods  of  government,  with  them  as  allies  or  subjects,  are  possible. 
I had  often  thought  that  it  might  be  expedient  at  first  to  admit  them  to  some 
of  the  minor  offices  in  army  and  civil  government,  and  if  they  show  capacity,  to 
enlarge  their  powers  and  opportunities,  until  finally  they  should  have  entire  control, 
after  proper  compensation  or  an  agreed  subjection  to  us  for  our  work  and  assist- 
ance to  them.  But,  and  I hope  that  I shall  not  be  considered  English  mad  in  my 


STATEMENTS  BEFORE  OUR  COMMISSION  IN  PARIS. 


3G5 


deference  to  their  practice,  the  result  of  so  many  years  of  successful  colonial 
government, — I am  told  by  a governor  of  one  of  their  colonies,  Sir  William 
McGregor,  when  I suggested  such  a course,  that  they  have  never  thought  it  safe 
or  expedient,  when  they  have  a colony  of  so  many  (in  this  case  millions)  of  blacks, 
and  so  few  white  men,  to  intrust  the  government  to  the  former.  If  of  whites,  as  in 
Australia,  yes,  after  trial  trust  the  government  to  them,  with  what  are  practically 
supervising,  or,  perhaps,  honorary  governors,  who  maintain  the  connection  with  the 
mother  or  controlling  country. 

“It  will  be  admitted  that  England  has  been  the  only  successful  administrator 
of  colonial  government  in  the  world.  Holland  has  had  a great  career,  but  possibly 
things  are  not  so  well  with  it  just  now  in  Java  and  Sumatra;  at  any  rate,  it  is 
not  comparable  to  England.” 


CHAPTER  IV. 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 

Memorandum  of  the  Mineral  Resources  of  the  Islands  by  Dr.  Becker  of  the  United 
States  Geological  Survey,  Gathered  for  the  American  Treaty  Commission — 
Coal,  Petroleum,  Gold,  Copper,  Lead,  Silver,  Iron,  Quicksilver,  Sulphur, 
Marble,  Ivolin,  Pearl  Fisheries — Strategic  Importance — Cebu  and  Negros 
Islands — Naval  Stations — Harbors. 

REPORT  OF  DR.  GEORGE  F.  BECKER,  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 
GEOLOGICAL  SURVEY,  ON  THE  GEOLOGY  AND  MINERAL 
RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  D.  C.,  November  4,  1898. 

Sir:  I have  the  honor  to  inclose,  for  the  information  of  the  Commission, 

copy  of  a letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  transmitting  a copy  of  a 
preliminary  report  made  by  Dr.  George  F.  Becker,  of  the  United  States  Geological 
Survey,  in  regard  to  the  geological  and  mineral  resources  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 
I have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  HAY. 

HON.  WILLIAM  R.  DAY, 

Chairman  of  the  United  States  Peace  Commission,  Paris,  France. 

(Inclosure:  From  Interior  Department,  October  29,  1898,  with  inclosure.) 


Department  of  the  Interior, 
Washington,  October  29,  1898. 

Sir:  In  May,  1898,  by  arrangement  between  the  honorable  the  Secretary  of 
War  with  this  Department,  Dr.  George  F.  Becker,  geologist,  of  the  United  States 
Geological  Survey,  accompanied  the  military  expedition  to  the  Philippine  Islands, 
for  the  purpose  of  procuring  information  touching  the  geological  and  mineral 
resources  of  said  islands. 

Dr.  Becker  has  made  a preliminary  report  on  the  subject,  a copy  of  which, 
together  with  a copy  of  a letter  from  the  director  of  the  Geological  Survey,  sub- 
mitting the  same  for  my  consideration,  are  herewith  transmitted  for  your  informa- 
tion. 

Very  respectfully,  C.  N.  BLISS,  Secretary. 

The  Honorable  the  Secretary  of  State. 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


36 


MEMORANDUM  ON  THE  MINERAL  RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIP- 
PINE ISLANDS. 

By  GEORGE  F.  BECKER,  United  States  Geological  Survey. 

This  brief  memorandum,  prepared  at  the  request  of  Admiral  Dewey,  probably 
covers  all  the  main  discoveries  in  the  geology  of  the  Philippines  which  are  of 
economic  interest.  It  is  drawn  up  from  data  recorded  in  the  Spanish  Mining 
Bureau  (Inspeccion  de  Minas),  but  not  published,  manuscript  mine  reports  by  the 
late  William  Ashburner,  verbal  information  obtained  in  Manila,  and  from  various 
technical  publications,  of  Semper,  Santos,  Roth,  Drasche,  Abella,  and  others. 

Only  about  a score  of  the  islands  are  known  to  contain  deposits  of  valuable 
minerals.  These  are  arranged  below  in  the  order  of  their  latitude  to  give  an 
idea  of  their  geographical  distribution,  and  to  facilitate  finding  the  islands  on  the 
map.  The  latitude  of  the  northern  end  of  each  is  taken  as  that  of  the  island.  The 
character  of  the  valuable  minerals  stated  in  the  table  will  afford  a general  notion 
of  their  resources. 


MINERAL-BEARING  ISLANDS  AND  THEIR  RESOURCES. 


Island. 

Lat.  N. 
end. 

Character  of  mineral  resources. 

Luzon 

18° 

40' 

Coal,  gold,  copper,  lead,  iron,  sulphur,  marble,  kaolin. 

Catanduanes 

14 

8 

Gold. 

Marinduque. . . . 

13 

34 

Lead,  silver. 

Mindoro 

13 

32 

Coal,  gold,  copper. 

Carraray 

13 

21 

Coal. 

Batan 

13 

19 

Do. 

Rapu  Rapu 

15 

Do. 

Masbate 

12 

37 

Coal,  copper. 

Romblon 

12 

37 

Marble. 

Samar 

12 

36 

Coal,  gold. 

Sibuyan 

......  12 

30 

Gold. 

Semerara 

12 

7 

Coal. 

Panay 

11 

56 

Coal,  oil,  gas,  gold,  copper,  iron,  mercury  (?). 

Bilikan 

11 

43 

Sulphur. 

Leyte 

11 

35 

Coal,  oil,  mercury  (?). 

Cebu 

11 

17 

Coal,  oil,  gas,  gold,  lead,  silver,  iron. 

Negros 

Coal. 

Bohol 

10 

10 

Gold. 

Panaon 

10 

10 

Do. 

Mindanao 

9 

50 

Coal,  gold,  copper,  platinum. 

Sulu  Archipelago 6 

30 

Pearls. 

The  distribution  of 

each  mineral  or  metal  may  now  be  sketched  in  somewhat 

greater  detail. 

In  many 

cases 

the  information  given  in  this  abstract  is  exhaustive, 

368 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


so  far  as  the  available  material  is  concerned.  The  coal  fields  of  Cebu,  however,  have 
been  studied  in  some  detail  by  Mr.  Abella,  and  in  a few  other  instances  more 
extended  information  has  been  condensed  for  the  present  purpose. 

COAL. 

So  far  as  is  definitely  known,  the  coal  of  the  Philippine  Islands  is  all  of  Ter- 
tiary age,  and  might  be  better  characterized  as  a highly  carbonized  lignite.  It  is 
analogous  to  the  Japanese  coal  and  to  that  of  Washington,  but  not  to  the  Welsh 
or  Pennsylvania  coals.  Such  lignites  usually  contain  considerable  combined  water 
(8  to  18  per  cent)  and  bear  transportation  ill.  They  are  also  apt  to  contain  much 
sulphur,  as  iron  pyrite,  rendering  them  subject  to  spontaneous  combustion  and 
injurious  to  boiler  plates.  Nevertheless,  when  pyritous  seams  are  avoided  and  the 
lignite  is  properly  handled,  it  forms  a valuable  fuel,  especially  for  local  con- 
sumption. In  these  islands  it  would  appear  that  the  native  coal  might  supplant 
English  or  Australian  coal  for  most  purposes.  Lignite  is  widely  distributed  in 
the  archipelago;  some  of  the  seams  are  of  excellent  width,  and  the  quality  of  cer- 
tain of  them  is  high  for  fuel  in  this  class. 

Coal  exists  in  various  provinces  of  the  Island  of  Luzon  (Abra,  Camarinos, 
Batan,  Sorsogon).  The  finest  beds  thus  far  discovered  appear  to  be  in  the  small 
Island  of  Batan,  lying  to  the  east  of  the  southern  portion  of  Luzon,  in  latitude 
13°  19'.  These  seams  vary  from  2 feet  6 inches  to  14  feet  8 inches  in  thickness. 
Analyses  have  been  made  in  the  laboratory  of  the  Inspeccion  de  Minas,  and  the 
mean  of  seven  analyses  gives  the  following  composition: 

Per  cent. 


Water  13.52 

Volatile  matter  37.46 

Fixed  Carbon  44.46 

Ash  4.56 


Sum 100.00 


One  pound  of  this  coal  will  convert  6.25  pounds  of  water  at  40°  C.  into  steam 
at  100°  C.  The  heating  effect  is  about  three-fourths  of  that  of  Cardiff  coal.  The 
same  beds  are  known  to  exist  in  other  small  adjacent  islands,  Carraray  and  Rapu 
Rapu.  A number  of  concessions  for  coal  mining  have  also  been  granted  on  the 
main  island  of  Luzon,  just  south  of  Batan,  at  the  town  of  Bacon.  No  doubt  the 
beds  here  are  either  identical  or,  at  least,  closely  associated  with  the  coal  seams 
in  the  little  islands. 

The  coal  field  of  southern  Luzon  is  said  to  extend  across  the  Strait  of  San  Ber- 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


369 


nardino  into  the  northern  portion  of  Samar.  Here  coal  is  reported  at  half  a dozen 
localities,  but  I have  been  able  to  ascertain  no  details  as  to  the  thickness  or 
quality. 

In  Mindoro  there  are  large  deposits  of  coal  in  the  extreme  southern  portion 
(Bulacao)  and  on  the  small  adjacent  islands  of  Semarara.  This  fuel  is  said  to 
be  similar  to  that  of  Batan. 

The  islands  of  Masbate  and  Panay  contain  coal,  the  deposits  of  which  thus 
far  discovered  do  not  seem  of  much  importance.  Specimens  from  the  southwestern 
portion  of  Leyte,  analyzed  in  the  laboratory  of  the  Inspeccion  de  Minas,  are  of 
remarkably  high  quality,  but  nothing  definite  about  the  deposit  is  known  to  me. 

The  first  discovery  of  coal  in  the  archipelago  was  made  in  the  island  of 
Cebu  in  1827.  Since  then  lignitic  beds  have  been  found  on  the  island  at  a great 
variety  of  points.  The  most  important  croppings  are  on  the  eastern  slope,  within 
some  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  of  the  capital,  also  named  Cebu.  Though  a con- 
siderable amount  of  coal  has  been  extracted  here  the  industry  has  not  been  a 
arofitable  one  hitherto.  This  is  at  least  in  part  due  to  crude  methods  of  transpor- 
;ation.  It  is  said,  however,  that  the  seams  are  often  badly  faulted. 

At  Uling,  about  ten  miles  west  of  the  capital,  the  seams  reach  a maximum 
hickness  of  fifteen  and  one-half  feet.  Ten  analyses  of  Cebu  coal  are  at  my  dis- 
)osal.  They  indicate  a fuel  with  about  two-thirds  the  calorific  effect  of  Cardiff  coal 
nd  with  only  about  4 per  cent  a§h.  Large  quantities  of  the.  coal  might,  I suspect, 
ontain  a higher  percentage  of  ash. 

The  Island  of  Negros  is  nearly  parallel  with  Cebu  and  appears  to  be  of 
imilar  geological  constitution,  but  it  has  been  little  explored  and  little  of  it 
aems  to  have  been  reduced  to  subjection  by  the  Spaniards.  There  are  known 
a be  deposits  of  coal  at  Calatrara,  on  the  east  coast  of  Negros,  and  it  is  believed 
: rat  they  are  of  important  extent.  In  the  great  island  of  Mindanao  coal  is  known 
b)  occur  at  eight  different  localities,  but  no  detailed  examinations  of  any  kind 
ppear  to  have  been  made.  Seven  of  these  localities  are  on  the  east  coast  of  Min- 
anao  and  the  adjacent  small  islands.  They  indicate  the  presence  of  lignite  from 
jae  end  of  the  coast  to  the  other.  The  eighth  locality  is  in  the  western  province 
died  Zamboanga,  on  the  gulf  of  Sigbuguey. 

PETROLEUM. 

In  the  Island  of  Cebu  petroleum  has  been  found  associated  with  coal  at  Toledo 
l the  west  coast,  where  a concession  has  been  granted.  It  is  also  reported  from 
sturias,  to  the  northwest  of  Toledo,  on  the  same  coast,  and  from  Algeria  to  the 


370 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


south.  Natural  gas  is  said  to  exist  in  the  Cebu  coal  fields.  On  Panay,  too,  oil  is 
reported  at  Janiuay,  in  the  province  of  Iloilo,  and  gas  is  reported  from  the  same 
island.  Petroleum  highly  charged  with  paraffin  is  also  found  on  Leyte,  at  a 
point  about  four  miles  from  Villaba,  a town  on  the  west  coast. 

GOLD. 

Gold  is  found  in  a vast  number  of  localities  in  the  archipelago  from  northern 
Luzon  to  central  Mindanao.  In  most  cases  the  gold  is  detrital,  and  found  either 
in  existing  water  courses  or  in  stream  deposits  now  deserted  by  the  current.  These 
last  are  called  “aluviones”  by  the  Spaniards.  It  is  said  that  in  Mindanao  some 
of  the  gravels  are  in  an  elevated  position,  and  adapted  to  hydraulic  mining.  There 
are  no  data  at  hand  which  intimate  decisively  the  value  of  any  of  the  placers.  They 
are  washed  by  natives  largely  with  cocoanut  shells  for  pans,  though  the  batea 
is  also  in  use. 

In  the  Province  of  Abra,  at  the  northern  end  of  Luzon,  there  are  placers,  and 
the  gravel  of  the  River  Abra  is  auriferous.  In  Lapanto  there  are  gold-quartz  veins 
as  well  as  gravels.  Gold  is  obtained  in  this  Province  close  to  the  copper  mines. 
In  Benguet  the  gravels  of  the  River  Agno  carry  gold.  There  is  also  gold  in  the 
Province  of  Bontoc  and  in  Nueva  Ecija.  The  most  important  of  the  auriferous 
Provinces  is  Camarines  Norte.  Here  the  townships  of  Mambulao,  Paracale,  and 
Labo  are  especially  well  known  as  gold-producing  localities.  Mr.  Drasche,  a well- 
known  German  geologist,  says  that  there  were  700  natives  at  work  on  the  rich! 
quartz  veins  of  this  place  at  the  time  of  his  visit  about  twenty- five  years  since. 
At  Paracale  there  are  parallel  quartz  veins  in  granite,  one  of  which  is  twenty  feet 
in  width  and  contains  a chute  in  which  the  ore  is  said  to  assay  thirty-eight  ounces 
of  gold  per  ton.  One  may  suspect  that  this  assay  hardly  represented  an  average 
sample.  Besides  the  localities  mentioned,  many  others  of  this  province  have  been 
worked  by  the  natives. 

The  islands  of  Mindoro,  Catanduanes,  Sibuyan,  Simar,  Panay,  Cebu,  and 
Bohol  are  reported  to  contain  gold,  but  no  exact  data  are  accessible. 

At  the  south  end  of  the  small  island  of  Panaon,  which  is  just  to  the  south 
of  Leyte,  there  are  gold  quartz  veins,  one  of  which  has  been  worked  to  some  extent. 
It  is  six  feet  in  thickness,  and  has  yielded  from  $6  to  $7  per  ton. 

In  the  Island  of  Mindanao  there  are  two  known  gold-bearing  districts.  One 
of  these  is  in  the  Province  of  Surigao,  where  Placer  and  other  townships  show 
gravels  and  veins.  The  second  district  is  in  the  Province  of  Misamis!  Near  the 
settlement  of  Imponan  and  on  the  Gulf  of  Macajalar,  there  are  said  to  be  many 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


371 


square  kilometers  of  gravel  carrying  large  quantities  of  gold  with  which  is  asso- 
ciated platinum.  The  product  of  this  district  was  estimated  some  years  since  at 
150  ounces  per  month,  all  extracted  by  natives  with  bateas  or  cocoanut-shell 
dishes. 

COPPER. 

Copper  ores  are  reported  from  a great  number  of  localities  in  the  Philippines. 
They  are  said  to  occur  in  the  following  islands:  Luzon  (provinces  of  Lepanto, 

Benguet,  and  Camarines),  Mindoro,  Capul,*  Masbete,  Panay  (province  of  Antique), 
and  Mindanao  (province  of  Surigao).  Many  of  these  occurrences  are  probably 
unimportant.  The  great  Island  of  Mindanao,  being  practically  unexplored,  is  full 
of  possibilities;  but  as  yet  no  important  copper  deposit  is  known  to  exist  there. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  work  the  deposit  in  Masbete,  but  no  success  seems  to 
have  been  obtained.  On  the  other  hand,  northern  Luzon  contains  a copper  region 
which  is  unquestionably  valuable.  The  best  known  portion  of  this  region  lies 
about  Mount  Data,  a peak  given  as  2,500  meters  in  height,  lying  in  latitude  16°  53', 
longitude  120°  58'  east  of  Greenwich  or  124°  38'  east  of  Madrid.  The  range  of 
which  data  forms  one  peak  trends  due  north  to  Cape  Lacay-Lacay  and  forms  a 
boundary  for  all  the  provinces  infringing  upon  it. 

Data  itself  lies  in  the  Province  of  Lepanto.  In  this  range  copper  ore  has 
been  smelted  by  the  natives  from  time  immemorial,  and  before  Magellan  discovered 
the  Philippines.  The  process  is  a complicated  one,  based  on  the  same  principles 
as  the  method  of  smelting  sulpho-salts  of  this  metal  in  Europe  and  America.  It 
consists  in  alternate  partial  roasting  and  reductions  to  “matte,”  and  eventually 
to  block  copper.  It  is  generally  believed  that  this  process  must  have  been  intro- 
duced from  China  or  Japan.  It  is  practiced  only  by  one  peetdiar  tribe  of  natives, 
the  Igorrotes,  who  are  remarkable  in  many  wrays. 

Vague  reports  and  the  routes  by  which  copper  smelted  by  natives  comes  to 
market  indicate  that  there  are  copper  mines  in  various  portions  of  the  Cordillera 
Central,  but  the  only  deposits  which  have  been  examined  with  any  care  are  those 
it  Mancanyan  (about  five  miles  west  of  Mount  Data)  and  two  or  three  other 
ocalities  within  a few  miles  of  Mancanyan.  The  deposits  of  Mancanyan  are  de- 
scribed as  veins  of  rich  ore  reaching  seven  meters  in  width  and  arranged  in  groups, 
ilean  assays  are  said  to  show  over  16  per  cent  of  copper,  mainly  as  tetraliedrite 
md  allied  ores.  The  gangue  is  quartz.  The  country  rock  is  described  as  a large 
piartzite  lens  embedded  in  a great  mass  of  trachyte.  An  attempt  has  been  made 


* I am  unable  to  find  this  island,  which  probably  is  a very  small  one. 


372 


EESOUECES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


by  white  men  to  work  these  deposits,  but  with  no  considerable  success.  Th 
failure  does  not  seem  to  have  been  due  to  the  quality  or  quantity  of  ore  found. 

LEAD  AND  SILYEE. 

A lead  mine  has  been  partially  developed  near  the  town  of  Cebu,  on  th 
island  of  the  same  name. 

The  most  important  deposit  of  argentiferous  galena  is  said  to  be  at  Torn  jot 
on  the  small  island  of  Marinduque  (latitude  13°  34').  A metric  ton,  or  1,00' 
kilograms,  is  said  to  contain  96  grams  of  silver,  6 grams  gold,  and  565.5  kilogram 
of  lead. 

In  Camarines,  a province  of  Luzon,  lead  ores  occur,  but  are  worked  only  fo 
the  gold  they  contain. 

IEON. 

There  is  iron  ore  in  abundance  in  Luzon,  Carabello,  Cebu,  Panay,  and  doubtles 
in  other  islands.  In  Luzon  it  is  found  in  the  provinces  of  Laguna,  Pampaaga 
and  Camarines  Norte,  but  principally  in  Bulacan.  The  finest  deposits  are  in  th 
last-named  province,  near  a small  settlement  named  Camachin,  which  lies  i: 
latitude  15°  7'  and  longitude  124°  47'  east  of  Madrid.  A small  industry  exist 
here,  wrought  iron  being  produced  in  a sort  of  bloomery  and  manufactured  int 
plowshares.  The  process  has  been  described  in  detail,  so  far  as  I know.  It  woul 
appear  that  charcoal  pig  iron  might  be  produced  to  some  advantage  in  this  regior 
The  lignites  of  the  archipelago  are  probably  unsuitable  for  iron  blast  furnaces. 

QUICKSILVEE. 

Eumors  of  the  occurrence  of  this  metal  in  Panay  and  Leyte  have  failed  c 
verification.  Accidental  losses  of  this  metal  by  prospectors  or  surveyors  some 
times  lead  to  the  reports  of  the  discovery  of  deposits,  and  ochers  are  not  seldoi 
mistaken  for  impure  cinnabar. 

NON-METALLIC  SUBSTANCES. 

Sulphur  deposits  abound  about  active  and  extinct  volcanoes  in  the  Phili] 
pines.  In  Luzon  the  principal  sulphur  deposits  are  in  Dacian,  in  the  Provincfj 
of  Benguet,  and  at  Colasi,  in  Camarines.  The  finest  deposit  in  the  archipelag 
is  said  to  be  on  the  little  Island  of  Biliran,  which  lies  to  the  northwest  of  Leyt 

Marble  of  fine  quality  occurs  on  the  small  Island  of  Eomblon  (latitude  12°  37' 
It  is  much  employed  in  churches  in  Manila  for  baptismal  fonts  and  other  purpose: 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


373 


Marbles  are  aiso  quarried  at  Montalban  in  the  Province  of  Manila,  and  at  Binan- 
gonan  in  the  Province  of  Marong. 

There  are  processions  for  mining  kaolin  at  Losbanos  in  Laguna  Province. 

Pearl  fisheries  exist  in  the  Sulu  archipelago  and  are  said  to  form  an  impor- 
tant source  of  wealth. 

Manila,  September  15,  1898. 


DATA  CONCERNING  THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS:  THEIR  HISTORY, 
PEOPLE,  GEOGRAPHY,  GEOLOGY,  RESOURCES,  AND  STRATEGIC 
IMPORTANCE. 

INTRODUCTION  AND  NOTES  ON  THE  STRATEGIC  IMPORTANCE  OF 

THE  PHILIPPINES. 

By  Ensign  EVERETT  HAYDEN,  United  States  Navy. 

The  data  herewith,  selected  as  carefully  as  possible  in  the  short  time  at  my 
disposal,  consist  for  the  most  part  of  quotations  from  authoritative  sources,  giving 
an  outline  history  of  the  islands,  their  geology,  geography,  people,  and  resources. 
There  is  included  also  a copy  of  a special  memorandum  of  information  prepared 
for  the  President,  by  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  on  the  islands  of 
Cebu  and  Negros,  their  mineral  and  other  resources  and  availability  as  naval 
stations,  and  a compilation  of  data  regarding  coal  and  petroleum  in  the  Philippines 
and  vicinity,  a subject  of  the  greatest  importance  in  connection  with  the  present 
value  and  disposition  as  well  as  the  future  development  of  the  islands. 

Jagor,  the  well-known  German  authority,  made  the  following  striking  predic- 
tion in  the  concluding  words  of  his  work  on  the  Philippines,  published  in  1573: 

“In  proportion  as  the  navigation  of  the  west  coast  of  America  extends  the 
influence  of  the  American  element  over  the  South  Sea,  the  captivating,  magic  power 
which  the  great  Republic  exercises  over  the  Spanish  colonies  will  not  fail  to  make 
itself  felt  also  in  the  Philippines.  The  Americans  are  evidently  destined  to  bring 
to  a full  development  the  germs  originated  by  the  Spaniards.  As  conquerors 
of  modern  times,  they  pursue  their  road  to  victory  with  the  assistance  of  the 
pioneer’s  ax  and  plow,  representing  an  age  of  peace  and  commercial  prosperity  in 
contrast  of  that  by-gone  and  chivalrous  age  whose  champions  were  upheld  by  the 
cross  and  protected  by  the  sword.  A considerable  portion  of  Spanish  America 
already  belongs  to  the  United  States,  and  has  since  attained  an  importance  which 


374 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


could  not  possibly  have  been  anticipated  either  under  the  Spanish  Government 
or  during  the  anarchy  which  followed.  With  regard  to  permanence,  the  Spanish 
system  can  not  for  a moment  be  compared  with  that  of  America.  While  each  of 
the  colonies,  in  order  to  favor  a privileged  class  by  immediate  gains,  exhausted 
still  more  the  already  enfeebled  population  of  the  metropolis  by  the  withdrawal 
of  the  best  of  its  ability,  America,  on  the  contrary,  has  attracted  to  itself  from 
all  countries  the  most  energetic  element,  which,  once  on  its  soil  and  freed  from 
all  fetters,  restlessly  progressing,  has  extended  its  power  and  influence  still  further 
and  further.” 

The  actual  present  resources  of  the  islands  are  well  indicated  in  the  accom- 
panying papers,  and  in  considering  their  future,  under  the  control  of  one  or  more 
governments  that  develop  and  foster,  rather  than  conceal  and  suppress,  natural 
resources  and  native  talent,  we  must  bear  in  mind  the  probable  vast  increase  in 
production,  population,  and  commerce,  accompanied  by  the  introduction  of  modern 
methods  and  all  the  established  improvements  in  transportation,  communication, 
and  sanitation.  The  commercial  future  of  the  islands,  under  such  new  conditions, 
will  be  a revelation  to  the  world,  and  their  strategic  position  and  features  must 
become  of  supreme  importance  in  this  great  future  field  of  commercial  and  naval 
rivalry. 

It  has  been  pointed  out  by  a recent  writer  that  the  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal 
brought  untold  misery  upon  the  comparatively  happy  and  industrious  Malays  in 
the  Philippines,  inasmuch  as  it  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  a Spanish  line 
of  steamers,  bringing  bureaucratic  administration  in  place  of  the  old  paternal 
regime  and  awakening  into  renewed  life  and  activity  the  dormant  curse  of  Spanish 
civil  and  military  rule.  It  seems  safe  to  predict,  however,  that  with  the  opening 
of  the  Nicaragua  Canal,  which  will  put  500  miles  of  the  Sulu  Sea,  from  Surigao 
to  Balabac,  on  the  direct  great-circle  route  of  equatorial  steam  navigation  around 
the  earth,  the  dawn  of  a new  and  glorious  era  of  prosperity  will  succeed  the  long 
night  of  nearly  four  centuries  of  Spanish  domination. 

The  Philippines  are  very  nearly  as  large  in  area  as  the  British  Isles;  they  are 
larger  than  New  Zealand,  and  as  large  as  Italy,  with  her  own  Sicily  and  Sardinia 
and  French  Corsica  and  British  Malta  added.  Indeed,  the  eastern  archipelago 
may  be  roughly  compared  to  beautiful,  fertile,  volcanic  Italy,  only  more  so. 
Imagine  the  plains  and  hills  of  northern  Italy  rent  from  the  snowy  Alps  by  some 
volcanic  cataclysm  to  form  a big  island  like  Luzon,  with  Genoa  for  Manila;  southern 
Italy  shattered  into  a score  of  islands,  large  and  small,  Masbate,  Samar  and  Leyte, 


41.  Street  m the  Suburb  of  La  Ermita.  42.  Rosario  Street  in  La  Erruita.  43.  LunetaJSquare  in  Manila. 
• Hospital  of  San  Juan  de  Dios.  45.  Manila  Cathedral.  46.  Royal  Street  in  Malate.  47.  Royal  Street 
ioanta  Ana.  48.  Monument  of  Don  Simon  de  Anda  y Salazar  in  the  Malecon  Square. 


VIEWS  IN  AND  AROUND  MANILA. 


£ :-.vJfefi®B®|W| 

TYPE  OF  THE  MESTIZA  WOMEN,  UPPER  CLASS,  PROVINCE  OF  CAVITE. 


■mm  ' ; i 

m msm>. 


EESOUECES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


377 


Negros  and  Sebu,  Panay,  Bohol;  Sicily  enlarged  to  thrice  its  size,  like  Mindanao, 
joined  by  a line  of  islets  and  reefs  to  the  projecting  cape  of  Tunis,  as  the  Sulu 
Islands  join  that  island  to  northeast  Borneo;  call  Corsica  Mindoro;  elongate  Sar- 
dinia to  almost  reach  the  African  mainland,  as  Palawan  does  the  northern  point 
of  Borneo.  The  inclosed  Tyrrhenian  Sea  will  then  correspond  to  the  Sulu  Sea,  the 
Mediterranean  of  the  far  East,  through  which  commerce  from  the  Pacific  must 
pass  on  the  direct  route  to  Singapore,  as  it  does  here  from  Suez  to  Gibraltar;  to 
the  northward,  the  distant  mainland  (Austria,  France,  and  Spain)  will  correspond 
to  China,  Tongking,  and  Siam;  to  the  southward  (Egypt,  Tripoli,  Tunis,  and 
Morocco),  to  New  Guinea,  Celebes,  Borneo,  and  Sumatra;  and  the  strategic  impor- 
tance of  the  archipelago,  in  peace  or  war,  is  clearly  manifest. 

This  great  inland  sea,  the  Sulu  or  Mindoro  Sea,  if  once  well  charted,  its 
channels  lighted  and  buoyed,  its  Malay  pirates  suppressed,  its  fertile  islands  cul- 
tivated and  their  mineral  wealth  explored,  must  become  the  scene  of  an  enormous 
commerce,  composed  not  merely  of  the  vessels  of  a local  coasting  trade,  but  the 
seagoing  ships  and  steamers  of  every  nation  engaged  in  the  Asiatic,  East  Indian, 
and  Australasian  trade.  The  completion  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  may  result  in  the 
establishment  of  an  equatorial  steamship  line  whose  vessels  will  circumnavigate  the 
globe  on  schedule  trips  in  eighty  days,  and  the  great-circle  route  from  Brito, 
Nicaragua,  to  Singapore,  via  Honolulu  and  Guam  Island,  passes  diagonally  through 
500  miles  of  the  Sulu  Sea,  from  Surigao  Strait  to  Balabac. 

Similarly,  the  shortest  route  from  Hongkong  to  all  Australian  and  New 
Zealand  ports,  from  Tongking  to  New  Caledonia,  from  the  Yellow  Sea  to  eastern 
Java,  Celebes,  and  west  Australia,  and  from  the  entire  North  Pacific  Ocean  to 
the  Straits  of  Sunda  and  Singapore,  is  by  way  of  the  channels  of  the  Philippine 
archipelago  and  its  great  inland  sea. 

Strategically  the  Philippines  are  admirably  located  for  commercial  and  naval 
operation,  in  peace  or  in  war,  but  every  consideration  of  offensive  or  defensive 
war,  as  well  as  the  preservation  of  peace,  seems  to  me  to  require  that  the  entire 
group  shall  be  the  property  of  a single  power;  indeed,  it  were  far  better  for  that 
power  to  own  also  what  is  now  British  North  Borneo,  bounding  the  Sulu  Sea  to 
the  southward.  One  might  think,  from  a casual  glance  at  a map,  that  the  defense 
of  this  great  inland  sea,  with  its  intricate  channels  and  numerous  islands,  exits, 
and  entrances,  would  be  difficult  if  not  impossible.  A closer  examination  of  a chart, 
however,  shows  but  seven  clear  channels,  four  on  the  east  (San  Bernardino, 
Surigao,  Basilan,  and  Sibutu)  and  three  on  the  west  (Verde,  Mindoro,  and  Balabac). 
Good  harbors,  timber,  iron,  and  coal  are  prolific,  even  now  when  the  ultimate 


378 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


resources  of  the  islands  are  not  even  estimated;  hemp,  the  best  in  the  world,  is  the 
product  par  excellence  of  this  region.  In  fact,  the  entire  material  of  modern 
naval  warfare  is  at  hand,  awaiting  only  the  personnel  to  utilize  it.  Coal,  the 
very  life  of  modern  commerce  and  naval  war,  is  abundant  in  many  islands  of  the 
group  and  may  occur  in  all.  The  ownership  of  such  resources,  so  near  at  hand, 
by  a commercial  rival  and  possible  enemy,  and  the  establishment  close  by  of  naval 
coaling  stations  and  dock  yards,  would  not  tend  toward  the  preservation  of  peace 
or  the  successful  finish  of  a prospective  war. 

It  is  not,  probably,  either  desirable  or  necessary  to  go  into  details  here  regard- 
ing the  strategic  value  of  the  various  islands,  harbors,  and  channels,  better  shown 
on  charts  than  in  type,  nor  to  discuss  the  relative  value  of  each.  In  fact,  as  stated 
above,  all  are  so  intimately  related  that  it  is  practically  impossible  to  disassociate 
them  in  any  scheme  of  offense  or  defense. 

It  will  be  better  for  the  welfare  of  the  native  inhabitants,  for  the  commercial 
interests  of  all  nations,  and  for  the  peace  of  the  world  if  the  control  of  the 
entire  group  of  the  Philippine  Islands  remains  permanently  in  the  hands  of  the 
United  States.  The  more  one  studies  the  subject,  in  the  light  of  past  history  and 
the  certainty  of  a vast  future  expansion  of  our  trade  with  China  and  Australasia, 
the  more  convinced  does  he  become  that  sovereignty  over  the  entire  group,  from 
the  little  islands  north  of  Luzon  to  the  farthest  coral  reefs  that  stretch  toward 
the  equator  from  Palawan  and  the  Sulu  Islands,  is  essential  to  our  future  potential 
energy  in  the  far  East. 

Even  the  wild  and  unexplored  Palawan,  which  forms  a natural  breakwater 
for  300  miles  against  the  sweep  of  the  southwest  monsoon,  is  capable,  if  occupied, 
developed,  and  fortified  during  long  years  of  peace,  of  becoming  a formidable 
base  of  operations  in  time  of  war.  The  importance  of  Manila  is  due  largely  to 
its  being  for  centuries  the  capital  of  the  archipelago  and  the  reservoir  of  its  pro- 
ductions and  supplies.  Divide  the  group  and  you  cut  off  streams  of  wealth  that 
help  fill  the  reservoir.  With  a rival  established  at  Tacloban,  Iloilo,  Sebu,  or 
even  Ulugan,  the  enormous  resources  of  the  Visayas  and  Mindanao  might,  and 
probably  would,  be  diverted  to  build  up  a metropolis  that  would  surpass  Manila 
in  wealth  and  importance.  Strategically  the  Philippines  seem,  like  our  Union, 
to  be  “one  and  inseparable.” 

SEBU  AND  NEGROS  ISLANDS,  PHILIPPINES:  THEIR  MINERAL  AND 
OTHER  RESOURCES  AND  AVAILABILITY  AS  NAVAL  STATIONS. 

1.  The  inclosed  data  have  been  prepared  for  the  President  in  compliance 
with  the  order  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  dated  August  8,  1898. 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


379 


2.  The  information  has  been  compiled  in  this  office,  from  records  on  file 
here,  together  with  quotations  and  abstracts  of  information  taken  from  books  in 
the  library  of  the  Navy  Department  and  the  United  States  Geological  Survey.  In 
the  latter  library  a large  collection  of  books  on  this  general  subject  has  been 
made,  and  a catalogue  of  publications  relating  to  the  Philippines. 

3.  The  data  herewith  consist  of  an  outline  map  of  the  Philippines,  upon 
which  the  principal  coal-bearing  islands,  so  far  as  known,  have  been  shaded  in 
green,  and  quotations  and  abstracts  from  various  publications  relating  to  the 
two  islands  under  consideration,  including  extracts  from  recent  consular  reports 
aublished  by  the  State  Department,!  and  cablegram  from  our  naval  attache  in 
Paris. 

4.  Negros  and  Sebu  are  about  the  center  of  the  Philippine  group,  forming 
Dart  of  what  are  called  the  Bisayas  or  Yisajms  Islands.  Negros  comprises  about 
5,000  square  miles,  and  Sebu  about  half  as  many.  They  are  long,  in  a north- 
;outh  direction,  and  narrow,  and  separated  by  the  Strait  of  Tahan.  A volcanic 
nountain  ridge  stretches  the  whole  length  of  each  island,  rising  to  a height  of 
ibout  9,000  feet  in  the  north  of  Negros.  The  flanks  of  the  ridges  and  the  low 
ands  near  the  coasts  are  covered  with  luxuriant  tropical  vegetation. 

5.  The  principal  coal  deposits  thus  far  developed  occur  in  these  two  islands 
nd  in  Masbate  and  Batan,!  farther  north.  The  coal,  while  inferior  in  quality, 
lakes  a good  steaming  coal  when  mixed  with  anthracite  or  Cardiff  coal,  and 
oubtless,  when  the  mines  are  developed,  will  prove  very  valuable  for  naval  and 
ommercial  uses. 

6.  The  geological  formation  of  the  entire  group  seems  to  be  like  Borneo 
i the  southward  and  Formosa  to  the  northward,  the  carboniferous  beds  being 
roken  through  by  volcanic  peaks,  their  exposed  edges  upturned  along  the  flanks 
f these  peaks  and  partly  covered  by  lava  flows,  etc.,  thence  dipping  under  the 
mestone  and  coral  beds  near  the  sea.  There  seems  to  be  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
le  coal-bearing  beds  may  be  found  upon  any  and  all  of  the  islands  of  the  entire 
hilippine  group,  connecting  the  already  developed  mines  of  Borneo  with  those 
l Formosa.  All  the  islands  give  strong  indications  of  other  mineral  wealth, 
ich  as  gold,  copper,  iron,  lead,  and  precious  stones.  Their  development  hitherto 
as  been  haphazard  and  unscientific,  but  the  results  achieved  are  very  promising. 

7.  With  regard  to  the  availability  of  Negros  and  Sebu  for  naval  stations,  the 
art  of  Sebu,  one  of  the  oldest  in  the  Philippines,  is  small,  but  easily  defended, 

t Omitted  here. 

JA  little  island  southeast  of  Luzon,  lat.  13°  15'  N.,  long.  124°  05'  E. 


380 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


and  might  make  a useful  naval  and  coaling  station,  not  equal,  in  any  way,  however, 
to  Iloilo,  Manila,  or  Suing  Bay,  excepting  for  its  nearness  to  known  coal  deposits. 
It  should  be  noted  that  these  islands  in  the  central  portion  of  the  group  can  only 
be  reached  through  narrow  straits  with  intricate  navigation,  and  if  light-houses 
and  other  aids  to  navigation  in  these  straits  were  in  the  hands  of  another  power 
than  that  owning  these  two  islands,  they  would  be  more  or  less  inaccessible,  espe- 
cially in  time  of  war. 

8.  The  value  of  Negros  and  Sebu  as  naval  stations  for  this  country  would 
be  greatly  lessened  if  various  other  nations  established  stations  in  other  islands 
of  the  Philippine  group.  As  coal  is  likely  to  occur  in  any  of  the  islands,  the 
tendency  to  establish  such  stations  would  apparently  be  very  great,  in  addition  to 
the  agricultural  and  mineral  wealth  of  the  region. 

EVERETT  HAYDEN, 

Acting  Chief  Intelligence  Officer. 

Office  of  Naval  Intelligence, 

Navy  Department,  August  9,  1898. 


[Coal  Trade  Journal,  May  1,  1895,  p.  349.] 

Coal  Mining  in  the  Philippine  Islands. — The  coal  deposits  in  the  Island  of 
Sebu  are  now  being  extensively  developed.  They  are  receiving  the  support  of 
the  Government,  in  that  they  are  giving  preference  to  native  over  foreign  coal. 

[Hongkong,  1895,  Chronicle  and  Directory  for  China,  Japan,  etc.] 

1 ■ I 

This  is  the  capital  of  the  Island  of  Sebu,  and  ranks  next  to  Iloilo  among  the 
ports  of  the  Philippines.  It  was  at  one  time  the  seat  of  the  administration  of 
revenue  for  the  whole  of  the  Visayas,  but  this  was  removed  to  Manila  in  1840. 
Sebu  is  a well-built  town  and  possesses  fine  roads,  but  the  people  are  devoid  of 
commercial  enterprise.  The  trade  of  Sebu  consists  principally  of  hemp  and  sugar. 
The  neighboring  islands  of  Levte,  Mindanao,  and  Camiguin  possess  extensive  hemp 
plantations,  a large  proportion  of  the  produce  of  which  finds  its  way  to  Sebu  for 
shipment.  There  are  some  very  valuable  and  extensive  coal  deposits  in  the  Island 
of  Sebu,  but  the  mines  have  not  as  yet  been  worked  with  any  enterprise.  The 
trade  in  1892  is  represented  by  the  following  figures:  Imports,  $165,881;  exports, 
$2,448,433,  as  compared  with  $263,695  and  $3,638,039,  respectively,  in  1891.  The 
principal  exports  of  1893  were:  Sugar  17,246,442  kilograms,  and  hemp,  23,299,015 
kilograms.  j 


RESOURCES  OP  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


381 


[Stanford’s  Compendium  of  Geography,  Yol.  II,  p.  81-82.] 

Sebu,  or  Cebu,  is  a long  and  narrow  island,  lying  immediately  to  the  east  of 
Negros,  from  which  it  is  separated  by  a strait  from  five  to  fifteen  miles  wide  and 
over  100  miles  in  length.  Sebu  is  130  miles  long  and  not  more  than  twenty 
miles  broad  in  its  widest  part  and  contains  2,275  square  miles,  or  rather  less  than 
half  the  area  of  Negros.  Several  chains  of  mountains  of  no  great  height  traverse 
it  from  north  to  south,  but  little  is  known  of  its  geology  except  that  it  produces 
gold,  silver,  and  lead,  and  has  no  active  volcanoes.  Coal  occurs  abundantly,  and 
is  of  fairly  good  quality;  but  the  complete  neglect  of  all  mineral  wealth  by  the 
Spaniards  is  exhibited  here  as  elsewhere.  The  inhabitants  are  almost  exclusively 
Biscayans,  but  there  are  said  to  be  a few  Negritos.  The  population  has  greatly 
increased  of  late  years,  owing  to  the  great  development  of  the  sugar  and  abaca 
cultivation,  and  now  numbers  518,000,  but  locusts  and  low  prices  have  recently 
dealt  as  heavy  a blow  to  Sebu  as  to  Panay.  In  all  these  islands  sugar  growing  will 
probably  give  place  to  hemp  or  some  more  paying  crop.  In  1890  only  3,000 
tons  were  exported,  as  against  11,000  tons  in  1889,  and  while  in  the  latter  year 
thirty-four  vessels— almost  all  of  which  were  British — entered  the  port,  the  num- 
ber in  1890  only  amounted  to  fourteen. 

The  capital,  Sebu,  dignified  by  the  title  of  city,  is  the  oldest  settlement  in  the 
Philippines,  and  was  the  seat  of  government  until  the  founding  of  Manila.  It 
was  the  first  place  of  any  importance  visited  by  Magellan  on  his  discovery  of  the 
group,  and  it  was  upon  the  little  island  of  Mactan,  which  forms  the  harbor  of 
Cebu,  that  he  met  with  his  death  on  the  27th  of  April,  1521.  Fifty  years  later 
Legaspi  planned  and  built  the  city.  It  is  picturesquely  situated  and  has  a fine 
cathedral  and  several  churches,  but  the  population  is  not  large.  The  island  forms 
a province  of  itself,  under  the  administration  of  a military  governor. 

[Hongkong,  1895,  Chronicle  and  Directory  for  China,  Japan,  etc.] 

The  Island  of  Negros  is  extremely  fertile  and  contributes  three-fourths  of  the 
sugar  shipped  from  Iloilo,  the  quality  of  which  is  excellent. 

[Stanford’s  Compendium  of  Geography,  Volume  II,  p.  80.] 

Negros  lies  to  the  southeast  of  Panay,  from  which  it  is  separated  by  a strait 
about  fifteen  miles  in  width.  It  is  130  miles  long  and  on  the  average  about 
thirty  miles  wide.  Its  area  is  4,650  square  miles.  Its  coast  is  comparatively 
little  broken  by  bays  or  inlets,  and  it  has  no  good  harbors.  A central  chain 
of  mountains  runs  through  its  entire  length.  For  the  most  part  these  are  of 


382 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


no  height,  but  the  Malaspina  or  Chalcon  volcano,  situated  towards  the  northern 
end,  forms  an  exception.  Its  height  is  estimated  at  8,192  feet,  and  it  is  in  a state 
of  intermittent  activity.  Owing  to  the  narrowness  of  the  island,  there  are  nc 
navigable  rivers.  The  inhabitants  are  chiefly  Biscayans,  and  number  with  the 
Negritos,  from  whose  abundance  the  island  received  its  name,  about  226,000. 

The  island  is  fertile,  and  produces  sugar,  rice,  tobacco,  and  the  textile  abac-; 
and  pina,  and  in  common  with  Sebu  and  Samar  a large  amount  of  cocoa.  Its  coal 
mines  appear  to  be  no  longer  worked.  The  capital  is  Bacoled,  on  the  west  eoasi 
opposite  to  Iloilo,  where  the  “politico-military”  governor  resides,  and  there  an 
numerous  large  villages  around  the  coast,  though  few  in  the  interior.  Hinigaran 
the  former  capital,  contains  over  12,000  inhabitants. 

[Stanford’s  Compendium  of  Geography,  Volume  II,  p.  34.] 

Lead  occurs  in  Sebu,  and  iron  ores  are  very  abundant  in  Luzon  and  Min 
danao.  That  there  are  extensive  coal  measures  in  the  archipelago  there  is  littli 
doubt,  but  they  have  been  little  exploited,  and  coal  forms  one  of  the  larges 
imports  of  the  group.  The  Compostela  mine  only  turned  out  700  tons  in  1881 
As  yet  no  deep  shafts  have  been  driven,  and  what  has  been  obtained  affords  ver 
rapid  combustion,  and  is  not  well  suited  for  steamers.  Sebu  and  Negros  ar< 
especially  rich  in  this  product.  Since  the  archipelago  lies  midway  between  tin 
great  coal  beds  of  northern  Borneo  and  Formosa,  it  is  probable  that  the  minera 
will  in  future  be  worked  to  great  advantage. 

[British  Admiralty,  Eastern  Archipelago,  Part  I,  Eastern  Part,  1890.] 

Negros  Island. — So  called  from  the  number  of  Negritos  or  Actas  found  on  i 
by  the  Spaniards;  is  about  118  miles  long,  and,  though  larger  than  Sebu  Island 
is  neither  so  rich  nor  so  populous.  Its  coast  is  very  little  broken  by  bays  o 
inlets,  and  does  not  contain  any  good  harbor.  A central  chain  of  mountains  tud 
through  it  from  north  to  south,  which  attains  its  greatest  height  toward  th 
latter  point.  The  rivers  are  but  small,  and  unfit  for  the  navigation  of  vessel 
of  burden. 

The  island  produces  the  best  cocoa  in  the  Bisayas,  besides  rice,  maize,  suga: 
tobacco,  cotton,  and  abaca  (a  variety  of  the  banana  plant  from  which  Manil 
hemp  is  obtained). 

Note. — The  Encyclopaedia  Britannica  says  the  population  in  1887  was  175,000. 

[From  same  publication  as  above.] 

Sebu  Island.-— Sebu  is  an  island  of  some  importance  and  interest,  as  its  po 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


383 


has  been  thrown  open  to  foreign  commerce.  It  is  long  and  narrow,  111  miles  in 
length,  with  a greatest  width  of  eighteen  miles  in  the  northern  part.  A chain 
of  mountains  traverses  the  island  through  its  entire  length,  containing  beds  of 
mineral  coal,  and,  it  is  stated,  veins  of  gold.  The  rivers  are  numerous  but  small, 
and  generally  unfit  for  either  navigation  or  irrigation.  With  the  exception  of  a 
few  fine  valleys,  cultivation  is  confined  mainly  to  the  seaboard.  The  population 
of  the  island  is  estimated  at  3S,000  souls.  The  chief  exports  are  sugar,  oil,  hemp, 
tobacco,  coffee,  and  pina  silk.  The  chief  imports  are  European  goods,  coal,  and 
rice. 

[Note. — The  Encyclopaedia  Britannica  says  the  population  in  1867  was  462,000. 
Reclus  gives  it  as  518,000. — E.  H.] 

[By  Sir  John  Bowring,  London,  1859.] 

Speaking  of  minerals,  it  is  stated  that  gold  is  found  in  many  of  the  islands — 
“the  mountains  of  Caraga  and  Zebu  are  the  most  productive.  Many  Indian  fami- 
lies support  themselves  by  washing  the  river  sands.  In  the  time  of  heavy  rains 
gold  is  found  in  the  streets  of  some  of  the  pueblos  when  the  floods  have  passed.” 
Iron  is  also  found  in  various  islands.  “A  coal  mine  is  being  explored  in  Guila 
Guila,  in  the  Island  of  Zebu,  on  the  River  Manango,  at  a distance  of  about  six 
miles  from  the  town  of  San  Nicholas,  which  has  nearly  20,000  inhabitants,  and 
is  by  far  the  largest  town  in  the  island.  There  are  reported  to  be  strata  of  coal 
from  one  to  four  feet  in  thickness.”  Various  copper  mines  have  been  worked 
from  time  immemorial,  and  favorable  reports  sent  to  Europe. 

[From  the  American  Naturalist,  September,  1886. — By  J.  B.  Steere.] 

The  south  end  of  Negros  has  appeared,  as  we  passed  around  it,  a great  stretch 
of  grassy  plains  and  hills,  now  dry  and  yellow,  and  burned  over  in  some  places. 
The  mountains  approach  nearer  at  Dumaquete,  and  we  could  see  forests  on  their 
heights.  They  were  volcanic,  and  what  we  judged  to  be  ancient  lava  streams 
extended  down  from  a height  of  two  or  three  thousand  feet  to  near  sea  level, 
and  with  such  an  even  grade  that  they  looked  like  gigantic  railroad  embank- 
ments. * * * We  found  it  (a  variety  of  plant  known  as  abaca,  a so-called 

mineral  hemp)  growing  luxuriously  at  a height  of  3,000  feet,  while  those  varie- 
ties used  for  food  thrived  best  near  sea  level  and  in  the  greatest  heat.  * * * 

Deer  and  wild  hogs  were  abundant. 

[From  Travels  in  the  Philippines. — By  F.  Jagor,  London,  1875.] 

“Sebu,  with  a population  of  34,000,  is  the  chief  town  of  the  island  of  the 


384 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


same  name,  the  seat  of  government  and  of  the  bishop  of  the  Biscayans,  and  within 
forty-eight  milesf  of  Manila  by  steamer.  It  is  as  favorably  situated  with  regard 
to  the  eastern  portion  of  the  Bisayan  group  as  Iloilo  is  in  the  western,  and  is 
acquiring  increased  importance  as  the  emporium  for  its  products.”  Among  prod- 
ucts mentioned  are  sugar,  tobacco,  rice,  coffee,  wax,  Spanish  cane,  and  mother- 
of-pearl.  “The  Island  of  Sebu  extends  over  seventy-five  square  miles. f A lofty 
mountain  range  traverses  it  from  north  to  south,  dividing  the  east  from  the 
west  side,  and  its  population  is  estimated  at  340,000 — 4,533  to  the  square  mile.f 
The  inhabitants  are  peaceable  and  docile;  thefts  occur  very  seldom,  and  rob- 
beries never.  Their  occupations  are  agriculture,  fishing,  and  weaving  for  home 
consumption.  Sebu  produces  sugar,  tobacco,  maize,  rice,  etc.,  and,  in  the  moun- 
tains, potatoes;  but  the  rice  produced  does  not  suffice  for  their  requirements,  +here 
being  only  a little  level  land,  and  the  deficiency  is  imported  from  Panay.  The 
island  possesses  considerable  beds  of  coal  the  full  yield  of  which  may  now  be 
looked  for,  as  the  duty  on  exports  was  abandoned  by  decree  of  the  5th  of  May, 
1869. 

According  to  the  Mineral  Review,  Madrid,  1866,  the  coal  in  Sebu  is  dry, 
pure,  almost  free  of  sulphur  pyrites,  burns  easily  and  with  a strong  flame.  The 
coal  of  Sebu  is  acknowledged  to  be  better  than  that  of  Australia  and  Labuan, 
but  has  not  sufficient  heating  power  to  be  used  unmixed  with  other  coal  on  long 
sea  vo}rages.  According  to  the  catalogue  of  the  products  of  the  Philippines 
(Manila,  1866),  the  coal  strata  of  Sebu  have,  at  many  places  in  the  mountain 
range,  which  runs  from  north  to  south  across  the  whole  of  the  island,  approached 
a thickness  of  two  miles.  The  coal  is  of  middling  quality,  and  is  burned  in  the 
Government  steam  works  after  being  mixed  with  Cardiff.  Average  price,  Sebu, 
$6  per  ton. 

[From  Oceanica. — By  Elisde  Reclus,  New  York,  1890.] 

The  whole  surface  of  the  Philippines  is  essentially  mountainous,  the  only 
plains  that  occur  being  the  alluvial  districts  at  the  river  mouths  and  the  spaces 
left  at  the  intersection  of  the  ranges.  Most  of  the  surface  appears  to  be  formed 
of  old  rocks,  especially  schists,  and,  in  the  north  of  Luzon,  granites.  Extensive 
coal  fields  are  found  in  the  central  islands,  especially  Cebu  and  Negros,  and  in 
many  places  these  carboniferous  beds  seem  to  have  been  buried  under  more 
recent  lavas.  Later  limestones  have  also  been  developed  by  the  coral  builders 
round  all  the  seaboard,  and  there  is  clear  evidence  that  along  extensive  stretches 


t Evidently  German  miles,  of  which  1 (linear)=4%  statute. 


EESOUECES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


385 


of  the  coast  line  these  formations  have  been  upheaved  to  a considerable  height 
above  sea  level.  They  form  at  some  points  broad  horizontal  tables  round  the 
headlands,  and  here  are  found  shells  and  other  marine  remains  belonging  to  the 
same  species  still  living  in  the  surrounding  waters.  But  about  the  Gulf  of 
Davao,  in  South  Mindanao,  the  contrary  movement  of  subsidence  has  taken  place, 
as  shown  by  the  dead  or  dying  forests  invaded  by  the  sea. 

The  Philippines  abound  in  minerals.  The  natives  collect  gold  in  the  alluvia 
of  all  the  islands,  but  especially  in  the  Province  of  Benguet,  central  Luzon,  and 
about  the  northeast  point  of  Surigao,  in  Mindanao.  Copper  is  common  in  the 
Lepanto  hills,  bordering  on  the  same  central  district  of  Luzon,  where  from 
time  immemorial  the  natives  have  extracted  the  ore  and  wrought  it  into  imple- 
ments and  ornaments.  The  blacksmiths  also  have  at  hand  an  excellent  iron 
ore  for  their  arms  and  instruments.  Cebu  is  said  to  contain  lead  glance  yielding 
nearly  half  of  its  weight  in  pure  metal,  while  the  solfataras  of  many  extinct 
volcanoes  have  formed  inexhaustible  deposits  of  sulphur. 

[Extracts  from  Letters  of  German  Captains.  XV,  Hansa,  Vol.  21,  1884,  p.  147.] 

The  harbor  of  Zebu,  capital  of  the  Philippine  island  of  the  same  name,  is 
formed  by  a very  narrow  arm  of  the  sea  separating  the  Island  of  Macton  from 
that  of  Zebu.  It  has  a northern  and  a southern  entrance,  both  very  small  and 
narrow,  especially  the  northern  one,  where  it  is  quite  impossible  to  pass  by  a 
vessel  of  over  200  or  300  tons.  On  the  other  hand,  there  would  be  no  difficulty 
in  passing  even  a larger  ship  in  the  southern  entrance. 

There  are  for  both  entrances  regularly  appointed  government  pilots,  who 
are  supposed  to  be  stationed  in  the  northeast  monsoon,  near  the  light-house  at 
the  northern  entrance,  and  in  the  southwest  monsoon,  near  the  beacons  Norma 
and  Lipata,  at  the  southern  entrance.  When  I came  from  Manila  and  passed 
the  light-house  at  the  northern  entrance  about  4:30  o’clock  P.  M.,  there  was  no 
pilot  in  sight  (perhaps  because  it  was  Sunday),  but  as  I had  a good  Spanish  chart, 
and  as  the  channel  moreover  is  well  indicated  by  buoys  on  both  sides,  I went 
on  and  got  a pilot  shortly  before  dark  not  far  from  the  old  tower  Mandaui.  This 
is  the  narrowest  place  of  the  channel,  hardly  wide  enough  for  a larger  ship  lying 
at  anchor  to  swing  around.  Although  we  now  had  the  current  against  us,  a light 
land  breeze  took  us  to  a safe  anchoring  place.  In  the  northeast  monsoon  the 
anchoring  place  southwest  of  the  fort  is  in  sixteen  to  twenty  meters  depth.  Ships 
are  moored  with  chains  of  about  sixty  meters  each.  There  is  a regular  ebb  and 
flood  tide,  but  high  and  low  water  never  coincide  with  the  change  of  the  current. 


386 


RESOUKCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


Besides,  there  seem  to  be,  at  the  anchoring  places  of  the  larger  ships,  severa 
counter-currents  (eddies),  for  the  ships  lie  very  uneasy,  rolling  from  side  to  side 
and  hardly  have  the  chains  been  made  clear  during  the  day  when  there  is  anothe: 
half  turn  or  round  turn  found  in  them  in  the  morning. 

The  best  plan  is,  in  case  there  is  already  a round  turn  in  the  chain,  to  mak 
the  two  chains  fast  together,  and  then  to  give  plenty  of  play  to  one  chain.  Iiov 
great  the  strain  is  on  a taut  chain  when  the  ship  swings  is  shown  by  the  far 
that  from  our  starboard  chain,  which  was  pretty  taut,  a link  two  inches  thiol 
was  twisted  loose  and  broken.  If  the  chains  had  not  been  fastened  together  wi 
should  have  lost  anchor  and  chain.  There  are  three  wharves  here,  hut  only  om 
of  them,  the  one  farthest  east,  is  sometimes  used  by  steamers  and  by  sailin; 
vessels  arriving  with  cargoes  of  rice  and  salt.  For  use  by  them  there  are  twi 
iron  mooring-buoys  south  of  the  wharf  (bridge).  * * * 

Hard  wood  is  good  and  cheap.  Calking  work  can  be  done  by  the  natives 
forging,  if  not  too  expensive,  by  Chinese  or  natives. 

Fresh  water,  I am  told,  is  paid  for  at  the  rate  of  $1  per  barrel.  We  go 
all  of  our  drinking  water  ourselves,  partly  from  the  well  near  the  fort,  partly  fror 
that  near  St.  Nicholas  Church;  the  latter  water  is  the  better  of  the  two.  * * : 
—A.  L. 

[Copy  of  cablegram  received  August  5,  1898,  from  naval  attache  at  Paris.] 

Have  received  reliable  information  that  the  commander-in-chief  (of)  th 
German  squadron  in  China  recently  forwarded  to  Berlin,  Germany,  extensiv 
report  (of  the)  German  engineer  on  mineral  resources  of  the  Philippine  Islands 
particularly  coal  deposits,  all  of  which  described  containing  considerable  sulphui 
excepting  one  deposit  which,  being  free  from  sulphur,  is  necessary  to  the  develop 
ment  of  the  mineral  resource.  I can  not  give  name  of  the  island  containing  thi 
deposit. 

Note. — A later  telegram  from  naval  attache  at  Berlin  states  that  the  island  abov 
referred  to  is  probably  Sebu. 

COAL  AND  PETROLEUM  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  AND  VICINITY. 

[Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  9th  ed.,  p.  749.] 

Minerals. — Though  hitherto  little  advantage  has  been  taken  of  its  existenct 
there  appears  to  be  in  several  of  the  islands  a fair  amount  of  mineral  wealtl 
Two  coal  fields  are  known  to  exist,  one  beginning  in  Caransan  in  the  south  c 
Luzon,  and  probably  extending  southward  across  the  Strait  of  San  Bernardin 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


387 


to  Catbalongan,  in  Samar,  and  another  occupying  the  western  slopes  of  Cebu 
and  the  eastern  slopes  of  Negros,  and  thus  probably  passing  under  the  Strait  of 
Tahon.  In  the  first  basin  there  is  a bed  from  ten  to  twelve  feet  thick  cropping  out 
of  Gatbo,  which  has  given  good  results  as  a fuel  for  steamboats;  in  the  second 
Centeno  reports  at  least  five  beds,  of  varying  thickness  and  quality.  The  first 
discovery  of  the  mineral  was  made  in  Cebu  in  1827.  Hitherto  little  success  has 
attended  the  schemes  of  exploitation. 

[From  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  9th  ed.,  Coal,  p.  59.] 

In  the  Dutch  settlements,  coal  has  been  found  in  Sumatra  and  Borneo,  the 
best  known  deposits  being  that  at  Pengaran,  on  the  southeast  of  the  latter  island, 
where  a mine  has  been  worked  by  the  Dutch  authorities  for  several  years.  * * * 
In  the  British  island  of  Labuan,  off  the  north  coast  of  Borneo,  five  workable 
seams,  together  about  twenty-seven  feet  thick,  are  estimated  to  cover  the  whole 
island. 

The  most  important  southern  coal  deposits,  however,  are  those  of  Australia, 
which  extend,  with  short  intervals,  from  the  Gulf  of  Carpentaria  to  Bass  Straits. 
In  the  northern  districts  the  distribution  appears  to  be  somewhat  similar  to  that 
seen  in  South  America,  Secondary  and  Tertiary  basins  occupying  the  ground  near 
the  sea,  while  true  carboniferous  coal  is  found  further  inland. 

[Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  9th  ed.,  under  Formosa,  p.  416.] 

Coal,  sulphur,  and  petroleum  are  the  only  mineral  productions  of  Formosa 
which  are  known  to  exist  in  quantities  sufficient  to  make  them  of  economical 
importance.  The  principal  coal  fields  are  in  the  north  of  the  island,  near  Kelung 
and  Tam-sui,  and  the  coal  is  all  shipped  in  Ivelung  Harbor:  In  1873,  45,000 

tons;  in  1874,  15,221  tons;  in  1875,  27,665  tons;  in  1876,  31,593  tons. 

[From  the  Statesman’s  Year-Book,  1898.] 

Gold  mining  is  being  carried  on  in  Luzon  with  favorable  prospects,  and 
coal  mining  in  Cebu,  where,  when  arrangements  for  carriage  are  completed,  the 
output  is  expected  to  be  about  5,000  tons  per  month. 

Longman’s  Gazetteer  of  the  World,  London,  1895,  says  that  coal  occurs  in 
Luzon,  Caransan,  Negros,  and  Cebu. 

[Australasia,  Vol.  II,  Guillemard.  In  Stanford’s  Compendium  of  Geography,  London,  1894.] 

Philippine  Islands  (p.  35). — That  there  are  extensive  coal  measures  in  the 


388 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


archipelago  there  is  little  doubt,  but  they  have  been  little  exploited,  and  coal 
forms  one  of  the  largest  imports  of  the  group.  The  Compostela  mine  (Zebu) 
only  turned  out  700  tons  in  1881.  As  yet  no  deep  shafts  have  been  driven,  and 
what  has  been  obtained  affords  very  rapid  combustion  and  is  not  well  suited  for 
steamers.  Zebu  and  Negros  are  especially  rich  in  this  product.  Since  the  archi- 
pelago lies  midway  between  the  great  coal  beds  of  northern  Borneo  and  For- 
mosa, it  is  probable  that  the  mineral  will  in  the  future  he  worked  to  great 
advantage. 

Panay  (p.  79). — Gold,  copper,  iron,  and  quicksilver  have  been  found,  and 
coal  in  Antique,  but  none  of  these  are  worked. 

Negros  (p.  80). — Its  coal  mines  appear  to  be  no  longer  worked. 

Zebu  (p.  81). — Coal  occurs  abundantly  and  is  of  fairly  good  quality,  but 
the  complete  neglect  of  all  mineral  wealth  by  the  Spaniards  is  exhibited  here 
as  elsewhere. 

Samar  (p.  82). — Coal  is  found,  but  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  investi- 
gate the  minerals  of  the  island. 

Mindanao  (p.  87). — It  is  probable  that  gold  exists  in  tolerable  quantities, 
and  coal  also. 

Java  (p.  105). — Coal,  indeed,  is  plentiful,  but  it  is  poor,  occurs  in  thin  strata, 
and  hardly  repays  working.  Sulphur  is  abundant,  and  a further  exploitation  of 
the  mineral  oils  should  give  good  results. 

(P.  138.)  The  mineral-oil  lamps  which  light  nearly  every  peasant’s  hut  con- 
sume over  20,000,000  gallons  per  annum.  Concessions  were  granted  in  1890,  both 
in  Java  and  Sumatra,  for  the  working  of  petroleum,  and  the  prospects  are  said 
to  be  very  encouraging. 

Sumatra  (pp.  208,  209). — The  mineral  wealth  of  Sumatra  still  remains  for 
the  most  part  undeveloped,  although  it  is  probable  that  before  long  the  rich 
coal  fields  of  Ombilin,  which  are  situated  toward  the  head  waters  of  the  Batang 
Hari,  will  be  opened.  They  were  discovered  in  1869,  and  have  been  estimated 
by  M.  de  Greve  to  contain  370,000,000  cubic  meters.  The  mineral  is  of  the 
Tertiary  period,  as  it  is  probable  that  most  of  the  Sumatran  measures  will  prove 
to  he.  M.  Forbes  found  coal  in  the  Palembang  district,  and  it  exists  near  Malabu 
and  other  places  in  Ache.  South  of  Padang,  at  Moko-moko,  it  is  worked.  * * * 
Concessions  were  granted  in  1891  for  working  some  petroleum  wells  lately  dis- 
covered. 

Borneo  (pp.  219-221). — The  abundance  and  wide  distribution  of  coal  in 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


389 


the  islands  is  remarkable.  In  this  respect  Borneo  is  by  far  the  richest  of  all  the 
islands  of  the  Malay  Archipelago.  Schwaner  says: 

“The  occurrence  of  coal  is  more  widespread  than  one  might  be  led  to  think 
by  a first  examination.  In  the  whole  of  the  hill  formation  it  constitutes  a most 
important  and  almost  never-failing  factor.  All  fissures  and  openings  that  have 
been  made  use  of  for  the  investigation  of  the  underground  geology  have  led  to 
the  discovery  of  coal  seams,  and  even  the  banks  of  the  great  rivers  disclose  them 
in  many  places.” 

As  far  as  is  known,  there  is  no  coal  of  greater  age  than  the  Tertiary  period. 
Most  of  it  belongs  to  the  Eocene,  hut  the  brown  coals  of  the  Miocene  also  occur 
plentifully. 

Mr.  Motley,  in  his  report  on  the  geology  of  Labuan  and  neighborhood,  gives 
the  following  interesting  description  of  its  peculiarities: 

“The  coal,  dense  and  perfectly  carbonized  as  it  is,  yet  exhibits  most  unequivo- 
cally its  vegetable  origin,  and  not  only  that,  but  even  the  kind  of  vegetation 
of  which  it  has  been  composed  is  evident  from  the  most  cursory  inspection  of 
the  heaps  of  coal  brought  out  of  the  levels.  It  is  clearly  the  product  not  of  a 
ibed  of  peat  produced  by  the  decay  of  small  vegetation,  but  of  a mass  of  huge 
timber.  At  least  one-half  of  the  mass  displays  the  grain  and  structure  of  wood, 
and  frequently  it  separates  naturally  into  the  concentric  layers  of  dicotyledonous 
wood.  All  the  specimens  I have  examined  have  exactly  the  structure  of  the  dip- 
teraceous  trees  now  forming  the  bulk  of  the  timber  growing  above  them.  The 
trees  must  have  been  of  vast  dimensions.  I traced  one  trunk  upward  of  sixty 
feet,  and  for  the  whole  of  that  distance  it  was  not  less  than  eight  feet  wide. 

* * H:  ” 

It  is  remarkable  that  such  an  evidently  recent  formation  should  be  so  much 
upheaved,  the  coal  measures  of  Labuan  and  Brunei  dipping  from  an  angle  of 
24°  to  nearly  or  quite  vertical,  the  dip  being  north-northwest,  or  about  at  right 
angles  to  the  direction  of  the  great  chain  of  mountains  which  rises  nearly  parallel 
to  the  coast.  Mr.  Motley’s  account  of  this  coal  formation  would  lead  us  to  conclude 
that  dense  tropical  forests  growing  on  an  extensive  plain  or  river  delta  have  been 
suddenly  overthrown  by  flood  or  earthquake,  or  by  sudden  depression  of  the  land, 
and  had  been  covered  with  a deposit  of  clays  or  sands.  He  well  remarks  on  the 
quantities  of  trees  and  shrubs  which  in  the  tropics  grow  on  the  seashore,  or 
even  in  the  salt  water,  and  thus  accounts  for  the  presence  of  marine  shells  in 
the  shales,  and  even  in  the  coal  itself. 

(Pages  245-246.)  The  coal  measures  are  practically  inexhaustible,  and  have 


390 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


been  worked  at  various  places  in  almost  every  part  of  the  island,  both  by  Europeans 
and  natives.  The  results,  however,  have  been  almost  uniformly  unsuccessful,  but 
this  failure  must  be  ascribed  to  the  undeveloped  state  of  the  country  and  other 
causes  of  secondary  importance,  and  the  mines  will  doubtless  be  worked  with 
remunerative  results  in  the  future.  The  “Julia  Hermina”  mine,  near  Banjar- 
masin,  which  promised  well,  was  hardly  completed  when,  in  1859,  an  insurrection 
took  place,  the  European  staff  were  murdered,  and  the  works  completely  de- 
stroyed. The  Pengoran  coal  mine,  also  in  the  neighborhood  of  Martapura,  was 
commenced  in  1848,  but  did  not  average  a larger  annual  output  than  about  6,000 
tons,  and  was  abandoned  in  1884,  as  was  also  the  neighboring  Asahan  mine,  which 
had  been  working  fourteen  years  with  much  the  same  results.  A mine  was  also 
working  in  Ivoti,  abandoned,  and  once  more  reopened  in  1886. 

In  Sarawak  the  raja  opened  a mine  on  a tributary  of  the  Sadong  River  in 
1880,  the  prospects  of  which  are  promising,  nearly  50,000  tons  having  been  raised 
in  1886.  He  also  purchased,  two  years  later,  a concession  for  the  working  of 
the  seams  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brunei  River.  On  the  Island  of  Labuan  is  a mine, 
till  lately  abandoned,  which  has  caused  the  failure  of  three  or  more  companies, 
but  is  now  being  successfully  worked;  while  in  Pulo  Laut,  the  large  island  at  the 
southeast  point  of  Borneo,  about  5,000  tons  are  yearly  raised  by  the  natives  and 
supplied  to  Dutch  steamers.  There  is  little  doubt  that  petroleum,  which  has 
been  found  in  many  places,  will  eventually  become  a workable  and  most  valuable 
product. 

Labuan  (pp.  254-255). — The  Island  of  Labuan  is  situated  on  the  northwest 
coast  of  Borneo,  opposite  the  mouth  of  Brunei  Bay.  * * * The  coal  mines 

are  now  being  worked  by  the  new  Central  Bornean  Company,  who  have  steamers 
running  twice  a month  to  Singapore. 

Celebes  (p.  301). — Coal  is  found  in  various  places  in  the  Makassar  district. 

(Page  304.)  Coal  of  an  inferior  quality  is  found  on  the  island. 

The  Moluccas  (p.  325). — Near  Batjan  are  some  coal  mines  which  have  been 
worked  intermittently,  though  to  no  great  profit,  for  nearly  half  a century. 

Obi  Group  (p.  326). — Coal  and  lignite  exist,  and  probably  gold,  but  no 
explorations  have  been  made,  and  the  existing  charts  of  the  island  are  extremely 
inaccurate. 

Ceram  (p.  329). — Coal  exists,  but  of  what  period  does  not  seem  clear. 

New  Caledonia  (p.  457). — Gold,  antimony,  mercury,  silver,  lead,  copper,  nickel, 
cobalt,  and  chrome  have  all  been  obtained,  as  well  as  coal  of  various  kinds.  * * * 
The  coal  beds  are  believed  to  occupy  a very  large  area.  Of  late  the  Government 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


391 


las  charged  itself  with  their  exploration,  and  they  are  about  to  he  worked;  but 
litherto  they  have  produced  nothing  for  want  of  capital  and  proper  labor.  It  is 
stimated  that  the  coal,  which  is  said  to  he  of  good  quality,  can  be  sold  at  Noumea 
or  as  low  a price  as  12  shillings  per  ton. 

[Coal  Trade  Journal,  May  1,  1895,  p.  349.] 

Coal  Mining  in  the  Philippine  Islands. — The  coal  deposits  in  the  Island  of 
■ebu  are  now  being  extensively  developed.  They  are  receiving  the  support  of 
be  Government  in  that  they  are  giving  preference  to  native  over  foreign  coal. 

/ 

[Hongkong,  1895,  Chronicle  and  Directory  for  China,  Japan,  etc.] 

Sebu. — There  are  some  very  valuable  and  extensive  coal  deposits  in  the 
sland  of  Sebu,  but  the  mines  have  not  as  yet  been  worked  with  any  enterprise. 

[British  Admiralty,  Eastern  Archipelago,  Part  I,  Eastern  Part,  1890.] 

Sebu  Island. — A chain  of  mountains  traverse  the  island  through  its  entire 
ngth,  containing  beds  of  mineral  coal. 

[Bowring,  London,  1859.] 

Cebu. — A coal  mine  is  being  explored  in  Guila  Guila,  in  the  Island  of  Cebu, 
a the  River  Manango,  at  a distance  of  about  six  miles  from  the  town  of  San 
icholas,  which  has  nearly  20,000  inhabitants,  and  is  by  far  the  largest  town  of 
le  island.  There  are  reported  to  be  strata  of  coal  from  one  to  four  feet  in 
liekness. 

[F.  Jagor,  London,  1875.] 

Sebu. — The  island  possesses  considerable  beds  of  coal,  the  full  yield  of  which 
ay  now  be  looked  for,  as  the  duty  on  exports  was  abandoned  by  decree  on  the 
h of  May,  1869. 

According  to  the  Mineral  Review,  Madrid,  1866,  the  coal  in  Sebu  is  dry, 
ire,  almost  free  of  sulphur  pyrites,  burns  easily  and  with  a strong  flame.  The 
al  of  Sebu  is  acknowledged  to  be  better  than  that  of  Australia  and  Labuan, 
it  has  not  sufficient  heating  power  to  be  used  unmixed  with  other  coal  on  long 
a voyages.  According  to  the  catalogue  of  the  products  of  the  Philippines 
lanila,  1866),  the  coal  strata  of  Sebu  have,  at  many  places  in  the  mountain 
nge  which  runs  from  north  to  south  across  the  whole  of  the  island,  approached 
thickness  of  two  miles.  The  coal  is  of  middling  quality  and  is  burned  in  the 
ivernment  steam  works  after  being  mixed  with  Cardiff.  Average  price,  Sebu, 
;i  per  ton. 


392 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


[From  Oceanica,  Elisee  Reclus,  New  York,  1890.] 

Extensive  coal  fields  are  found  in  the  central  islands,  especially  in  Cebu  and 
Negros,  and  in  many  places  these  carboniferous  beds  seem  to  have  been  buried 
under  more  recent  lavas. 

[Board  of  Trade  Journal,  London,  May,  1898.] 

A dispatch,  dated  6th  April  last,  has  been  received  at  the  foreign  office 
from  Her  Majesty’s  minister  at  The  Hague,  transmitting  statement  of  the  pro- 
duction of  petroleum  m the  Dutch  East  Indies,  according  to  which,  in  the  course 
of  the  past  year  or  two,  there  has  been  a considerable  development  of  this  industry, 
which  promises  to  become  very  extensive.  The  prospective  market  for  the  product 
is  a very  large  one,  for  not  only  among  the  natives  of  the  Dutch  East  Indies  is 
petroleum  pretty  sure  to  replace  to  a great  extent  the  cocoanut  oil  now  used  for 
lighting  purposes,  but  the  whole  of  the  eastern  coasts  of  Asia,  and  especially  China, 
will  almost  undoubtedly  become  consumers. 

The  oil  obtained  in  Sumatra  is  reported  to  be  of  excellent  quality,  with  a 
higher  flashing  point  and  with  a smaller  loss  in  refining  than  the  current  American 
oils,  while  the  cost  of  production  is  asserted  to  be  materially  lower  than  that  of 
the  latter. 

Among  the  most  important  enterprises  lately  brought  before  the  Dutch  public 
is  the  Mocara  Enim  concession  in  Sumatra.  This  concession  appears  to  have  been 
pitched  upon  by  the  well-known  American  monopoly,  the  Standard  Oil  Company, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a footing  in  Netherlands  India. 

Proposals  were  made  to  and  entertained  by  the  board  of  the  Mocara  Enim 
Company  by  representatives  of  the  Standard  Oil  Company,  which  would  have  had 
the  effect  of  bringing  the  first-named  company’s  operations  directly  under  the 
control  of  the  latter,  and  a general  meeting  of  the  shareholders  of  the  Mocara 
Enim  Company  was  advertised  to  have  been  held  in  the  last  days  of  February 
last  for  the  purpose  of  ratifying  the  proposed  agreement. 

Immediately  before  the  day  fixed  for  the  meeting,  however,  the  board  of  the 
Mocara  Enim  Company  received  from  the  Netherlands  colonial  minister  a cate- 
gorical declaration  to  the  effect  that  the  company’s  concession,  which  is  of  a 
preliminary  nature  only,  would  not  be  ratified  should  the  company  be  placed 
under  the  control  of  the  American  monster  monoply.  The  meeting  had  in  conse- 
quence to  be  postponed. 

It  is  understood  that  negotiations  with  the  Standard  Oil  Company  have  been 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


395 


■oken  off  for  the  present;  hut  it  is  stated  that  the  latter  company  had  already 
irchased  a considerable  interest  in  the  Mocara  Enim  Company. 

Since  the  interference  of  the  colonial  minister  the  Royal  Netherlands 
Mroleum  Company,  for  the  exploitation  of  petroleum  wells  in  the  East  Indies, 
lich  is  the  principal  undertaking  of  that  nature  in  Sumatra,  has  also  made  pro- 
isals  to  the  Mocara  Enim  Company  with  a view  to  a practical  amalgamation. 

As  yet,  however,  no  decision  has  been  arrived  at  by  either  company  as  to 
e course  to  be  adopted,  but  it  is  thought  probable  that  a meeting  of  the  Mocara 
nim  Company  will  be  held  shortly. 

Cebu. — The  two  coal  mines  situated  in  the  east  coast  of  the  Island  of  Cebu 
e said  to  yield  sufficient  coal  to  supply  the  local  demand,  and  the  quality  is 
ited  to  be  a little  inferior  to  Australian  and  better  than  Japanese. 

Amour  Valley. — The  Amour  Valley  and  those  of  several  of  its  tributaries 
e ric-h  in  coal.  In  the  valley  of  the  Zeya,  near  its  confluence  with  the  Selendja, 
found  an  inferior  mineral,  and  in  the  Boureya  Valley  almost  vertical  seams 
five  been  proved  in  three  or  four  places.  In  the  neighborhood  of  Innokentieva, 
i the  Amour,  several  lignite  seams  three  feet  thick  are  worked  by  the  inhah- 
mts,  and  on  the  lower  Amour  a series  of  seams,  together  six  and  one-half  feet 
iek,  has  been  discovered.  Near  Vladivostok  coal  deposits  abound,  while  they  also 
cur  on  the  shores  of  the  Japan  Sea. 

Sakhalin. — Coal  has  been  largely  worked  for  forty  years  in  Sakhalin,  and 
the  present  time  attention  is  being  especially  directed  to  the  deposits  discovered 
the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  gold  mines  on  the  shores  of  the  Okhotsk  Sea. 

[Engineering,  London,  August  12,  1898.] 

Gold  is  also  found  in  some  quantity,  and  there  are  two  coal  mines  situated 
i the  east  coast  of  the  Island  of  Cebu,  which  yield  sufficient  coal  to  supply  the 
cal  demand,  and  the  quality  is  stated  to  he  little  inferior  to  Australian  and  better 
an  Japanese. 

[Advance  Sheets  of  Consular  Reports,  No.  131,  June  3,  1898.] 

Ambassador  Hay  sends  from  London,  under  date  of  May  18,  1898,  a pamphlet, 
jritten  by  Mr.  Frank  Karuth,  F.  R.  G.  S.,  entitled  A New  Center  of  Gold 
reduction,  describing  conditions  in  the  Philippines.  Mr.  Karuth,  who  is  presi- 
;nt  of  the  Philippines  Mineral  Syndicate,  Limited,  says  in  the  letter  to  Arn- 
issador  Hay  accompanying  the  pamphlet: 

* * * I do  not  know  of  the  occurrence  of  true  coal  in  the  islands.  The 


396 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


beds  which  have  been  intermittently  worked  in  the  islands  of  Cebu  and  Mas! 
consist  of  lignite  of  very  good  quality.  Some  years  ago  large  outcrops  of  such  c 
were  found  near  the  beach  in  the  Island  of  Masbate;  but  most  of  it,  which  col 
be  got  without  mining,  has  been  removed  for  the  use  of  interinsular  steamers.  ( ; 
of  the  syndicate’s  engineers,  a man  of  experience  as  manager  of  coal  mines  i 
Lancashire,  found  Masbate  coal  quite  useful  for  steamers.  He  calculates  i 
quantity  of  coal  available  in  a concession  of  about  sixty  acres  at  1,200,000  to, 

The  Masbate  beds  are  so  tilted  as  to  form  an  angle  of  70°  with  the  horizon! 
* * * 

Masbate. — The  coal  which  up  to  present  times  has  been  found  in  the  Phil  ■ 
pine  Islands  is  not  true  coal,  but  lignite,  probably  of  the  Tertiary  period,  and  o i 
variety  which  can  scarcely  be  distinguished  by  the  eye  from  true  coal.  There  i 
no  reason  why  true  coal  should  not  eventually  be  found,  for  it  is  found  and  worl  1 
in  Japan,  whose  geological  formation  has  much  in  common  with  that  of  is 
Philippines.  There  has  been  no  systematic  search  made  in  these  islands  for  cc, 
and  wherever  it  has  been  found  it  has  betrayed  its  presence  by  outcrops.  Th , 
in  the  Island  of  Masbate,  a local  steamship  owner  drew  his  supplies  from  a t. 
of  coal  which  is  so  tilted  as  to  have  the  appearance  of  a vein.  He  suppli. 
himself  as  long  as  his  native  laborers  could  get  the  coal  with  crowbars. 

Mr.  Hilton,  who  examined  this  bed  cursorily,  estimated  the  available  quant 
of  coal  at  about  600,000  tons  in  that  particular  concession.  He  is,  however, 
opinion  that  very  much  larger  quantities  are  available  in  adjoining  concession 
These  mines  are  practically  untouched,  and,  as  they  are  situated  within  a f 
miles  of  the  coast,  they  can  be  worked  at  a profit  by  whomsoever  should  venti 
to  introduce  the  necessary  capital.  Mr.  Hilton,  after  trying  it  in  a local  steam 
gives  it  the  character  of  a “very  good  steam  coal.”  A similar  quality  of  lign 
has  recently  been  found  in  the  district  where  the  Philippines  Mineral  Syndic! 
is  now  working,  and  it  will  soon  be  tried  for  the  production  of  steam. 

Cebu. — The  only  coal  deposits  which  have  been  to  a certain  extent  develop 
in  the  Philippine  Archipelago,  and  of  which  a scientific  and  reliable  record  exi ) 
in  the  shape  of  a report  by  the  chief  inspector  of  mines,  Senor  Enrique  Abe 
y Casariego,  are  those  in  the  Island  of  Cebu.  This  report  is  embodied  in  a wo: 
entitled  Rapida  Descripcion  Fisica,  Geologica  y Minera  de  la  Isla  de  Cebu  (Are! 
pelago  Filipino).  * * * The  coal  deposits  of  Cebu  were  first  examined 

1855  by  the  Government  mining  engineer,  Senor  Hernandez,  who,  without  he 
tation,  described  the  coal  as  “lignita”  (lignite).  A few  years  later,  howev, 
another  Government  engineer,  Senor  Centeno,  declared  the  formation  in  whi 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


397 


the  coal  occurs  to  belong  to  the  true  carboniferous  system,  and  proclaimed  the 
discovery  of  a true  coal  field  of  large  dimensions,  the  eastern  rim  of  which  cropped 
out  in  the  Island  of  Cebu,  while  its  western  rim  came  to  the  surface  in  the  Island 
of  Negros.  Analysis  proved  Senor  Centeno  to  be  in  the  wrong,  for  the  contents 
— or  carbon — of  the  coal  of  Cebu  do  not  exceed  54  per  cent,  against  the  mini- 
mum of  75  per  cent,  which  true  coal  contains. 

Senor  Abella  describes  the  Cebu  coal  as  lignita  pieiformes  (pitchy  lignite), 
very  black,  and  in  some  instances  resembling  cannel  coal.  In  carefully  conducted 
official  trials,  best  Cebu  coal  figured  as  follows  in  relation  to  good  Australian  and 
British  coal,  viz.,  156  parts  Cebu  equal  to  147  parts  Australian  and  121  parts 
British  coal. 

The  carboniferous  formation  extends  over  the  greater  part  of  the  Island  of 
Cebu.  From  Balamban  and  Sogod,  as  far  as  Malabuyuc  and  Bojoon,  a distance 
of  over  fifty  miles,  there  is  scarcely  a village  that  has  not  its  show  of  coal  out- 
crops. These  have  been  worked  on  many  points,  and  the  aggregate  amount  of 
development  is  not  inconsiderable. 

At  one  time  the  Government  attached  so  much  importance  to  the  coal  deposits 
in  Cebu  that  it  established  a monopoly,  but  this  was  soon  abandoned  and  the 
industry  thrown  open  to  all  comers.  For  a time  coal  mining  in  Cebu  became 
quite  a rage,  any  number  of  concessions  were  taken  up,  and  several  companies 
established  for  their  development.  In  one  or  two  cases  a considerable  amount 
of  capital  was  expended.  Although  faults  frequently  occur,  large  quantities  of 
workable  coal  were  found;  but  the  absence  of  roads,  and  the  necessity  of  invest- 
ing large  sums  in  railways,  in  order  to  meet  the  competition  from  England,  Aus- 
tralia and  Japan,  soon  caused  a reaction  and  put  a stop  to  the  industry.  The 
present  annual  production  of  Cebu  does  not  meet  one-tenth  of  the  demand  of 
Manila,  where  the  annual  consumption  of  coal  exceeds  60,000  tons  * * * In 

the  mines  of  TTlung  five  beds  have  been  ascertained  to  occur,  measuring,  respect- 
ively, 3 feet  8 inches,  3 feet  8 inches,  3 feet  8 inches,  5 feet  8 inches,  5 feet.* 
******:£ 

[Advance  Sheets  of  Consular  Reports,  No.  152,  June  28,  1898.] 

On  the  small  Island  of  Batan,  to  the  southeast  of  Luzon,  just  through  the 
Straits  of  San  Bernardino,  there  are  extensive  coal  deposits,  now  worked  by 

* Note  by  Mr.  Karuth. — True  coal  has  not  been  found  as  yet  in  the  islands.  All  the 
coal  mined  in  Cebu,  Masbate,  and  elsewhere  is  “lignite”  of  very  good  quality,  but  want- 
ing the  proportion  of  carbon  which  is  characteristic  of  true  coal.  True  coal  will  perhaps 
be  found  in  the  islands  of  Mindero  and  Mindanao. 


398 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


Messrs.  Gil  Hermanos,  of  Virao,  Island  of  Catanduanes.  This  coal  is  used  by 
their  own  steamer  Josefa  Gorrono,  plying  around  the  coast  of  Catanduanes,  and 
occasionally  coming  to  Manila  with  hemp,  and  also  by  other  local  steamers.  The 
mine  is  called  Yisaya,  and  stocks  of  coal  are  generally  on  the  beach.  There  is 
a safe  anchorage  for  vessels  close  by  during  the  northeast  monsoon.  In  the  south- 
west monsoon  vessels  can  anchor  anywhere  around  in  smooth  water.  The  coal  is 
not  equal  to  Japanese,  hut  is  good  enough  for  emergency  and  easily  obtainable. 
The  mines  are  situated  in  latitude  13°  15"  north,  longitude  130°  16"  east  (meridian 
of  San  Fernando),  approximately. 

Other  extensive  coal  mines  are  also  being  worked  in  the  village  of  Com- 
postela, close  to  the  city  of  Cebu.  This  coal  is  of  superior  quality  and  stocks  are 
always  available. 

[China  Sea  Directory,  London,  1889,  and  Supplement,  1893.] 

Northwest  Coast  of  Borneo  (p.  145). — Coal  is  obtained  from  mines  in  the 
vicinity  of  Muara  Harbor.  (Supplement,  1893,  says:  “These  mines  are  known 

as  the  Brooketown  collieries.  The  seam  being  worked  is  twenty-eight  feet  thick. 
There  are  many  coal  seams  in  the  vicinity  of  Muara  River.”)  The  mines  now  being 
worked  (1888)  are  connected  by  a tramway  with  the  pier  at  the  village,  and  are 
one  mile  distant  from  it.  The  coal  is  light,  very  friable,  but  of  good  quality,  and 
is  delivered  on  board  for  $6  per  ton.  Quantities  from  500  to  2,000  tons  are  kept 
in  store,  under  cover.  Two  fifty-ton  schooners  and  a small  tug  are  available  for 
coaling  vessels  at  the  anchorage,  and  sixty  tons  can  be  put  on  board  from  them 
in  twelve  hours,  the  coal  being  taken  off  in  bulk  and  put  on  board  in  baskets. 

In  February,  1888,  the  principal  mine  was  on  fire;  but  as  coal  seams  varying 
in  thickness  from  eighteen  to  twenty-five  feet,  running  in  a north  by  east  and 
south  by  west  direction  have  been  found  between  Bruni  Bluff  and  Pisang  Mount, 
and  are  believed  to  exist  from  the  town  of  Bruni  northward  to  the  sea,  the  supply 
in  this  district,  as  soon  as  the  necessary  mining  skill  and  money  are  forthcoming, 
may  be  said  to  be  jmactically  inexhaustible.  The  annual  output  of  the  mines, 
worked  with  the  present  crude  means,  is  10,000  tons,  the  depth  as  reached  being 
eighty-five  feet.  About  220  Malays  are  employed. 

Labuan  (p.  158). — A large  supply  of  coal  obtained  from  the  coal  mines  at 
the  north  end  of  the  island  was  formerly  kept  in  store  in  Victoria  Harbor;  latterly 
about  300  tons  obtained  from  the  Muara  coal  mines  has  been  usually  kept  in 
stock  and  put  on  board  in  baskets,  either  from  the  jetty  or  from  lighters,  at 
$7  a ton.  The  attendance  of  lighters  can  not  always  be  depended  on. 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


399 


Tong-King  (p.  42,  supplement).— Coal  mines  have  been  found  a few  miles 
off  Mines  River,  east  of  Hongai  Bay  or  Port  Courbet.  A railway  about  four  miles 
in  length  connects  the  Nagotna  mine  with  the  port  jetty,  and  a large  output  was 
anticipated  in  1891,  something  approaching  800  tons  daily.  The  coal  is  said 
to  be  of  good  quality.  A steamer  of  2,000  tons  burden  can  lie  afloat  at  the  jetty, 
and  there  is  a good  workshop  for  small  repairs. 

Tong-King  (p.  486). — Several  channels  lead  from  Fai  tsi  long  Bay,  past 
Colosse  Island,  738  feet  high,  to  Kehao,  where  important  coal  beds  have  been 
found  similar  to  those  at  Port  Courbet. 

Borneo  (p.  4). — Borneo  appears  to  he  rich  in  minerals.  In  the  state  of 
Landak  the  great  diamond  of  the  rajah  of  Matan  was  found.  The  territory  of 
Montrado,  north  of  Landak,  has  several  gold  mines.  In  British  North  Borneo 
gold,  copper,  tin,  and  coals  have  been  found.  In  Province  Dent  a seam  of  coal 
rises  to  the  surface  and  is  said  to  he  of  excellent  quality. 

China  Sea  (p.  6). — Coals  can  be  obtained  at  the  following  ports:  Sarawak, 

Muara  Harbor,  Labuan,  Kudat  Harbor,  Manila,  Port  Sual,  Bangkok,  Saigon, 

ITouron  Bay,  and  Hoihau  Bay. 

Northwest  Luzon  (p.  347). — Coals  are  brought  from  Lingayen  to  Sual  at  $18 

the  ton. 

Anam,  China,  latitude  16°  N.,  longitude  107°  E.  (p.  461). — At  Hong  Sone,  two 
days’  journey  to  the  southwest  of  Touron,  is  a considerable  coal  mine.  The  coal 
obtained  from  it  burns  quickly  when  used  by  itself;  its  price  in  1883  was  29  shillings 
the  ton. 

[Eastern  Archipelago,  Part  I.  (Eastern  Part),  1890.  (British  Admiralty).] 

Negros  (p.  247).- — Layers  of  coal  have  recently  (1879)  been  discovered  in  this 
part  of  Negros,  and  outcrops  of  coal  have  been  found  in  the  rivers  which  enter 
the  sea  near  the  towns  of  Calatrava  and  Talahe. 

[Isaac  M.  Elliott,  ex-U.  S.  Consul  at  Manila,  in  Scribner’s  Magazine  for  July,  1898,  Manila 

and  the  Philippines,  p.  19.] 

Mindoro. — The  mineral  wealth  of  these  islands  is  not  believed  to  he  of  great 
importance,  although  vast  regions  are  practically  unexplored.  Gold  has  been 
found,  but  not  in  paying  quantities.  A discovery  of  immense  value  was  made  a 
few  years  ago  in  an  accidental  manner.  The  American  ship  Richard  Parsons 
was  wrecked  on  the  western  coast  of  the  Island  of  Mindoro.  Captain  Joy,  of 
Nantucket,  Mass.,  and  his  crew  were  forced  to  cross  to  a port  on  the  eastern  coast 
in  order  to  reach  any  vessel  that  could  carry  them  to  Manila.  To  do  this  they 


400 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


made  a seventeen  days’  journey  through  the  wilderness  and  over  a range  of  moun- 
tains. In  these  mountains  they  came  upon  great  ledges  of  coal,  which  are  out- 
cropping, and  thousands  of  tons  had  broken  off  and  accumulated  at  the  base  of 
the  cliffs.  On  hearing  of  this  discovery  the  Spanish  Government  immediately 
confiscated  the  lands,  but  they  have  never  done  anything  toward  developing  this 
great  deposit  of  coal.  All  the  coal  now  used  in  the  islands  is  imported  from 
Australia. 

[Johnson’s  Cyclopedia,  New  York,  1894.] 

Japan. — Coal  is  largely  worked  on  the  northern  coast  of  Kiushiu  (Nagasaki, 
Karatsu),  and  "in  Yezo  (Poronai). 

[W.  B.  Williams,  President.  Wm.  Jamison,  Secretary.] 

Hiteman  Miners’  Committee, 

Hiteman,  Iowa,  May  31,  1898. 

Dear  Sir:  I made  suggestions  to  our  Representative  in  Congress  (J.  F.  Lacey) 
that  it  would  be  to  the  advantage  of  our  Government  if  they  would  send  an  organ- 
ized company  of  miners  to  the  Philippine  Islands  to  help  establish  and  maintain 
order  in  those  islands,  and  when  that  is  done  that  we  look  after  the  mineral 
resources  of  the  country.  Inclosed  you  will  find  his  reply,  which  is  confidential. 
I shall  now  try  to  explain  why  I think  it  would  he  of  benefit  to  us  to  control  the 
coal  mines  in  those  islands.  In  the  first  place,  the  mines  there  have  not  been 
developed,  for  the  reason  that  under  the  Spanish  only  they  were  taxed  so  that  it 
was  impossible  to  successfully  work  them. 

In  Caransan  there  is  quite  a coal  basin — this  is  south  of  Manila — and  in  the 
upper  part  of  the  Island  of  Luzon*  there  are  several  veins  of  coal,  which  is  of 
good  quality;  in  some  respects  it  is  superior  to  the  coal  from  Vancouver.  Now, 
if  we  hold  those  islands  and  this  mineral  exists  there,  I think  it  would  certainly 
show  bad  management  on  the  part  of  our  Government  if  we  neglected  to  make  use 
of  it.  And  if  we  could  supply  coal  for  our  vessels  in  the  Indian  Ocean  from  the 
coal  mines  in  the  Philippines  it  would  be  a great  saving  to  the  Government  and 
also  be  an  incentive  to  enterprise  and  industry.  Now,  Mr.  Curtis,  from  reading 
your  letters  in  the  Record  for  the  past  four  years,  I know  you  are  in  a position 
so  that  you  can  call  the  attention  of  the  proper  authorities  to  the  suggestions  which 
I advance,  and  if  I have  the  sanction  of  the  authorities,  I can  organize  a com- 
plete company  of  miners,  from  mining  engineers  to  mule  drivers,  and  all  of  the 
skilled  labor  needed  around  a coal  mine,  and  if  it  is  not  too  much  trouble  I wish 


♦Probably  the  mines  near  Lingayen  are  meant. — E.  H. 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


401 


y.L  would  call  some  of  the  officials’  attention  to  this  matter.  I am  no  father’s 
sc,  hut  I am  an  American. 

Respectfully,  yours,  WM.  JAMISON. 

WLLIAM  E.  CURTIS, 

Chicago  Record. 

Hiteman,  Iowa,  September  1,  1898. 

:iB.  Bradford,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Sir:  My  information  in  regard  to  coal  in  the  Philippines  has  been 

:iied  by  intimate  acquaintance  with  a Swede  miner  named  Swanson,  who  had 
eked  for  some  English  company  in  their  mines  north  of  Manila.  He  left  here 
c e five  wreeks  since,  and  said  he  was  going  back  to  the  islands  if  he  could 
’( >ibly  get  there. 

Respectfully,  yours,  WM.  JAMISON. 

[Copy  of  cipher  cablegram  received  August  5,  1898,  from  naval  attache  at  Paris.] 


Have  received  reliable  information  that  the  commander-in-chief  (of)  the 
nman  squadron  in  China  recently  forwarded  to  Berlin,  Germany,  extensive 
re  irt  (of  the)  German  engineer  on  mineral  resources  of  the  Philippine  Islands, 
aieularly  coal  deposits,  all  of  which  described  containing  considerable  sulphur, 
x pting  one  deposit,  which  being  free  from  sulphur  is  necessary  to  the  develop- 
ii  t of  the  mineral  resources.  I can  not  give  name  of  the  island  containing  this 
e >sit. 

OTE — A later  telegram  from  naval  attache  at  Berlin  states  that  the  island  above 
3l  'red  to  is  probably  Sebu. 

B R.  von  Drasche,  published  in  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Geological  Service,  Vienna, 
Austria,  March  7,  1876,  p.  251.] 

Reference  to  coal  mines  of  Bakon,  in  the  extreme  southeast  of  the  Island  of 
>n;  no  details  given. 

THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 

[Johnson’s  Universal  Cyclopedia  (1895). — Article  revised  by  C.  C.  Adams.] 

A group  of  over  400  islands,  extending  across  16  degrees  of  latitude,  between 
nosa,  and  the  Muluccas,  and  forming  the  northern  part  of  the  Malay  Archi- 
Uo.  The  largest  are  Luzon,  Mindanao,  Samar,  Mindoro,  Panay,  Leyte,  Negros, 
aiate,  and  Sebu.  The  total  area  is  estimated  at  114,326  square  miles,  all  under 
aiish  rule  and  divided  into  forty-three  provinces.  Population  about  7,000,000. 
fi  Philippine  Islands  are  of  volcanic  origin.  Active  volcanoes  are  found  through- 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


402 

out  the  whole  group,  such  as  Mayon  iu  Luzon  and  Buhayan  in  Mindanao,  ai 
earthquakes  are  frequent  and  often  violent.  In  1863  Manila,  the  capital  of  Luzc 
was  nearly  destroyed,  and  in  1864  the  whole  province  of  Zamboanga,  in  Mindam 
was  fearfully  devastated.  The  soil  is  exceedingly  fertile,  and,  as  water  is  abundai 
both  in  lakes  and  rivers,  and  the  climate  is  hot  and  moist,  vegetable  life  reach 
here  an  almost  gigantic  development. 

The  mountains,  rising  to  a height  of  7,000  feet,  are  covered  to  their  very  to 
with  forests  of  immense  trees,  yielding  excellent  timber  and  many  of  the  m< 
valuable  sorts  of  wood.  Teak,  ebony,  cedar,  and  gum  trees,  iron  and  sapan  wo 
are  interspersed  with  breadfruit  and  cocoanut  trees,  oranges,  citrons,  mango,  tan 
rinds,  and  other  varieties  of  fruit  trees,  the  whole  hound  together  with  floati 
garlands  of  huge  climbing  plants  and  brilliant  parasites.  On  the  extensive  slo] 
and  in  the  valleys  are  cultivated  abaca,  or  hemp,  of  which  about  65,000  tons : 
annually  exported.  In  1890  8,000  tons  of  tobacco  and  110,000,000  cigars  w« 
exported.  The  other  products  are  cotton,  sugar,  coffee,  indigo,  rice,  wheat,  mai , 
pepper,  ginger,  vanilla,  cinnamon,  cocoa,  etc.  Of  dangerous  wild  beasts  there  t 
none;  oxen,  buffaloes,  horses,  goats,  sheep,  and  swine  of  peculiar  but  excellent  bre<  i 
are  extensively  reared;  deer,  wild  hoars,  pheasants,  ducks,  and  fine  fish  are  abi  ■ 
dant;  the  forests  swarm  with  monkeys,  squirrels,  parrots,  sunbirds,  and  bees;  1: 
jungles  with  lizards,  snakes,  tarantulas,  mosquitoes,  and  other  insects.  Gold  i 
found,  also  iron,  copper,  coal,  vermilion,  saltpeter,  quicksilver,  sulphur  (in  lau 
quantities  both  pure  and  mixed  with  copper  or  iron)  mother-of-pearl,  coral,  amt, 
and  tortoise  shell. 

The  Philippine  Islands  were  discovered  in  1521  by  Magellan,  who  died  h i 
in  the  same  year,  and  a few  years  later  the  Spaniards,  under  Villalobos,  took  p ■ 
session  of  the  group  and  named  it  in  honor  of  King  Philip  II.  of  Spain.  1,1 
inhabitants  consist  partly  of  Negritos,  who  have  woolly  hair  and  other  charact- 
istics  of  the  negro,  and  seemed  to  have  formed  the  aboriginal  population.  Tlj 
live  in  the  interior,  are  repulsive  and  savage  in  aspect,  and  roam  in  bands.  Tin 
are  only  a few  thousand  pure-blood  Negritos  left,  as  they  have  long  been  in  proof 
of  extermination  by  the  Malay  immigrants,  or  of  absorption  through  cross-breed  f 
with  other  peoples.  The  Malays  are  in  a large  part  Roman  Catholics,  settled  t 
villages,  and  engaged  in  agriculture  and  fishing.  They  possess  many  fine  branci 
of  industry,  as,  for  instance,  their  beautiful  mats  and  their  elegant  linen  fabii 
and  they  imitate  European  industry,  shipbuilding,  leather  dressing,  carriage  buj 
ing,  etc.,  with  great  success.  TEe  Chinese  and  the  mestizos,  descended  from  Chiu 
fathers  and  native  mothers,  are  mostly  engaged  in  commerce.  Very  few  Spanifi 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


403 


reside  in  the  islands,  bnt  the  Chinese  are  very  numerous,  and  natives  of  the 
Malayan  race  form  the  vast  majority  of  the  population. 

ABSTRACT  OF  ARTICLE  ON  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 

[In  Longman’s  Gazetteer  of  the  World,  London,  1895.] 

Minerals:  Gold  (Luzon,  Benguer,  Vicols,  Mindanao,  Misamis,  Surigao); 

galena  (50  per  cent  pure);  copper  (arsenical  pyrites,  16  per  cent  pure  copper,  Luzon, 
Lepanto,  Camarines,  Masbate,  Panay);  coal  (Luzon,  Cavansan  [Carausan?],  Negros, 
Cebu);  sulphur  (Leyte). 

Products:  Hemp,  sugar,  tobacco  (only  cultivated  in  all  the  Philippines  since 
1882),  coffee  (principally  since  1880),  woods,  rice,  some  cacao,  cotton.  Only  one- 
fifth  of  the  islands  are  under  cultivation. 

Industries:  Making  cigars,  abaca  tissues,  straw  hats,  perfumes,  sugar 

(£2,500,000  exported). 

Imports:  Food,  dress  materials,  fuel,  arms,  machinery,  and  iron. 

Commerce:  Greatest  with  England,  then  United  States,  Spain,  and  Germany. 

Exports  and  imports:  1891,  £10,000,000;  1892,  £12,500,000. 

Railroad:  Manila  to  Dagupan,  seventy  miles. 

Telegraph:  Seven  hundred  and  twenty  miles;  also  cable  to  Hongkong. 

THE  PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 

[From  Engineering,  London,  August  12,  1898.] 

The  present  state  of  affairs  in  the  Philippine  Islands  naturally  directs  atten- 
tion to  the  condition  of  their  trade  and  causes  speculation  to  be  made  regarding 
its  future.  A glance  at  the  map  shows  that  their  geographical,  and  therefore 
their  political,  position  is  very  important.  They,  along  with  Borneo,  form  the 
eastern  shores  of  the  South  China  Sea,  which  are  therefore  one-half  Spanish 
and  one-half  British,  while  the  British  Malay  Peninsula  and  French  Cochin  China 
form  the  western  shores,  with  Hongkong,  our  chief  far  Eastern  possession,  at  the 
head  of  this  narrow  storm-tossed  sea.  Not  only  do  they  form  an  important 
station  in  the  far  Eastern  seas,  and  a step  to  the  vast  population  of  China,  but 
their  great  natural  resources  cause  them  to  he  a most  desirable  possession;  so 
that  from  various  points  of  view  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  they  should 
not  fall  into  the  hands  of  any  foreign  power  except  America  or  Britain,  either 
of  which  would  not  only  develop  their  natural  resources,  but  also  use  them  for 


404 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


the  purpose  of  maintaining  an  “open  door”  for  the  commerce  of  all  countries 
with  the  far  East. 

The  Germans  are  beginning  to  express  the  opinion  that  they  do  not  possess 
their  legitimate  share  of  the  world,  and  to  insist  that  in  any  new  partition  of  any 
part  of  the  earth  they  should  get  their  fair  share.  They  are  supposed  to  have 
cast  longing  eyes  on  the  Philippines,  but  they  are  not  likely  to  interfere  by  force, 
for  they  know  that  such  a step  would  immediately  open  up  a very  large  question, 
and  nothing  has  happened  in  connection  with  the  recent  events  which  gives  them 
any  grounds  for  diplomatic  intervention,  which  the  United  States  would  be  certain 
to  resent. 

It  is,  indeed,  probable  that  the  real  difficulties  of  the  United  States  will  only 
begin  when  they  have  made  peace  with  Spain.  If  we  are  to  judge  from  the 
opinions  expressed  in  the  American  journals,  the  future  government  of  the  Philip- 
pines is  very  uncertain.  The  New  England  press,  as  a whole,  is  decidedly  opposed 
to  the  permanent  holding  of  the  islands.  It  is  pointed  out  that  under  the  Con- 
stitution there  is  no  machinery  for  the  government  of  8,000,000  or  10,000,000 
of  people  who  could  not  be  admitted  to  citizenship.  Moreover,  the  possession  of 
the  islands  would  rend  the  Monroe  doctrine  from  top  to  bottom,  and  would  tell 
very  much  against  the  United  States  in  any  difficulty  with  a foreign  power. 

On  the  other  hand,  some  influential  journals  favor  annexation  and  main- 
tain that  the  time  has  come  when  America  must  abandon  her  isolation  and  join 
in  the  universal  search  for  markets  and  footholds  in  distant  parts  of  the  world. 
They  maintain  that  the  possession  of  the  Philippines  would  support  an  Asiatic 
fleet  and  give  the  United  States  a better  position  among  the  nations  of  the  world, 
not  only  by  increasing  their  commerce  in  the  far  East,  but  generally  by  enabling 
them  to  take  that  place  among  nations  which  the  wealth,  population,  and  mental 
resources  of  the  country  entitle  it  to.  The  Pacific  coast  papers  are  specially  eager 
in  the  matter,  and  insist  that  with  an  important  station  in  the  far  East,  San 
Francisco  and  the  Pacific  coast  as  a whole  would  become,  in  time,  nearly  as  impor- 
tant as  is  the  East  now.  American  merchants  and  manufacturers,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  would  develop  the  riches  of  the  islands  and  create 
an  immense  field  for  commercial  enterprise.  Those  journals  not  in  favor  of 
annexation  are  of  opinion  that  the  island  should  be  transferred  to  England  or 
Japan,  whose  interests  are  essentially  the  same  as  those  of  the  United  States.  Such 
a step,  however,  would  at  once  raise  the  opposition  of  Russia,  and,  probably,  also 
of  Germany  and  France.  The  well-known  Russian  journal,  the  Novoe  Yremya, 
had  the  following  remarks  on  the  subject: 


EESOUECES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


405 


“It  looks  as  if  the  settlement  of  the  question  of  the  fate  of  the  Philippine 
stands  will  be  prolonged  for  some  time  to  come,  since  all  the  powers  that  have 
ny  use  of  their  hands  take  a keen  interest  in  this  ripe  and  tempting  bunch  of 
rapes.  The  future  fate  of  the  Philippines  can  he  assumed  in  the  following 
lanner:  Firstly,  the  United  States  can  rest  content  with  Cuba,  and  leave  the 
hilippines  to  Spain;  secondly,  Spain  may  retain  the  Philippines,  hut  under  the 
aaranty  of  the  United  States  the  necessary  reforms  shall  be  introduced  into 
le  islands;  thirdly,  the  Philippines  might  he  given  up  by  Spain,  and  then  estab- 
sh  a more  or  less  independent  republic  under  the  protection  of  the  United  States; 
id,  fourthly,  the  Philippines  can  be  annexed  by  the  United  States  on  the  ground 
' enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  a separate  State.  The  last  solution  of  the  question 
ems  to  us  the  least  likely  to  he  carried  into  effect  if  one  takes  into  consideration 
e distance  of  the  islands  from  the  American  continent,  the  general  predilection 
i the  part  of  Americans  to  observe  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  the  numerous  popula- 
m of  the  islands;  this  population  can  scarcely  be  expected  to  allow  themselves 
be  turned  into  American  citizens  without  a struggle.” 

"Whatever  solution  is  arrived  at,  the  writer  thinks  it  desirable  that  Eussia 
;ould  have  a coaling  station  in  the  Philippines.  As  the  war  between  Japan 
id  China  started  a great  many  important  questions,  so  in  like  manner  is  that 
'tween  the  United  States  and  Spain  certain  to  raise  some  new  factors  in  the 
tmplex  game  which  is  being  played  in  the  far  East. 

The  rebels  against  Spain  in  the  Philippines  evidently  mean  to  insist  on  a 
mblic  under  the  protection  of  the  United  States,  an  arrangement  which  they 
t'j  will  not  disturb  the  balance  of  influence  in  the  far  East,  and  they  promise 
t respect  and  protect  the  interest  of  all  powers.  They  remember,  they  say,  that 
1 5 Japanese  are  their  kinsmen;  that  England  is  the  great  nation  that  commands 
per  cent  of  their  import  trade,  and  whose  capital  is  invested  to  so  large  an 
e;ent  in  their  undertakings;  that  America  is  their  principal  market  for  the  export 
( sugar  and  hemp;  that  Germany  -and  France  are  now  opening  up  considerable 
t de,  and  that  Eussia,  Austria,  and  Italy  have  no  business  connections  in  the 
;:mds. 

The  principal  articles  imported  into  the  islands  include:  From  Spain,  printed 
cton  cambrics,  colored  yarns,  gunny  bags,  hats,  umbrellas,  leather  goods,  most 
o the  wine,  comestibles,  etc.,  lentils,  pulse,  beans  and  beer;  from  the  United 
Iigdom  goods  made  of  fine  yarns,  such  as  muslins,  etc.,  printed  jaconets,  corru- 
ged  and  sheet  iron  for  roofing,  cast-iron  and  yellow-metal  goods,  earthenware, 
t ned  provisions,  ham,  bacon,  and  flour;  from  Germany,  hardware  and  galvanized 


406 


RESOURCES  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


and  enameled  iron  goods,  cutlery,  paints  and  oils,  and  beer;  from  the  United 
States,  practically  all  the  flour  consumed  on  the  Manila  market.  The  protective 
tariff,  which  came  into  force  in  1891,  has  caused  a large  and  steadily  increasing 
quantity  of  the  trade  in  cotton  goods  and  yarns  to  be  diverted  from  the  United 
Kingdom  to  Barcelona,  and  has  also  put  a stop,  practically,  to  the  import  oi 
linen  goods.  Gunny  bags,  which  used  to  be  imported  from  Calcutta,  come  nov 
almost  exclusively  from  Barcelona,  and  Spain  likewise  provides  the  greater  pari 
of  the  comestibles,  wine,  etc.,  for  the  same  reason.  The  staple  products  and  prin- 
cipal articles  of  export  from  the  Philippines  are  tobacco  (leaf  and  cigars),  sugar 
hemp,  and  copra;  and  of  minor  importance,  coffee,  sapan  wood,  and  buffalo  hides 

There  is  a large  quantity  of  sugar  machinery  imported  into  the  Philippine! 
every  year,  mostly  of  British  manufacture;  but  lately  German  manufacturers  havi 
been  sending  out  some  burnished  mills,  which  have  taken  the  fancy  of  many  o 
the  native  planters,  who  like  show  and  also  long  credit.  The  natural  product; 
of  the  islands  are  timber,  including  many  valuable  woods  yielding  resins,  gums 
dye  products,  fine-grained  ornamental  wood,  and  heavy  timber  suitable  for  build 
ing  purposes,  copper,  and  copper  and  iron  pyrites.  Gold  is  also  found  in  som 
quantity,  and  there  are  two  coal  mines  situated  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Islam 
of  Cebu,  which  yield  sufficient  coal  to  supply  the  local  demand,  and  the  quality  i 
stated  to  be  little  inferior  to  Australian  and  better  than  Japanese. 

The  report  on  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  Philippine  Islands  for  th 
year  1897,  by  Mr.  Consul  Rawson  Walker,  contains  a considerable  amount  of  infoi 
mation,  but  as  it  was  written  before  the  arrival  of  the  United  States  fleet,  many  o 
the  conditions  are  now  completely  changed.  The  most  interesting  feature  in  tli 
report  is  a plan  of  the  new  harbor  works  at  Manila,  and  which  in  the  intervf 
have  been  the  scene  of  such  important  events.  It  is  stated  that  when  the  wort 
are  completed  at  the  port  of  Manila,  there  will  be  abundance  of  room,  not  onl 
for  men-of-war,  but  for  all  kinds  of  mercantile  craft  seeking  to  discharge  fchei 
cargoes,  or  coming  in  ballast  seeking  freight.  The  possession  of  this  harbor  wi 
add  to  the  value  of  the  Philippines  as  a naval  and  commercial  station. 


BOOK  V. 


HE  ISTHMIAN  CANALS.  THE  WATERWAYS  TO 
OUR  TROPICAL  POSSESSIONS, 

EAST  AND  WEST. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  debate  about  the  expansion  of  the  United  States  that  so  largely  occupies 
the  attention  of  our  own  people  goes  on  in  all  civilized  and  semi-barbarous  coun- 
tries. More  than  ever  before  in  the  records  of  the  nations  the  great  powers  of 
Europe  are  interested  in  the  extension,  organization  and  cultivation  of  their  colonies. 
Those  who  have  the  largest  area  of  possessions  that  are  not  contiguous — the  scraps 
of  distant  continents  and  islands  remote,  especially  in  the  tropics — are  the  most 
eager  of  the  expounders  and  the  exemplars  of  expansion.  The  only  country  in 
which  there  is  any  misgiving  that  appears  prominently  in  public  discussion  about 
the  pursuit  of  this  policy  is  our  own.  There  has  been  something  of  hesitation 
in  Germany  and  France,  but  that  has  passed  away.  Italy  has  had  a bitter  experience 
in  Africa,  hut  she  has  a grand  passion  to  possess  a piece  of  China  and  is  anxious 
to  advertise  her  solicitude.  There  is  no  need  to  speak  in  detail  of  the  imperial  policy 
of  Great  Britain  and  Russia.  Germany  is  eagerly  in  the  market  for  the  few  remnants 
we  did  not  insist  upon  taking  of  the  groups  of  islands  that  were,  after  she  lost  her 
continents,  the  pride  of  Spain.  There  is  no  sensitiveness  in  any  part  of  the  world 
about  the  great  powers  absorbing  the  smaller  ones  except  among  the  professors  of 
statesmanship  in  the  United  States;  and  it  is  safe  to  say  that  no  other  nation  has 
a Colonial  System  ready  made  and  long  tried  that  is  in  all  respects  as  available  and 
susceptible  to  the  legitimate  influences  of  public  opinion,  as  that  which  we  have, 
in  the  Government  of  the  territories  under  the  laws  of  Congress  and  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  President.  There  are  excellent  and  conclusive  examples  in  our  his- 
tory of  the  success  of  this  form  of  government  over  territories  and  of  people  that  it 
is  not  the  national  policy  to  permit  to  become  states.  The  peculiar  distinction  of 
our  States — that  element  in  them  that  makes  them  sovereign,  subordinate  only  to 
the  nationality  of  all  the  States — gives  scope  and  verge  for  the  expansion  of  our 
boundaries  without  embarrassment  of  the  General  Government,  and  for  the  consid- 
eration— to  use  the  phrase  of  ex-President  Harrison — of  “the  quality  as  well  as 
the  numbers”  of  the  inhabitants.  The  singular  sentimentality,  that  has  had  many 
deliverances  in  opposition  to  our  own  occupation  of  our  conquests  from  Spain,  and 
that  has  insisted  strangely  and  with  a ludicrous  obstinacy  in  repetition,  that  we 
have  been  conquering  archipelagoes  simply  through  benevolence  based  upon  infinite 
charity,  without  other  selfishness  than  that  which  arises  from  the  due  consideration 
of  our  health,  is  something  that  has  come  down  to  us  in  a thin  streak  from  former 
generations.  The  persons  and  the  views,  both  rather  cloudy  in  mind  and  will  and 

409 


410 


INTRODUCTION. 


uncertain  in  attention,  that  have  formed  this  milky  way  so  that  it  shows  faintly 
upon  the  sky  that  arches  our  imperial  domain,  is  made  of  the  individualities  that 
perpetually  yield  to  an  instinct  that  guides  and  drives  them  into  the  minorities 
that  look  on  and  scold,  while  the  majorities  in  their  masterful  way  that  is  demo- 
cratic and  according  to  the  forms  that  are  republican,  “order  and  command,”  the 
procession  of  the  events  that  mark  progress. 

The  fact  that  we  send  troop  ships  from  both  our  ocean  fronts  to  the  luxuriant 
archipelago  that  borders  the  sea  of  China  on  the  east,  and  that  our  ships  going 
east  and  west  meet  in  the  harbor  of  Manila,  girdling  the  earth  in  doing  so,  is  of 
universal  fame.  The  attention  of  all  enlightened  peoples  is  directed  by  these 
political,  military  and  naval  phenomena,  to  the  Isthmus  of  Suez  and  the  Isthmus 
of  Darien,  the  links — would  that  they  were  missing — that  bind  the  southern  con- 
tinents of  America  and  Africa  to  the  dominant  North  and  vast  and  ancient  Asia; 
and  there  is  a consensus  of  opinion  uniting  the  living  nations  that  at  last  we  must 
have  another  isthmian  ship  canal.  One  cannot  look  upon  a map  of  the  world  with- 
out the  conviction  that  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  will  be  cut  through,  as  that  the  Suez 
Isthmus  has  been  severed,  and  that  the  United  States  of  America  with  her  ocean  and 
sea  and  lake  boundaries,  has  the  greater  responsibility  to  press  this  gigantic  work, 
for  we  would  have  the  greater  profit  of  it,  not  merely  in  the  prosperity  of  commerce, 
but  in  the  strength  of  our  situation.  Beyond  this,  the  waterways  around  the  earth, 
now  no  longer  in  dreamy  contemplation,  but  matters  of  urgency,  will  aid  all"  the 
good  works  of  men  by  making,  the  nations  more  neighborly.  The  Suez  Canal  is 
one  of  the  wonders  of  enterprise  successful  in  proportion  to  its  magnitude,  and  the 
expansion  of  America — and  the  bugles  have  sounded  it,  as  a movement  that  can 
never  be  recalled — has  made  definite  and  certain  that  one  of  the  proposed  Darien 
canals,  the  Panama  or  the  Nicaragua,  between  the  greater  ocean  of  the  globe  and  the 
Mediterranean  of  our  hemisphere,  must  and  shall  soon  be  constructed.  We  do  not 
enter  upon  the  question  of  precedence  between  the  Panama  and  Nicaragua  schemes, 
but  consider  carefully  in  the  occupancy  of  space  the  equities,  just  as  if  there  were 
no  embarrassing  conditions — nothing  but  the  physical  obstacles  to  be  overcome — 
giving  the  larger  share  to  the  Panama  route  because  lately  it  has  been  least  before 
our  people;  and  the  mystery  of  the  omission  of  Congress  to  act,  we  have  tried  to 
clear  away  pro  bono  publico.  There  is  a question  of  stock  companies  and  inter- 
national principles  that  must  be  decided  before  we  are  committed  to  one  project 
or  the  other.  We  shall  probably  have  to  wipe  out  a few  corporations  and  promote 
the  negotiation,  ratification  and  execution  of  honest  and  substantial  treaties  that 
we  may  plant  our  inevitable  millions — perhaps  more  than  one  hundred  of  millions — 
under  an  unclouded  title  upon  indestructible  foundations. 


biLH-OIid  i Ilia  .fHJ,  HOIHM  S.I  OOHTVYJT  v*TO  <T?TXOnTrT.f?,MOn  •ywWTTV 


• > ! 


A MALAY  CHIEF  OF  MAGIBON,  JOLO  PROVINCE,  WITH  HIS  FAMILY  AND  SERVITORS. 


NATIVE  WOMAN’S  DRESS,  MANILA. 


TYPES  OF  FILIPINO  WOMEN. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 

The  Two  Mediterraneans — The  Era  of  Enterprise  in  the  World’s  Waterways — 
The  New  Panama  Company — Immense  Work  Done — Steady  Prosecution 
of  the  Task — More  than  Three  Thousand  Men  Employed  in  Excavating — 
The  Curiously  Interesting  Story  of  the  Canal — The  Misfortune  of  the 
De  Lesseps  Failure  Not  Final — Facts  and  Figures  That  Should  Restore 
the  Faded  Interest  of  the  American  People. 

There  are  two  Mediterranean  seas — one  in  the  Eastern  and  one  in  the  Western 
hemisphere.  That  situated  between  Europe  and  Africa  and  bounding  Central 
Asia  on  the  west  from  Egypt  to  the  Hellespont  is  the  ocean  of  the  ancients  whose 
history  is  most  familiar  to  us — the  seat  of  the  sea  power  of  the  earlier  empires — 
transpierced  in  the  center  by  the  Italian  peninsula,  with  the  Island  of  Sicily, 
for  which  the  Greeks,  Carthaginians  and  Romans  fought,  until  Rome  became 
the  master  of  the  world  that  surrounded  the  sea  that  was  in  the  middle  of  the 
earth.  Africa  seems  to  hang  to  Asia  by  a narrow  neck  of  land,  and  swing  in  the 
abyss  of  the  Southern  Oceans — a vast  river,  the  Nile,  flowing  north  from  South 
Africa  to  the  historic  Mediterranean,  the  other  great  channels  of  African  drainage 
pouring  their  floods  into  the  Atlantic.  Through  the  Isthmus  of  Suez  is  excavated 
the  most  famous  of  canals,  and  it  has  become  the  key  to  the  British  Empire, 
committed  now  to  hold  Egypt  as  long  as  she  governs  India,  and  cares  for  her 
commerce  in  Asiatic  waters.  We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  have  a deeper 
interest  in  the  haunts  of  the  ancients  than  in  other  days,  when  we  study  the 
voyages  of  our  regiments  by  way  of  Gibraltar  and  the  Suez  Canal  en  route  in 
our  troopships  for  Manila.  The  canal  between  Africa  and  Asia  has  become  a 
highroad  for  our  ships  and  troops  from  Atlantic  shores  to  our  new  possessions 
on  the  other  side  of  the  world.  The  Gulf  of  Mexico  is  the  American  Mediter- 
ranean, North  America  on  the  north,  and  South  America  on  the  south,  the 
peninsulas  of  Florida  and  Yucatan  with  the  Island  of  Cuba  separating  the  huge 
Gulf  from  the  Atlantic  Ocean  and  the  Caribbean  Sea.  The  correspondence  between 
the  two  Mediterranean  seas,  that  of  the  old  world,  from  which  Columbus  came 
and  that  of  the  new  he  discovered,  is  in  many  respects  remarkable.  No  map  of 
the  world  fails  to  make  conspicuous  the  two  seas  that  are  central  to  the  old  and 

the  new.  South  America  seems  suspended  like  a prodigious  pendulum,  as  we  turn 

413 


414 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


a model  of  the  globe,  by  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  to  North  America,  whose  gigantic 
arctic  region  is  fixed  in  eternal  ice;  and  the  construction  of  a canal  uniting  the 
American  Mediterranean  with  the  Pacific,  as  that  of  Suez  with  the  old  Mediter- 
ranean by  way  of  the  Eed  Sea  with  the  Indian  Ocean,  and  that,  by  the  Sea  of  China 
with  the  Pacific,  has  ceased  to  be  of  dreams  like  those  of  flying  to  the  moon,  and 
is  a colossal  enterprise,  not  only  an  ultimate  hope,  but  an  improvement  certain 
of  execution  at  no  very  distant  day.  There  is  Capital  and  Labor  to  do  it,  and  the 
first  difficulty  is  the  obstinate  and  momentous  one  of  the  choice  of  routes.  There 
are  rival  plans,  the  Panama  and  the  Nicaragua.  The  latter  has  absorbed  the 
greater  attention  in  America,  the  former  in  Europe.  It  is  probable  that  sooner 
than  would  be  readily  conjectured,  both  will  be  completed  and  in  competi- 
tion until  they  find  it  reasonable  and  profitable  to  adopt  the  railroad  trunk-line 
transcontinental  policy,  fixing  rates  to  improve  the  standing  of  the  stock,  repre- 
senting tremendous  investments.  Once  it  was  a wonder  that  there  should  be  a 
railroad  across  the  continent  of  North  America.  Now  the  average  citizen  does 
not  know  the  number  of  lines  that  bind  our  dominions  in  bonds  of  steel,  and  span 
our  Rocky  Mountains  and  alkali  plains  with  such  ease  of  transfer  that  we  cease  to 
compute  them  as  elevations  or  spaces,  save  as  in  distance  measured  by  time, 
the  freight  rates  and  car  fare. 

If  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  had  been  a sandy  plain  like  that  of  Suez,  it  would 
have  been  cut  through  by  a ship  canal  long  ago,  and  the  thoroughfare  undoubtedly 
the  property  of  England,  possibly  with  France  for  a partner,  but  the  English 
would  have  had  the  majority  interest  in  navigation,  the  greater  weight  of  capital, 
the  higher  appreciation  of  commerce,  and  the  deeper  and  keener  sense  of  possession. 

The  world  heard,  along  with  the  measurements  of  the  rugged  strip  of  rocks 
that  is  the  chief  obstruction  of  the  circumnavigation  of  the  earth  in  the  tropics, 
of  the  peaks  of  Darien,  from  which  Balboa  beheld  the  broader  of  the  Oceans.  The 
discovery  of  the  Pacific  was  the  opening  of  the  most  wonderful  waste  of  waters 
in  the  world,  and  the  imagination  of  adventurers  soon  peopled  this  great  deep 
with  surpassing  visions  of  splendor,  and  there  have  been  four  centuries  of  blended 
history  and  commerce. 

D.  C.  Rodrigues,  LL.  B.,  in  a work  on  the  Panama  Canal — Chas.  Scribner  & 
Sons,  1885 — devoted  a chapter  chiefly  to  the  first  centuries  of  the  history  of  the 
American  isthmus.  As  Rodrigues  wrote,  we  quote  “The  Panama  Canal,”  pages 
5-17: 

“The  idea  of  piercing  the  isthmus  between  the  two  Americas  is  almost  con- 
temporaneous with  the  first  knowledge  of  the  isthmus  itself.  The  early  navigators 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


415 


could  not  help  noticing  how  near  to  each  other  were  the  two  oceans,  and  how 
comparatively  easy  would  he  (they  thought)  the  cutting  of  a canal  through  that 
narrow  strip  of  land  between  them.  The  celebrated  Portuguese  navigator,  Antonio 
Galvao,  as  early  as  1550,  wrote  an  essay  on  the  subject,  wherein  he  suggested 
four  different  lines,  one  of  which  was  through  the  lake  of  Nicaragua,  and  the 
other  by  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  Lopez  Gomara,  the  Spanish  historian,  mentions 
in  1551  the  four  routes  of  which  he  very  likely  learned  from  the  monograph  of 
Galvao. 

“The  idea,  however,  remained  dormant  for  fully  two  centuries.  One  of  the 
earliest  exploits  of  Nelson  was  the  attack  on  Port  San  Juan  in  1779,  with  the 
ulterior  purpose,  it  appears,  of  controlling  the  river  and  lake  communications 
between  the  two  oceans,  of  which  the  fort  was  supposed  to  be  the  best  debouehe. 
Fever,  however,  decimated  his  crew,  and  he  returned  to  England.  In  the  mean- 
time Charles  III.  of  Spain  sent  out  the  really  first  exploring  expedition  under 
Manuel  Galistro,  in  1780;  but  the  subsequent  political  complications  in  the  Euro- 
pean politics  diverted  attention  from  his  project.  In  the  beginning  of  our  century, 
Humboldt,  who  studied  on  the  spot  the  problem  of  piercing  the  isthmus,  strongly 
endorsed  its  feasibility,  but  all  Europe  was  then,  and  remained  for  many  years 
afterwards,  in  a great  and  general  political  reorganization.  Most  of  the  Spanish 
colonies  in  America  threw  off  the  yoke  of  the  mother  country  between  1820  and 
1825,  and,  although  the  first  survey  of  any  part  of  the  isthmus  did  not  really 
take  place  until  twenty  years  later,  the  well-known  configuration  of  the  isthmus 
strengthened  the  belief  in  the  possibility  of  opening  a canal,  and  the  question 
was  now  and  then  ventilated.  It  is  to  the  great  credit  of  the  Spanish  Central 
American  republics  that  as  soon  as  they  had  secured  their  independence  they  de- 
voted themselves  to  the  problem  of  procuring  aid  to  forward  the  idea  of  inter- 
oceanic  communication.  In  1823,  Lacerda,  afterwards  Governor  of  Nicaragua, 
called  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  of  the  Republic  to  the  subject.  Two  years 
later  we  find  a minister  of  the  Republic  in  Washington  addressing  a note  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Clay,  urging  the  United  States  to  co-operate  for  the  con- 
struction of  a canal  which,  he  says,  should  have  been  built  long  before.  That  pro- 
posal, dated  February  8,  1825,  really  invited  the  United  States  to  conclude  a treaty 
for  a canal  so  as  to  “perpetually  secure  the  possession  of  it  to  the  twn  nations.” 
At  that  time  no  sufficient  data  had  been  brought  to  light  to  warrant  Mr.  Clay  in 
committing  the  United  States  to  a policy  which  otherwise  would  have  been  entirely 
acceptable  to  President  Adams  and  to  the  American  people.  Mr.  Clay  appointed 
a new  minister  to  Central  America,  and  instructed  him  to  further  investigate 


416 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


the  matter.  In  1826  the  Mexican  Government  ordered  a survey  of  the  Tehuan- 
tepec to  be  made  by  General  Orbeguozo,  who,  however,  only  made  a casual  exam- 
ination. 

“In  1828,  Boliver,  President  of  the  Republic  of  New  Granada,  gave  to  John 
A.  Lloyd  and  to  Falemar  a commission  for  a reconnoissance,  with  the  immediate 
object  of  a roadway  between  the  two  oceans.  They  found  the  mean  height  of  the 
Pacific  or  Panama  to  be  3.52  feet  above  the  Atlantic  at  the  Chagres’  mouth,  and 
that  at  low  water  both  oceans  are  the  same  quantities  below  their  respective  mean 
levels:  and  as  to  interoceanic  communication,  they  seemed  to  favor  the  isthmus 
at  its  narrowest  region,  just  where  there  is  a depression  in  the  great  range  of 
mountains. 

“One  year  after  the  return  of  Lloyd,  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  as  patron 
of  a private  association,  arranged  with  Central  America  for  cutting  a canal  ‘to  he 
open  on  same  terms  to  all  nations/  But  the  political  troubles  between  Belgium 
and  Holland  caused  the  scheme  to  miscarry. 

“For  five  years  no  effort  was  made  that  is  deserving  of  consideration  until 
the  United  States  Government  dispatched  Chas.  Biddle  to  the  isthmus  as  an 
agent  to  investigate  what  plans,  surveys,  estimates,  etc.,  had  been  made,  and  the 
report  on  the  expediency  of  opening  negotiations  with  the  Central  American 
Government  for  the  building  of  a canal.  Biddle  died  soon  after  arriving  at  the 
isthmus,  but  not  before  he  had  obtained  for  himself  from  Colombia  a concession 
to  build  a railway  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  which  act  President  Jackson 
disapproved  of  in  strong  terms. 

“About  a year  afterward,  the  President  of  Central  America,  General  Morazin, 
ordered  a reconnoissance  of  the  Rio  San  Juan  route  by  John  Bailey,  an  English- 
man. 

“In  1838,  New  Granada,  anxious  to  take  the  lead  of  Nicaragua,  listened  to  the 
proposition  of  a French  house  of  Solomon  & Co.,  and  granted  it  a concession  to 
build  a canal  by  a supposedly  newly  discovered  route  where  no  locks  would  be 
required.  Six  years  later  on,  Louis  Falippe  commissioned  Napoleon  Garella  to 
verify  the  surprising  reports  of  Solomon’s  agents.  Garella’s  investigations  were, 
perhaps,  the  most  serious  that  had  been  undertaken  until  that  time.  They  con- 
stitute, at  least,  the  first  semblance  of  a regular  survey.  He  disproved  the  reports 
submitted  to  him,  and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  a canal  was  possible  between 
Porto  Bello  and  Panama,  with  thirty-five  locks  and  a tunnel,  5,350  meters  in 
extent,  at  an  elevation  of  99  meters  and  about  135  feet  above  high  water  on  the 
Pacific.  The  scheme,  however,  came  to  nothing. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


417 


“In  the  same  year  Nicaragua  gave  a concession  to  a Belgian  company,  the 
negotiation  being  carried  on  by  the  Nicaraguan  minister  in  Paris,  Castellon,  but 
it  also  came  to  nothing.  On  the  other  hand,  Marcoleta,  two  years  later  on,  left 
Brussels,  where  he  represented  his  government,  and  went  to  Paris  and  London  in 
order  to  arrange  for  a concession  to  Prince  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  then  a 
prisoner  in  Ham. 

“It  is  apparent  that  none  of  these  schemes  was  ever  supported  by  any  powerful 
agency,  or  with  steadiness  enough  to  be  carried  through.  There  was  always  a 
doubt  about  the  possibility  of  the  work,  or  a doubt  that  it  might  never  be  possible 
to  obtain  money  enough  to  push  it  to  a conclusion.  On  the  other  hand,  advan- 
tageous as  it  was  evident  the  canal  would  be  to  the  whole  world,  the  shipping 
trade  that  would  seek  it  did  not  appear  to  be  extensive  enough  to  remunerate  the 
capital  that  would  be  required.  But  at  last  the  world  found  a powerful  incentive 
to  give  close  attention  to  the  political  and  commercial  importance  of  the  canal. 
The  acquisition  of  California  by  the  United  States,  and  the  discovery  of  gold  in 
its  territory,  marks  a new  era  in  the  history  of  the  attempts  to  make  serious  studies 
of  the  isthmus  with  a view  to  establishing  a continuous  water  communication 
between  the  two  oceans.  The  problem,  too,  now  became  one  of  actual,  live 
political  importance  to  the  Americans,  and  the  period  between  1848  and  1861 
was  full  of  interest  to  them  on  account  of  the  political  discussion  with  Great 
Britain  as  to  the  preponderating  influence  in  Central  America  and  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  isthmus  by  either  government. 

“While  that  problem  was  not  settled,  the  Americans,  anxious  for  means  of 
communication,  if  not  by  water  then  by  an  overland  route,  obtained  from  New 
Granada  a concession  for  a railway;  and  for  that  purpose  they  formed  a company 
in  1849,  and  instructed  the  surveys  to  Colonel  Hughes  and  to  J.  C.  Trautwine. 
The  United  States  Government  soon  afterwards  sent  General  Bernard,  of  the 
corps  of  engineers,  to  survey  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  also  with  a view  to 
building  a railway.  Bernard  found  the  route  impracticable,  while  Hughes  and 
Trautwine  succeeded  much  better  in  Panama  and  designed  a road  of  the  total 
length  of  47.314  miles,  of  which  about  half  was  to  be  level  between  1850  and 
1855  by  the  engineers  Totten  and  Trautwine. 

“In  the  meantime  the  idea  of  a canal  was  not  to  be  given  up.  The  United 
States  Minister  in  Nicaragua,  Elijah  Hise,  concluded  at  the  same  time  (1849) 
with  that  government  a treaty  for  establishing  ‘a  passage  and  communication 
between  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  to  facilitate  the  commerce 
between  the  two  oceans,  and  to  produce  other  great  results.’  Owing  to  its  sev- 


418 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


eral  provisions  of  a political  nature  the  authorities  at  Washington  did  not  approve 
that  scheme,  known  henceforth  as  the  ‘Hise-Selva  Convention.’  But  the  country 
received  the  arrangement  with  every  mark  of  approval,  and  a company  was  at 
once  organized  by  Cornelius  Vanderbilt,  Joseph  L.  White  and  others  under  the 
style  of  ‘American  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Ship-Canal  Company,’  which  obtained  from 
Nicaragua  the  right  to  build  the  proposed  canal,  that  was,  we  repeat  in  1849, 
when  the  English  were  trying  hard  to  get  a firm  hold  on  what  was  supposed  to 
be  the  future  termini  of  the  canal,  while  the  Americans  were  protesting  against 
that  occupation,  and  had  themselves  repudiated  the  treaty  concluded  by  their 
minister  in  Honduras,  Squier,  for  the  cession  by  the  latter  country  to  the  United 
States  of  the  Tigre  Island,  in  the  Fonseca  Bay.  It  was  from  these  conflicting 
interests  that  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  of  1850  originated. 

“However,  the  ‘American  Atlantic  and  Pacific’  wras  organized  by  strong 
men,  who  proposed  to  survey  the  route  thoroughly  and  then  appeal  for  money, 
both  in  America  and  England.  On  March  9,  1850,  Norberto  Eamirez,  ‘Supreme 
Director’  of  Nicaragua,  confirmed  the  company’s  grant,  and  the  company  com- 
missioned Colonel  0.  W.  Childs  to  make  the  necessary  studies.  He  made  recon- 
noissance  from  several  of  the  proposed  routes,  and,  after  a careful  work,  in  which 
he  was  aided  by  J.  D.  Fay  and  S.  H.  Sweet,  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  ‘the 
line  leading  from  the  mouth  of  the  Eio  Lajas,  at  Brito,  presented  more  favorable 
conditions  for  the  construction  of  a canal  than  any  other.’  His  survey  is  said  to  be 
the  first  in  the  isthmus  that  conformed  itself  to  the  requirements  of  true  engineer- 
ing. Child’s  report  was  submitted  to  Colonels  Turnbull  and  Abert,  of  the 
United  States  Topographical  Engineers,  who  confirmed  its  accuracy,  and  then, 
at  the  request  of  the  United  States  Government,  it  was  revised  by  two  English 
authorities,  Colonel  Aldrich,  of  the  Eoyal  Engineers,  and  Mr.  James  Walker, 
C.  E.,  who,  on  July  16,  1852,  confirmed  its  conclusions. 

“The  ‘Atlantic  and  Pacific’  company,  however,  did  not  succeed  in  raising 
the  money.  Walker’s  expedition  to  Nicaragua,  fomented  mainly  by  the  slave 
power,  but  emphatically  disowned  hy  the  Washington  authorities,  caused  the  Nica- 
raguan Government  to  become  very  suspicious  of  the  United  States,  and  in  1856 
the  company’s  grant  was  declared  null  and  void.  Thanks,  however,  to  the  ability 
of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Lewis  Cass,  a convention,  known  as  the  ‘Cass-Yrisarri 
Convention,’  was  negotiated  in  Washington  on  November  16,  1857,  making  annual 
arrangements  with  respect  to  a communication  from  ocean  to  ocean  through  Nica- 
ragua. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


419 


“Let  us  now  see  what  was  going  on  in  other  parts  of  the  isthmus  in  the 
fourteen  years  between  1850  and  1864. 

“A  rich  New  York  merchant,  Mr.  Frederick  M.  Kelley,  impressed  with  the 
belief  that  Humboldt  must  have  been  right  as  regards  the  feasibility  of  a canal 
through  Darien,  sent,  in  1851,  J.  C.  Trautwine,  a prominent  civil  engineer,  who 
had  been  associated  with  Colonel  Childs,  and  until  his  death  was  more  or  less 
connected  with  the  isthmus  explorations,  to  make  a reconnoissance  of  the  head- 
waters of  the  Atrato,  of  the  Gulf  of  Darien,  and  of  the  mythical  Easpadura  Canal, 
through  which  the  Indians  were  said  to  cross  from  ocean  to  ocean.  Although  the 
result  of  this  expedition  was  by  no  means  encouraging,  Mr.  Kelley  organized 
two  others  in  1853  to  go  over  the  same  ground,  which,  however,  did  not  discover 
anything  which  had  not  been  brought  forward  by  Trautwine. 

“Mr.  Kelley  then  tried  the  headwaters  of  the  Atrato,  and  thence  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Truando,  sending  out  two  parties,  in  1853  and  1854,  the  latter  under 
Captain  Kennish.  Later  on  he  came  to  Europe  to  submit  his  plans,  surveys,  etc.,  to 
the  English  and  French  savants,  and  he  was  everywhere  received  with  the  greatest 
marks  of  regard. 

“On  his  return  to  America,  having  been  unable  to  accomplish  anything  in 
Europe,  President  Buchanan,  who  while  minister  in  England  had  taken  an  interest 
in  Mr.  Kelley’s  enthusiastic  labors,  procured  the  passage  by  Congress  of  a bill 
authorizing  the  President  to  appoint  army  and  navy  officers  to  verify  the  survey 
already  made  for  a ship-canal.  Agreeably  to  the  act  of  the  Legislature,  the 
President  appointed  Lieutenant  N.  Michler  of  the  army  and  Lieutenant  T.  A. 
Craven,  of  the  navy,  to  verify  the  survey  of  Captain  Kennish.  Those  officers 
made  separate  reports.  Michler  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  construction  of  a 
canal  presented  many  difficulties,  that  the  cost  was  incalculable,  and  that  the 
effects  of  a deadly  climate  on  the  laborers  must  be  taken  into  account.  But  he 
thought  the  scheme  was  possible,  especially  if  Kennish’s  route  were  abandoned 
and  another  one,  which  he  now  proposed,  were  taken  up  instead — viz.,  that  which 
follows  up  the  course  of  the  Truando,  except  when  this  river  bends  to  the  north, 
when  the  route  ought  to  follow  a straight  line  to  the  Atrato,  twenty-two  miles 
above  the  village  of  Sucio.  The  route  would  then  strike  the  range  of  moun- 
tains, which  it  would  cross  by  means  of  a tunnel  12,250  feet  in  length,  following 
down  in  the  Pacific  slope  the  course  of  the  Paracichichi.  Michler  estimated  the 
cost  of  this  canal — 75  miles  long,  including  the  tunnel,  100  feet  high  above  the 
water — to  be  $135,000,000,  or  £27,000,000,  which  was  txviee  as  much  as  had  been 
estimated  in  America,  according  to  the  data  of  Kennish  himself.  Mr.  K«nnish 


420 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


was  not  satisfied  that  it  would  be  safe  to  persist  in  that  Truando-Atraro  route, 
at  least  for  the  moment. 

“This  public-spirited  American  then  turned  his  attention  to  the  possibility 
of  a sea-level  canal,  even  if  a great  tunnel  became  necessary.  He  first  asked 
General  Totten,  of  the  Panama  railway,  to  let  him  have  his  views  as  to  that 
route  being  available.  Totten  reported  that  the  Chagres  river  could  not  be  con- 
trolled and  would  break  up  the  canal,  and,  besides,,  ten  or  twelve  locks  would 
have  to  be  made.  Mr.  Kelley  directed  his  efforts  to  the  San  Bias  route,  in  that 
part  of  the  isthmus  which  is  narrowest,  between  the  Gulf  of  San  Bias,  on  the 
Atlantic,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Bayano,  on  the  Pacific.  Two  expeditions  were  sent 
out,  composed  of  Rude,  Sweet,  McDougal,  and  others,  in  1863  and  1864,  and 
they  were  nearly  successful,  but  could  not  finish  their  labors  on  account  of  the 
interference  of  the  Indians.  Altogether  Mr.  Kelley  has  spent  from  his  private 
resources  about  £25,000  in  this  laudable  purpose.  Everywhere  in  the  world  where 
there  was  a congress  of  gentlemen  to  confer  about  the  routes  it  would  seem  that 
Frederick  M.  Kelley,  of  New  York,  should  have  been  listened  to,  if  not  with  admira- 
tion and  affection,  at  least  with  respect.  And  yet  at  the  Paris  ‘International  Sci- 
entific Congress’  of  1879,  when  an  American  delegate  asked  the  committee  on  the 
selection  of  a route  to  give  a hearing  to  the  project  of  Mr.  Kelley  from  San 
Bias  to  Panama  by  the  Bayano  river,  which  was  seconded  by  Sir  John  Stokes, 
who  added  that  what  was  known  of  that  route  justified  a hope  that  the  project 
might  deal  advantageously  with  some  of  the  difficulties,  there  was  a great  deal  of 
opposition  to  the  proposal  to  hear  Mr.  Kelley.  M.  Simonon,  known  for  his  ex- 
tremely superficial  and  not  altogether  reliable  articles  on  the  United  States  in 
‘La  France’  and  ‘Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,’  exclaimed:  ‘We  are  not  here  to 

I 

register  these  schemes.  Do  they  propose  that  we  shall  set  about  and  examine 
everything  that  the  Americans  have  been  doing  for  the  last  ten  years?  We  should 
lose  our  time.  We  have  to  discuss  only  the  projects  of  M.  M.  Wyse  and  Reclus, 
Blanchet  and  Menocal,  and  others.’  M.  Simonon  might  as  well  have  eliminated 
the  two  latter  names.  He  and  his  friends  did  not  want  to  hear  but  of  the  Wyse- 
Reclus  project,  and  in  their  cynical  effrontery  they  even  snubbed  a man  like 
Kelley! 

“Leaving  now  the  Darien  aside,  let  us  see  what  was  going  on  in  the  isthmus 
in  these  same  fourteen  years,  from  1850  to  1864,  apart  from  the  work  in  Nicaragua 
and  the  labors  of  Mr.  Kelley. 

“Dr.  Edward  Cullen,  a Dublin  physician,  interested  himself  very  much  in 
the  project  of  a ship  canal  between  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel  and  Caledonia  Bay; 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


421 


and  in  1852,  after  calling  Lord  Palmerston’s  attention  to  his  scheme,  he  interested 
in  it  the  contractors  Fox,  Henderson,  and  Brassey,  of  London,  and  obtained 
for  them  and  himself  a concession  from  Colombia  for  such  a canal.  The  con- 
tractors dispatched  Lionel  Gisborne,  C.  E.,  to  make  an  exploration.  He  reported 
favorably,  but  his  report  is  full  of  errors,  due  to  the  superficial  character  of  his 
examination,  the  result  of  which  is  published  in  his  book,  ‘The  Isthmus  of  Darien 
in  1852/  At  any  rate,  his  endorsement  of  the  Caledonian  route  attracted  wide 
interest  in  the  subject,  and  in  the  United  States  President  Pierce  in  1833  author- 
ized the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  commission  Lieutenant  Isaac  C.  Strain,  who 
was  not  a new  explorer  of  Central  and  South  America,  to  go  over  the  proposed 
route  and  report  upon  its  feasibility  for  a ‘ship  canal  on  the  grandest  scale.’  Also 
‘avoiding  all  infractions  of  international  law.’  Lieutenant  Strain  reached  Cale- 
donia Bay  from  the  United  States  in  January,  1854,  and,  with  twenty-seven  men, 
started  for  the  interior  of  Darien.  This  expedition  became  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant in  the  history  of  the  isthmus.  British  capital  was  ready  to  be  invested  in  the 
common  scheme,  but  Strain  was  to  give  the  last  word.  He  soon  discovered  that 
Gisborn’s  report  was  altogether  unreliable.  Strain  was  confronted  by  mountains 
3,500  feet  in  height  instead  of  only  150  feet.  His  party  could  not  help  taking 
different  routes,  climbing  steep  hills  and  meeting  roaring  rivers.  Strain  himself 
was  lost  sight  of,  and  searching  parties  were  organized,  one  of  them  by  Gisbom 
himself.  The  history  of  the  terrible  privations  and  sufferings  undergone  by  Strain 
and  some  of  his  men,  from  hunger  and  thirst,  and  the  enforced  abandonment  of 
one  of  their  companions,  who,  though  still  alive,  was  too  weak  to  follow  them, 
and  the  death  of  others,  is  one  of  the  most  stirring  narratives  in  the  annals  of 
the  difficult  explorations  of  the  -world.  When  Strain  was  found  he  said  that  its 
failure  was  in  itself  a great  success,  for  it  gave  the  death  blow  to  the  Cullen 
scheme,  thereby  preventing  great  sacrifice  of  life  and  money.  In  1856,  as  we 
have  already  said,  Nicaragua  annulled  the  concession  to  the  ‘Atlantic  and  Pacific,’ 
and  a year  afterwards  the  United  States  Government  ordered  the  Michler  and 
Craven  surveys  in  the  Darien.  Except  Mr.  Kelley’s  expeditions,  nothing  was 
undertaken  by  the  United  States  Government  or  its  citizens  from  1857  until  1869. 
In  1857  the  political  agitation  in  the  United  States  was  already  assuming  the 
most  serious  character,  which  revealed  itself  in  the  breaking  out  of  the  Civil 
War  a few  years  later  on,  and  even  at  the  conclusion  of  the  internecine  strife,  the 
public  mind  was  too  much  preoccupied  with  the  reorganization  of  the  Union, 
with  4,500,000  newdy  made  citizens,  to  give  any  attention  to  the  subject  of  inter- 
oceanic  communication.  During  the  war  the  necessity  for  it  became  apparent,  and 


422 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


the  Pacific  Railway  bills  were  carried,  but  beyond  that  nothing  was  done,  and, 
considering  the  position  assumed  towards  Congress  by  Andrew  Johnson,  who 
substituted  for  the  murdered  President  Lincoln,  nothing  could  have  been  done  by 
the  Government  in  that  time.  In  1860  Daniel  Ammen,  then  lieutenant  in  the 
United  States  navy,  impressed  by  the  result  of  Strain’s  reeonnoissance,  addressed  a 
communication  to  the  New  York  Geographical  Society,  suggesting  to  it  to  send  out 
an  expedition,  and  giving  in  detail  the  task  that  shoiild  be  intrusted  to  it.  After 
the  war  Daniel  Ammen,  who  had  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain,  had 
frequent  occasions  to  discuss  the  matter  with  prominent  officers  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  he  interested  General  Grant  very  much  respecting  the  necessity  for 
further  surveys.  Up  to  the  end  of  the  Civil  War  the  only  semblance  of  a 
regular  survey  in  the  isthmus  made  by  a Frenchman  was  that  of  Garella  already 
referred  to.  In  1861  M.  de  Poydt  examined  the  Tuyra  (Darien)  and  several  of 
its  tributaries,  and  in  1864  he  returned  to  make  a reeonnoissance  of  the  Gulf  of 
Darien  by  the  Tanelo  river.  His  data,  however,  altogether  unreliable. 

“In  1865  Senor  Gogorza  discovered  some  old  maps  and  induced  some  capitalists 
in  Paris  to  fit  out  an  expedition  under  M.  Lacharme,  to  study  a passage  by  the 
River  Panuza,  a confluent  of  the  Tuyra.  While  in  the  field  Lacharme  abandoned 
the  proposed  route  and  followed  the  course  of  the  Paya  up  to  the  watershed,  and 
then  that  of  the  Cacarica  to  the  Atrato,  whence  he  came  back  satisfied  as  to  the 
possibility  of  a canal  fifty  miles  long,  with  the  summit,  near  the  village  of  Paya, 
only  190  feet  above  the  sea  level.  Beyond  that  nothing  else  was  ever  done  in  the 
isthmus  by  Frenchmen  until  the  Wyse-Recluse  expeditions.” 

The  conditions  of  the  Panama  climate  were  treated  with  great  intelligence  in 
“The  Isthmus  of  Panama  and  What  I Saw  There,”  by  Dr.  C.  D.  Griswold,  M.  D.— 
Dewitt  & Davenport,  1852.  We  quote  as  an  essential  part  of  the  story  of  the 
isthmus  the  extremely  valuable  observations  of  Dr.  Griswold  that  touch  the  science 
of  the  sanitary  situation — pages  90-100: 

“The  latitude  of  that  part  of  the  isthmus  over  which  the  Panama  Railroad 
passes  is  between  8 and  9 degrees  north,  and,  consequently,  is  subject  twice  in 
the  year  to  the  vertical  rays  of  the  sun,  viz.:  about  the  21st  of  April  and  near 
the  middle  of  August.  The  year  is  divided  into  two  seasons,  with  little  else  to 
distinguish  them  than  that  the  one  is  wet  and  the  other  dry,  and  in  this  they 
are  very  strongly  marked.  The  rainy  season  is  their  winter  and  corresponds  with 
our  summer,  the  rains  beginning  to  fall  about  the  1st  of  May,  usually,  and  termi- 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


423 


nating  in  December;  and  thus,  although  this  is  their  coolest  season,  in  consequence 
of  the  heavy  rains  and  evaporations,  yet  it  is  the  period  when  the  sun's  rays  fall 
most  vertically,  and,  therefore,  the  two  great  elements  in  the  production  of  un- 
healthy exhalations,  viz.:  heat  and  moisture,  are  operating  in  their  extremest 
degrees  at  the  same  time.  But  it  should  be  understood  that,  while  the  surface  is 
undergoing  the  change  from  wet  to  dry,  that  miasma  is  eliminated  most  rapidly. 

“During  the  first  two  or  three  months  of  the  wet  season  it  does  not  rain 
more  than  is  generally  found  agreeable  to  the  comfort,  and  to  advance  the  growth 
of  vegetation;  and  about  the  21st  of  June  it  clears  up  and  probably  not  a drop 
of  rain  will  fall  for  a week.  This  season  is  called  by  the  natives  El  Yeranito  di 
San  Juan  (little  summer  of  St.  John).  Now,  during  this  period,  the  earth  is 
alternately  saturated  and  parched,  and,  consequently,  there  is  always  more  or  less 
fever  prevailing.  But  it  is  at  the  commencement  of  the  dry  season,  when  the 
rivers  that  have  been  swollen  by  the  heavy  rains  fall  to  their  usual  level  and 
the  low  grounds  and  marshes  that  have  been  inundated  become  dry,  that  we  look 
for  what  may  be  termed  strictly  the  sickly  season. 

“Dysenteries  and  diarrheas  prevail  more  commonly  during  the  wet  season, 
and  for  very  obvious  reasons.  Notwithstanding  the  elevation  of  the  sun  during 
the  day  the  nights  are  often  quite  cool.  Now,  there  is  nothing  more  favorable 
to  the  development  of  these  diseases  than  sudden  changes  of  temperature;  and 
tiere  we  have  them.  The  laborer  at  work  in  the  field  first  swelters  under  the  hot 
sun  and  then  is  siaddenly  cooled  off  by  a shower  of  rain,  and  most  likely  sleeps 
at  night  exposed  to  the  chilly  air,  which  under  all  circumstances  should  be  most 
scrupulously  avoided. 

“With  such  influences  as  these  acting,  it  would  be  very  unreasonable  to  expect 
out  that  the  country  would  be  more  or  less  unhealthy,  which  is  truly  the  case,  yet 
tour-fifths  of  the  cases  of  disease  which  occur  are  simple  intermittent  fever,  or 
ague  and  fever,  which  the  judicious  use  of  fifteen  grains  of  quinine  will  entirely 
■emove,  leaving  the  patient,  after  one  paroxysm,  as  well  as  he  was  before. 

“By  observing  proper  precautions  a great  deal  may  be  done  to  avoid  the 
niasma,  which  is  the  essential  cause  of  the  fevers.  Miasma  is  eliminated  while 
he  surface  is  drying,  after  having  been  saturated  by  an  overflow  of  the  streams 
or  previous  rains,  consequently  at  such  times  the  atmosphere  contains  more  poison 
han  at  any  other.  Another  fact  which  has  long  been  observed  is  that  the  evening 
>r  night  air  is  most  of  all  pernicious,  not  so  much  because  it  is  cool  or  damp, 
out  from  the  unhealthy  exhalations  which  hover  near  the  earth  like  smoke  and 
'og  during  the  night  more  than  at  any  other  time.  The  pleasant  evenings  after 


424 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


clear  days,  which  are  always  delightful  in  that  climate,  are  by  far  the  worst, 
especially  if  there  has  been  rain  within  a short  time  previous.  The  night  air 
is  so  balmy  and  fresh  after  a hot  day  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to  resist  the 
temptation  to  enjoy  it,  at  least  with  open  windows  or  in  the  veranda,  yet  it  is 
very  imprudent  to  do  so.  Another  precaution,  of  more  consequence  still,  is  to  close 
up  from  the  night  air  the  sleeping  room,  which  for  reasons  already  assigned 
should  never  be  on  the  ground  floor.  While  sleeping  the  system  is  very  much 
relaxed,  and,  perhaps,  drenched  in  perspiration,  and,  consequently,  far  more  im- 
pressible than  at  any  other  time,  and,  moreover,  about  12  o’clock  the  temperature 
of  the  atmosphere  usually  becomes  much  lower  than  at  any  other  part  of  the  twenty- 
four  hours.  Now,  in  order  to  avoid  the  miasma  on  one  hand  and  the  sudden 
change  of  temperature  on  the  other,  it  is  always  desirable  to  sleep  in  an  upper 
room,  and  this  should  invariably  be  constructed  with  a ventilator  in  the  roof. 

“There  is  another  class  of  causes  far  more  numerous,  and,  perhaps,  more 
important,  by  which  I mean  everything  calculated  to  excite  fever  after  the  system 
has  become  predisposed  to  it.  Foreigners  residing  in  this  country  usually  become, 
after  a time,  a good  deal  enervated;  they  find  they  cannot  perform  near  as  much 
labor,  either  physical  or  mental,  as  in  a northern  climate.  An  extreme  degree  of 
lassitude  overtakes  them  at  times,  and  they  feel  it  almost  impossible  to  perform 
any  duties  whatever.  This  is  the  effect  of  miasma;  the  system  contains  the  fuel  of 
fever,  which  only  requires  to  be  ignited.  Now,  this  is  the  state  in  which  exciting 
causes  are  instrumental  in  producing  the  disease,  and  anything  may  be  deemed 
such  which  excites  or  taxes  the  system  to  any  considerable  extent,  as  excessive 
fatigue,  exposure  to  the  sun  long  continued,  or  a shower  of  rain  while  perspiring, 
overindulgence  in  eating,  and,  above  all,  in  the  use  of  stimulating  drink.  During 
my  services  of  nearly  six  months,  as  one  of  the  surgeons  to  the  Panama  Kailroad 
Company,  I never  saw  a single  case  of  fever  from  which  I apprehended  a fatal 
result  but  in  persons  of  intemperate  habits,  and  the  only  two  patients  whose  casesl 
terminated  fatally  under  my  charge  had  been  immediately  previous  on  a debauch. 

“Of  all  exciting  causes  of  fever  I believe  this  by  far  the  most  potent  in  its 
results,  if  not  the  most  common.  I am  aware  that  there  are  exceptions  to  this — 
that  there  are  those  who  bear  up  under  the  influence  of  the  use  of  stimulating 
drinks — but  they  must  be  considered  as  exceptions,  and  their  number  is  very  small. 
The  effect  of  stimulants  is  to  derange  the  functions  of  the  liver,  which  is  also  the 
effect  of  the  climate,  and  under  the  influence  of  both  there  are  few  constitutions  that 
can  long  resist  diseases. 

“Nor  is  it  the  use  of  alcoholic  drinks  on  the  isthmus  alone  that  is  found 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


425 


injurious,  but  those  who,  previous  to  going  there  have  been  intemperate — whose 
constitutions  have  become  in  the  slightest  degree  impaired — are  almost  sure  to 
break  down  at  once.  I have  seen  this  effect  in  so  many  instances  that  I have  no 
hesitation  in  setting  it  down  as  an  almost  invariable  rule,  and,  therefore,  would 
advise  any  such  unfortunate  individual  to  keep  off  the  isthmus  if  he  values  his 
life  as  of  the  least  possible  conseqrrence. 

“Everyone  has  probably  heard  of  the  ‘Chagres  fever/  which  is  usually  spoken 
of  with  an  emphasis  which  strikes  terror  to  the  timid,  especially  if  they  have  ever 
been  exposed  to  the  atmosphere  of  that  place. 

“Although  the  name  is  not,  by  any  means,  a classic  one,  yet  it  has  the  advan- 
tage ol  being  correct  in  a general  sense,  for  I do  not  believe  that  there  is  another 
place  in  the  world  where  the  causes  of  diseases  are  developed  and  fostered  to  a 
greater  extent  than  they  are  in  this  place  of  most  unenviable  notoriety.  The 
consequence  is  that  a bad  and  fatal  form  of  fever  prevails  there  at  times,  which  is 
most  emphatically  the  fever  of  Chagres,  and  the  unmeasured  use  of  intoxicating 
drinks  is  one  of  its  principal  causes. 

“Exposure  to  the  rains  of  that  country  is  another  very  exciting  cause  of 
fever  and  should  be  very  carefully  avoided.  This  has  been  one  of  the  great  causes 
of  fever  and  dysentery  among  the  laborers  on  the  Panama  Railroad.  Often  they 
would  scarcely  get  to  their  work  when  a sudden  shower  would  fall  upon  them,  and 
when  perspiring  profusely  over  the  spade  or  pick.  If  they  abandoned  work  for 
the  day  but  few  would  have  the  prudence  to  change  their  clothes  for  dry  ones, 
and,  perhaps,  resume  the  same  wet  garments  the  following  morning.  Now,  noth- 
ing can  be  more  prejudicial  to  health  anywhere  than  such  habits  as  these,  and 
when  we  add  to  this  the,  perhaps,  worse  practice  of  sleeping  with  the  windows 
and  doors  of  their  quarters  open,  which  they  would  always  insist  upon  doing,  it  is 
more  a matter  of  wonder  than  otherwise  that  they  endure  the  climate  as  well  as 
they  do.  The  railroad  company  makes  the  most  liberal  provisions  for  their  com- 
fort, but  it  was  always  impossible  to  make  them  understand  that  there  were  any 
reasons  for  closing  a house  other  than  to  keep  out  the  cold.  The  native,  on 
the  approach  of  a shower,  strips  off  his  shirt,  which  is  probably  the  only  garment 
'ae  wears;  securing  it  in  a dry  place,  he  lets  the  rain  fall  upon  his  bare  back  and 
hen  resumes  his  covering  after  it  is  all  over. 

“This  is  truly  a primitive  mode  of  protection  from  rain,  yet  from  what  I 
rave  seen  I judge  if  to  be  the  best.  The  perspiration  may  be  checked  for  the  time 
ind  the  system  receive  a shock  from  so  plentiful  a shower  bath;  but  the  function 
>f  the  skin  is  immediately  restored  by  the  dry  covering,  and,  on  the  whole,  upon 


426 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


hydropathic  principles,  I am  not  sure  but  the  subject  has  received  a tonic  after 
nature’s  purest  method,  and  without  interfering  with  his  time  or  business.  But 
when  a native  gets  the  fever  he  repudiates  this  practice  altogether,  so  much  so  that 
it  is  often  exceedingly  difficult  to  get  them  to  take  any  remedy  combined  with  water; 
and  they  most  scrupulously  avoid  the  use  of  water  externally,  even  in  quantity  suffi- 
cient to  keep  themselves  clean.  The  native’s  remedy  for  fever  is  limes,  the  juice  of 
which  they  suck  from  them,  while  the  fever  is  on,  with  slices  of  the  same  placed 
upon  the  forehead  and  temples,  and  with  this  simple  treatment  and  abstinence  from 
water  and  food  they  readily  recover.  Bathing  in  the  streams  is  a very  commoc 
practice  among  them  during  the  dry  season,  but  they  seldom  indulge  in  this  luxury 
after  10  o’clock,  and  rarely  at  all  during  the  rainy  season. 

“A  very  widespread  impression  prevails  in  the  public  mind  in  favor  of  the 
southern  climate  to  those  who  are  predisposed  to  or  affected  with  consumptive  dis- 
eases, and  as  a general  thing  such  is  the  case;  but  the  Isthmus  is  an  exception  to 
the  general  rule;  for,  whether  or  not  it  is  the  approximation  of  the  two  oceans, 
and  almost  constant  sea  breezes,  or  the  extreme  dampness  of  the  climate;  either  or 
both  of  these  causes;  in  no  place  have  I seen  consumption  more  rapidly  developed; 
indeed,  it  is  a disease  of  which  the  natives  very  commonly  die.  The  same  is  true 
of  almost  every  other  taint  in  the  system. 

“ A very  important  consideration  for  those  who  visit  this  climate  is  that  of  | 
dress.  The  experience  of  the  English  and  American  Army  and  Navy  surgeons  in 
tropical  climates  is  well  sustained  here  with  regard  to  the  use  of  flannels.  There 
is  nothing  which  so  well  protects  the  cutaneous  surface  against  the  effects  of  sun 
and  rain  as  this  material;  it  prevents  the  rapid  evaporation  from  the  surface,  and 
consequent  sudden  check  of  the  perspiration;  and  a shower  of  rain  or  the  night  air 
may  be  borne  with  far  greater  safety  if  the  skin  is  protected  by  this  covering;  and 
light  gauze  flannel  next  to  the  skin  will  usually  be  found  to  add  much  to  the  com- 
fort; but  to  those  who  are  frequently  exposed  a good  substantial  red  or  blue  one 
is  much  preferable. 

“Another  preventative  which  I deem  of  great  importance,  and  which  has  hith- 
erto been  entirely  neglected,  is  the  use  of  fires.  During  the  rainy  season  the  atmos- 
phere is  very  damp,  and  pervades  everything;  even  the  closest  doors  will  not  ex- 
clude it,  and  clothes  will  become  mouldy  without  frequent  sunning  or  the  liberal 
use  of  camphor  gum  sprinkled  among  them.  Such  an  atmosphere,  especially  in  a 
sleeping  room,  must,  of  course,  be  more  or  less  detrimental  to  health;  but  its  effects 
may  be  entirely  overcome  by  the  occasional  use  of  a fire  in  the  afternoon,  when  the 
air  is  frequently  so  cool  as  to  render  it  very  grateful  to  the  senses.  Heat  is,  more- 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


427 


over,  one  of  the  most  powerful  disinfecting  agents  we  have,  but  how  far  it  would 
prove  effectual  in  dissipating  the  miasma  is  not  certainly  known,  although  there  is 
ao  doubt  but  that  it  would  to  a considerable  extent.” 

In  the  Forum  of  March,  1893,  an  article  appears,  “Panama:  The  Story  of  a 
Colossal  Bubble,”  by  Ernest  Lambert.  This  paper  relates  the  personal  appearance 
)f  Count  de  Lesseps  of  Suez  Canal  fame  on  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  the  picturesque 
vay  in  which  in  a fictitious  manner  he  handled  a spade  on  a steamboat,  performing 
;he  ceremony  of  turning  the  first  sod  or  soil  or  sand,  as  the  function  might  be,  in 
he  formal  inauguration  of  an  enterprise.  Mr.  Ernest  Lambert  writes: 

“In  1880,  on  the  day  set  for  the  initial  ceremonies  of  the  Panama  Canal  work, 
i little  flag-bedecked  vessel  steamed  out  of  the  harbor  of  Panama  with  Count  Ferdi- 
land  de  Lesseps  and  an  illustrious  company  on  board,  bound  for  La  Boca,  the  point 
m the  Pacific  shore  of  the  Isthmus  at  which  the  canal  was  to  emerge.  Through 
ome  miscalculation  the  steamer  was  delayed  in  arriving  until  after  the  tide  had 
>egun  its  rapid  fall.  The  eminent  voyagers  eyed  the  shore  wistfully  and  looked 
t one  another  in  consternation  as  the  captain  vainly  essayed  to  land  them  among 
he  rocks.  La  Boca  flags  beaconed  encouragingly  from  the  spot  where  the  veteran 
piercer  of  continents’  was  to  turn  the  first  shovelful  of  earth;  but  the  tide  con- 
inued  to  fall  and  the  distance  to  the  shore  increased.  In  this  dilemma  the  versatile 
eader  proved  his  brilliant  fertility  of  resource.  Uncovering  his  silvery  locks  he 
ddressed  a felicitious  harangue  to  his  companions,  called  for  a spade,  and  turned 
n the  steamer’s  deck  an  imaginary  Isthmian  clod.  Then  champagne  was  opened, 
verybody  cheered,  and  the  little  steamer  swung  about  and  sailed  away  gayly  with 
uttering  banners.  In  January,  1893,  when  his  doom  had  been  practically  sealed 
y disclosures  hardly  paralleled  in  this  or  any  other  century,  police  agents  visited 
he  French  mansion  of  this  same  man  with  a legal  summons.  Aged  and  infirm,  he 
rose  from  a sick-bed,  called  for  his  cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honor,  clasped  it  theat- 
ically  to  his  breast  and  fell  back  fainting. 

“These  two  incidents  accurately  typify  the  real  spirit  that  has  governed,  from 
rst  to  last,  the  conduct  of  the  most  tremendous  engineering  feat  of  modern  times, 
ieside  which,  as  its  history  shows,  the  cutting  of  the  Mont  Cenis  Tunnel  or  the 
uez  Canal  was  mere  child’s  play.  M.  De  Lesseps’  indefatigable  predecessor  with  the 
)arien  project,  if  not  its  real  initiator,  it  is  not  perhaps  generally  known,  was  an 
American,  Frederick  M.  Kelley,  of  New  York,  w'ho  should  never  be  lost  sight  of 
i posterity’s  ultimate  award.  Before  even  the  Suez  Canal  was  attempted  Kelley  had 
egun  to  wander  up  and  down,  from  country  to  country  and  capital  to  capital,  like 
blumbus  with  a new  route  to  the  East  in  his  brain,  striving  to  enlist  in  his  fasci- 


428 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


nating  scheme  for  saving  millions  of  dollars  annually  to  commerce  and  shortening 
the  ocean  journey  by  many  thousands  of  miles.  As  early  as  1852,  when  only  28 
years  old,  Kelley,  then  a Wall  street  banker,  became  sole  owner  of  the  Columbian 
concession,  subsequently  transferred  to  French  hands.  Within  three  years  he  had 
accompanied,  or  dispatched,  three  expeditions  to  search  for  a depression  in  the 
Cordillera  barrier  that  should  enable  him  to  utilize  the  Isthmian  rivers  running 
southward  in  an  artificial  waterway,  to  be  continued  thence  by  a short  cut  to  the 
Pacific  shore.  Armed  with  maps  and  plans,  he  secured  a respectful  hearing  from 
President  Pierce  and  Jefferson  Davis,  then  Secretary  of  War,  who,  however,  lacked 
funds  to  order  a Government  survey.  In  Europe  Humboldt  and  Robert  Stephenson 
encouraged  him;  the  British  institution  of  Civil  Engineers  voted  him  a gold  medal 
lor  a paper  ‘Demonstrating  the  feasibility  of  connecting  the  two  oceans  by  a canal 
without  locks,’  and  Napoleon  III.  even  offered  to  make  a survey  at  France’s  expense, 
after  Kelley  had  unfortunately  compromised  himself  with  the  English.  In  1857 
President  Buchanan  did  order  a Government  expedition,  which  returned  in  1858, 
one  officer  reporting  favorably,  another  adversely.  With  the  outbreak  of  the  Re- 
bellion Kelley’s  concession  expired,  and  he  withdrew,  impoverished,  from  the  strug- 
gle. But  in  1863,  when  the  San  Bias  route  was  talked  of,  his  old  interest  blazed 
up  anew;  he  talked  over  wealthy  friends  and  was  instrumental  in  the  dispatch  of 
two  other  expeditions.  It  was  not  until  1875  that  De  Lesseps,  who  had  met  Kelley 
years  before  in  London,  organized  his  Isthmian  Exploring  Society,  and  inaugurated 
the  movement  that  culminated  in  the  International  Canal  Congress  of  1879  and 
the  adoption  of  a route  specifically  condemned  by  the  most  competent  experts. 

“Flushed  with  the  merited  success  of  his  great  Suez  achievement,  just  then 
beginning  to  confound  all  augury,  M.  De  Lesseps  was  in  a position  to  engage  enthu- 
siastic public  support  in  any  effort  to  blow  the  airiest  of  bubbles.  Goethe’s  nine- 
teenth century  dream  of  canals  at  Suez  and  Panama,  and  linking  the  Rhine  and  the 
Danube,  he  had  realized  as  to  the  first  particular;  why  should  he  not  do  so  as  to 
the  second?  The  very  croakings  against  Suez  of  incredulous  statesmen  and  engi- 
neers, from  Palmerston  and  Stevenson  down,  he  was  ready  to  cite  in  defense  of  a 
new  undertaking.  The  favorite  taunt  of  his  English  enemies,  that  he  was  ‘no  en- 
gineer, but  a mere  diplomatist,’  he  met  with  the  same  refutation.  Nothing  else 
in  his  record,  to  be  sure,  sustained  him.  It  was  not  as  an  engineer  that  he  began 
his  Tunis  apprenticeship;  in  Algeria,  Madrid,  Rome  and  Alexandria  impugners  of 
his  diplomacy  never  excused  him  on  technical  grounds.  Even  at  Suez,  what  M. 
Leon  Say  has  called  his  genius  for  ‘unravelling  the  future  of  international  rela- 
tions,’ coupled  with  the  adroit  distribution  of  Baehsheesh  and  the  propitiation  of 


VIEW  OF  LA  ESCOLTA  STREET,  CITY  OF  MANILA. 


LUO’V? 


4 

4b*3 


K/ 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


431 


a willing  and  unscrupulous  potentate,  undoubtedly  won  him  success  where  the 
very  Caesar  of  engineers  might  quickly  have  buried  his  hopes  in  the  desert  sands. 
Certainly  the  calling  of  the  Canal  Congress,  to  extricate  himself  from  the  disagree- 
able responsibility  of  choosing  expertly  between  five  routes  and  eight  competing 
propositions,  was  not  the  device  of  one  who  had  reasoned  out  to  its  minutest  detail 
the  masterly  solution  of  a great  practical  problem.  Thus,  indeed,  at  the  outset  a 
crumbling  foundation  wras  laid  for  the  ambitious  structure  that  has  now  so  disas- 
trously collapsed.  Exactly  what  he  knew  personally  of  the  precise  nature  of  the 
task  before  him  it  is  not  now  difficult  to  estimate.  When  the  Congress  met  he 
was  said  to  regard  the  elements  requisite  to  a practicable  canal  as,  1,  no  locks;  2, 
good  harbors;  3,  the  avoidance  of  other  than  tidal  rivers — conditions,  in  effect,  du- 
plicating those  at  Suez.  In  the  Congress  it  was  positively  decided  that  no  canal 
with  locks  could  accommodate  a traffic  sufficiently  large  to  yield  an  adequate 
revenue;  and  when,  at  the  closing  session,  by  a vote  of  78  to  8,  12  abstaining,  the 
Congress  formally  declared  in  favor  of  the  present  route,  it  was  understood  that  the 
idherence  to  the  Suez  model  and  the  accommodation  of  future  great  vessels,  rather 
han  immediate  commercial  profit  from  existing  opportunities,  were  the  governing 
■onsiderations.  As  a third  element  of  weakness,  it  may  be  noted  that  the  stipula- 
ions  in  the  concession  to  Lieutenant  Wyse,  approved  by  President  Paera  of  Colom- 
>ia  in  1878,  were  not  uniformly  favorable;  nor  were  its  advantages  adequately  im- 
iroved.  While  granting  the  right  of  construction  for  99  years  from  the  date  the 
anal  was  opened,  it  required  the  international  commission  to  decide  the  route  not 
ater  than  1881.  The  guarantees  were  then  to  form  within  two  years  a construction 
ompany,  finishing  the  canal  within  another  twelve  years,  or  forfeiting  all  rights, 
ogether  with  the  work  accomplished,  and  all  but  the  movable  plant.  The  President 
a Colombia  was  authorized  (not  required)  to  grant  a maximum  extension  of  six 
ears  £if,  in  an  extreme  case,  beyond  the  control  of  the  company,  and  after  one- 
hird  part  of  the  canal  is  complete,  they  should  recognize  the  impossibility  of  fin- 
hing  it  in  twelve  years.’  Not  a word  was  said  concerning  recovery  or  indemnifi- 
ition  in  case  of  failure  before  the  specified  proportion  was  completed.  M.  Wyse, 
o doubt,  whose  experience  has  been  a little  more  fortunate  than  Kelley’s,  never 
aticipated  such  a contingency  or  dreamed  of  the  bungling  indiscretion  that  was  to 
nk  his  name  with  the  most  colossal  failure  of  the  times. 

“It  would  be  the  most  gross  injustice  for  the  world  to  forget  that  Count  Ferdi- 
md  De  Lesseps,  though  failing  in  his  Panama  Canal  endeavor,  must  forever  be 
ranted  as  one  of  the  great  men  of  his  generation.  He  realized  one  dream.  It  was 
?yond  mortal  strength  that  one  man,  however  gifted  and  brave,  should  win  a 


432 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


double  immortality  in  constructing  canals  through  the  sands  of  Suez  and  the  rocks 
of  Darien.  He  could  not  accomplish  the  impossible.  That  which  is  wonderful  is 
the  gigantic  work  that  was  done  before  it  was  established  that  there  was  a formid- 
able margin  between  the  estimates  covered  by  resources  and  the  remainder.  The 
stupendous  proportions  of  the  task  are  now  fully  before  the  world,  and  the  sur- 
prise is,  turning  from  the  exaggeration  of  the  failure  of  De  Lesseps,  to  discover 
the  immensity  which  has  been  achieved.” 

After  the  failure  of  the  old  Panama  Canal  Company  in  February,  1889,  the 
property  passed  into  the  hands  of  a receiver,  who,  seeking  to  save  from  ruin  the  vast 
number  of  subscribers  of  moderate  means,  referred  the  technical  problems  to  a 
“Comite  d’Etudes”  selected  from  among  the  best  engineers  of  France.  In  May, 
1890,  this  commission  made  an  able  report,  indicating  the  numerous  points  which 
demanded  further  investigation  before  final  plans  could  be  judiciously  adopted,  but 
suggesting  the  general  features  of  such  a plan,  based  on  a study  of  all  existing 
data.  To  make  these  further  investigations  a new  company  was  organized  in  Octo- 
ber, 1894;  and  since  that  date  it  has  quietly  prosecuted  its  labors  and  has  now 
collected  all  the  information  needed  to  command  the  confidence  of  engineers  in  its 
definite  project.  It  is  to  set  forth  this  project,  and  to  indicate  its  superiority  to 
anything  possible  in  Nicaragua,  that  the  present  article  is  written.  It  may  be  proper 
to  add  that  the  writer,  as  a member  of  a technical  commission  of  engineers,  made 
last  spring  a careful  examination  of  the  entire  route  of  the  Panama  Canal,  and  is 
thus  possessed  of  definite  personal  information,  in  some  degree  assisted  by  having 
formerly  traversed  Nicaragua.  The  following  are  the  essential  features  of  this 
project,  endorsed,  with  some  possible  future  modifications  in  detail,  by  a Comite 
Technique,  containing  French,  English,  German,  Kussian  and  American  engineers, 
among  them  the  chief  engineers  of  the  Manchester  and  of  the  Kiel  ship  canals. 

The  original  plan  contemplated  placing  the  canal  in  the  bed  of  the  Chagres, 
and  conducting  the  river  to  the  sea  through  artificial  channels.  This  project  was 
long  ago  definitely  abandoned,  being  replaced  by  the  familiar  system  of  locks  and 
dams  which  has  been  so  often  successfully  applied  to  other  rivers.  Careful  measure- 
ments and  studies  of  the  regimen  of  this  torrential  stream  have  shown  the  system 
to  be  entirely  applicable  to  it,  and  that  none  of  the  constructions  demanded  will 
exceed  the  limits  of  recognized  engineering  practice.  To  these  advantages  it  should 
be  added  that  two  good  harbors  already  exist  at  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  terminals; 
that  an  American  railway  is  in  active  operation  parallel  and  in  close  proximity  to 
the  line  of  the  canal  throughout  its  entire  extent;  that  about  40  per  cent  of  the 
whole  length  has  been  actually  excavated,  and  that  great  progress  has  been  made 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


433 


on  the  intermediate  portions;  and  finally,  that  extensive  preparations  have  already 
been  made  for  accommodating  the  army  of  laborers  which  will  be  required  on  any 
Isthmian  canal.  These  reasons  certainly  demand  that  the  comparative  merits  of 
this  route  should  be  considered  before  adopting  any  other  location  for  the  canal 
now  generally  believed  to  be  essential  to  meet  the  needs  of  our  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
coasts. 

In  Nicaragua  the  general  conditions  are  distinctly  inferior.  Two  ports  must 
be  artificially  prepared;  one  at  least  of  great  practical  difficulty,  since  nature  has 
already  closed  the  old  harbor.  About  120  miles  of  railroad  must  be  built,  mostly 
traversing  a wilderness.  Almost  nothing  has  been  done  in  the  way  of  construction 
or  of  preparation  for  the  work.  Of  the  whole  length  of  176  miles,  68  miles  follow 
the  bed  of  a crooked  river,  where  the  prevailing  trade  winds  and  the  currents  result- 
ing from  the  whole  outflow  of  Lake  Nicaragua  will  unite  to  aggravate  the  difficul- 
ties of  shipping  in  transit.  The  length  of  the  route  is  about  four  times  that  of 
the  Panama  Canal,  adding  proportionately  to  the  time  of  passage;  finally,  at  least 
one  dam  is  demanded,  quite  without  precedent  in  our  canal  construction,  besides 
several  miles  of  huge  embankments  in  the  San  Francisco  basin,  where  the  founda- 
tions are  extremely  bad,  and  where  a rupture  at  any  future  time  would  entail  verit- 
able disasters. 

But  passing  from  generalities,  the  details  of  the  Panama  project  will  first  be 
considered. 

The  Canal  Proper. — The  total  length  is  75  kilometres  (46.5  miles),  of  which 
five  (3.1  miles)  lie  in  the  Bay  of  Panama,  between  Isle  Naos  and  La  Boca.  Of  the 
70  kilometres  (43.4  miles)  of  inland  construction,  24  kilometres  (14.88  miles)  on 
the  Atlantic  side  (between  Colon  and  Bohio)  and  7 kilometres  (4.34  miles)  on  the 
Pacific  side  (between  La  Boca  and  Miraflores)  will  be  at  the  sea  level,  and  of  this 
listance  about  25  kilometres  (15.5  miles)  are  now  essentially  excavated,  thus  there 
■emains  only  38  kilometres  (23.5  miles)  to  be  traversed  by  the  aid  of  locks;  and 
rere  also  so  much  actual  work  has  been  done  that  no  visitor  can  pass  over  the  line 
without  appreciating  that  the  canal  can  no  longer  be  regarded  as  an  experiment. 

Of  these  38  kilometres  between  Bohio  and  Miraflores,  the  first  22  (13.64  miles) 
xtending  from  Bohio  to  Obispo  will  traverse  a vast  lake  5,500  hectares  (13,585 
cres)  in  extent,  created  in  the  valley  of  the  Chagres  by  a dam  at  Bohio.  Its  level 
bove  the  sea  will  range  between  a minimum  of  16  metres  (52.48  ft.)  and  a maxi- 
mum of  20  metres  (65.60  ft.),  the  normal  level  being  17  metres  (55.76  ft.).  A reser- 
oir  of  150  million  cubic  metres  (52,950  million  cu.  ft.)  is  thus  provided  to  con- 


434 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


trol  in  part  the  floods  of  the  river.  Access  to  the  lake  will  be  furnished  by  two 
double  locks  at  Bohio. 

There  thus  will  remain  to  be  considered  only  the  16  kilometres  (10  miles) 
lying  between  Obispo,  where  the  canal  leaves  the  Chagres  Kiver  and  Miraflores, 
where  sea-level  is  reached.  This  section  includes  the  continental  divide  at  the  Cule- 
bra,  approached  on  the  side  of  the  Atlantic  by  the  valley  of  the  Obispo,  a tributary 
of  the  Chagres,  and  on  the  Pacific  by  the  valley  of  the  Bio  Grande.  The  great 
economic  problem  to  solve  has  been  to  determine  the  most  advantageous  level  for 
the  bottom  of  the  canal  between  these  two  points,  with  a view  to  afford  the  best 
balance  between  the  coast  and  the  time  of  constructing  the  locks  and  dams  on  the 
one  hand  and  deep  cutting  on  the  other. 

This  problem,  with  its  adjuncts  of  how  to  best  supply  the  summit  level  during 
the  dry  season,  how  to  regulate  the  floods  of  the  Chagres  during  the  rainy  season, 
and  how  to  provide  hydraulic  power  for  lighting  and  operating  the  canal  at  all 
seasons,  has  been  most  thoroughly  studied  on  the  spot  by  the  new  company  since  its 
organization  in  1894.  Space  is  lacking  to  detail  the  trial  excavations,  aggregating  2 
million  cubic  metres,  the  surveys,  the  borings,  the  gaugings  of  the  water  courses  anc 
the  many  other  details  which  have  been  investigated  in  the  most  elaborate  manner 
Suffice  it  to  say  that,  after  comparative  estimates  of  16  variants,  the  Comite  Tech 
nique  has  advised  the  adoption  of  a level  of  20.75  metres  (68  ft.)  above  mean  tide 
which,  should  experience  in  the  active  prosecution  of  the  work  render  it  expedient 
will  admit  of  modification,  either  by  adding  two  more  locks,  raising  the  level  o 
the  cut  to  29.5  metres  (97  ft.),  or  of  suppressing  one  or  perhaps  two  locks,  and  thuij 
reducing  it  to  10  metres  (33  ft.). 

This  definitive  plan,  placing  the  bottom  of  the  canal  at  a level  of  20.75  metres 
involves  two  double  locks  at  Obispo,  raising  the  water  surface  at  the  summit  leve 
to  a maximum  of  31.25  metres  (102.5  ft.)  and  a minimum  of  29.75  metres  (97.51 
ft.);  one  double  lock  at  Paraiso  dropping  these  levels  to  23.25  metres  (76.26  ft.)  am 
22.25  metres  (72.98  ft.),  two  double  locks  at  Pedro-Miguel,  dropping  them  to  6.2; 
metres  (20.5  ft.)  and  5.25  metres  (18.22  ft.);  and  a tidal  lock  at  Miraflores,  wher 
the  water  level  varies  between  3 metres,  or  10  ft.  above,  and  3 metres  below  meai 
tide.  (On  the  Atlantic  side  the  tidal  oscillation  is  only  a few  inches,  and  no  sue 
provision  is  needful.)  The  length  of  these  levels  in  every  case  exceeds  2 kilometre 
(1.24  miles)^  thus  avoiding  trouble  from  oscillations  due  to  lockages.  In  reference 
to  the  deep  cutting  at  Culebra — the  bugbear  of  former  days — it  is  only  needful  t 
say  that  the  excavation  has  already  been  carried  belo.w  the  level  of  the  soft  uppe 
strata,  which  gives  so  much  trouble  by  sliding,  and  is  now  and  will  continue  to  tj 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


435 


in  an  indurated  clay  schist,  requiring  blasting,  and  passing  to  veritable  rock.  Se- 
rious trouble  need  no  longer  be  apprehended  here.  This  problem  has  been  studied 
most  thoroughly  by  the  new  company — involving  the  removal  of  about  2 million 
cubic  metres  of  material,  the  sinking  of  many  pits  and  borings,  and  the  construction 
at  the  worst  point  of  a tunnel  210  metres  long  (689  ft.)  at  a level  of  41  metres 
(134.5  ft.). 

In  locating  the  line  of  the  canal,  great  care  has  been  taken  to  avoid  abrupt 
curves.  A minimum  radius  of  2,500  metres  (8,200  ft.)  is  adopted  for  the  central 
cut,  and  of  3,000  metres  (9,840  ft.)  for  the  rest  of  the  line,  except  near  Bohio,  where 
radii  of  2,500  metres  and  2,000  metres  (6,560  ft.)  occur  in  enlargements  having  a 
bottom  width  of  62  metres  (203.4  ft.),  and  near  Obispo,  where  one  radius  of  1,700 
metres  (5,576  ft.)  occurs  with  a bottom  width  of  80  metres  (262.4  ft.).  Even  with 
the  large  standard  curves  adopted,  suitable  enlargements  will  be  provided  to  render 
the  route  perfect  in  this  important  detail,  in  respect  to  which  it  is  more  favored 
by  nature  than  either  Kiel  or  Manchester,  as  appears  from  the  following  figures: 

Canals 


Man- 

Pana- 

Nicara- 

Chester. 

Kiel. 

ma. 

gua. 

Total  length,  kilos 

...  54 

98.6 

74.5 

284 

Minimum  radius,  metres  

...  571 

1,000 

1,700 

Normal  radius,  metres  

... 

( 2,500* 
} 3,000f 

1,220§ 

1.311J 

Length,  straight 

Curvature: 

....  63% 

63% 

57% 

2,500  metres  or  more 

. . • 15% 

41% 

Less  than  2,500  metres 

. . . 22% 

2% 

2,000  metres  or  more 

....  27% 

29% 

42% 

Less  than  2,000  metres 

. . . 10% 

8% 

1% 

^Central.  fElsewhere. 

§Eastern 

divide. 

{Western  divide. 

The  cross-section  to  be  given  the  canal  varies  in  different  localities,  as  shown 
in  the  following  table:  The  depth  is  uniformly  9 metres  (29.52  ft.);  and  the  side 
slopes  usually  3 base  to  2 height  in  earth,  and  2 base  to  3 height  in  rocky  cuts. 
In  respect  to  berms  and  revetments,  the  latest  practice,  as  recommended  by  the 
recent  International  Congress  of  Engineers  at  Brussels,  will  be  followed. 


Earth- 

Rocky  cuts 

Bottom 

Bottom 

Section, 

width, 

Section,  width, 

sq.  m. 

metres. 

sq.  m.  metres. 

Colon  to  Bohio ................. 

....  406.5 

30 

380.2 

34 

Lake  Bohio  (minimum) 

....  571.5 

50 

531.0 

53 

Summit  level 

....  379.5 

36 

379.5 

36 

Paraiso  to  Pedro  Miguel ....... 

. . . . 406.5 

30 

380.2 

34 

Pedro  Miguel  to  Miraflores 

....  406.5 

30 

380.2 

34 

Miraflores  to  La  Boca* 

....  720.0 

30 

• • 

Bay  of  Panama  (low  tide) 

....  693.0 

50 

• • 

*Low  tide. 


436 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


Enlargements  600  metres  (1,968  ft.)  long  and  60  metres  (196.8  ft.)  wide  at 
bottom,  to  enable  vessels  to  pass  each  other,  will  be  provided  in  the  canal  at  intervals 
of  about  8 kilometres  (4.96  miles);  but  immediately  above  and  below  the  locks 
these  dimensions  will  be  raised  to  700  metres  (2,296  ft.),  and  62  metres  (203.4  ft.). 

The  Locks. — The  locks,  all  founded  on  rock,  are  to  be  double,  the  larger  cham- 
ber having  a serviceable  length  of  225  metres  (738  ft.),  a width  of  25  metres  (82  ft.), 
and  a depth  of  9.5  metres  (31.16  ft.)  at  the  sides,  and  10  metres  (32.8  ft.)  at  the 
middle.  The  smaller  chamber  has  the  same  serviceable  length,  with  intermediate 
gates  to  reduce  it  to  130  metres  (426.4  ft.)  when  desired;  a width  of  18  metres 
(59.04  ft.);  and  the  same  depth  as  the  other.  The  larger  will  be  constructed  first, 
together  with  the  foundations  and  head  of  the  smaller,  thus  permitting  the  latter 
to  be  completed  after  opening  the  canal  to  traffic.  The  maximum  lift  has  been  fixed 
at  9 metres  (29.5  ft.),  except  at  Bohio,  where  provision  for  10  metres  (32.8  ft.)  will 
be  made,  for  use  during  extreme  floods  of  the  Chagres,  which  last  only  for  a few 
hours. 

The  gates  will  be  pivoted  single  leaf  type,  and  water  will  he  supplied  by  pipes 
buried  in  the  lock  floors  and  delivering  on  each  side  and  throughout  the  whole 
length  of  the  chamber,  the  flowr  being  regulated  by  valves  of  the  low  level  cylindrical 
pattern.  Entrance  to  the  chambers  from  either  direction  will  be  facilitated  by  crib 
piers,  60  metres  long,  with  detached  heads  to  protect  the  structure  against  shocks. 

The  Dams. — There  will  be  six  dams,  five  located  on  the  line  of  the  canal  at 
Bohio,  at  Obispo,  at  Paraiso,  at  Pedro-Miguel  and  at  Miraflores,  and  one  at  Alha- 
juela,  16  kilometres  (10  miles)  above,  on  the  upper  Chagres.  Of  these  only  the 
first  and  last  need  be  considered,  as  the  other  four  are  minor  affairs  presenting  no 
engineering  difficulties  (three  of  them  are  to  be  of  masonry  and  one  of  earth). 

The  dam  at  Bohio  will  be  of  earth,  abutting  on  conglomerate  rock  at  the  sides, 
and  founded  on  a compact  bed  of  clay,  believed  to  be  diluvial.  The  length  of  the 
crest  will  be  392  metres  (1.286  ft.);  the  extreme  height  above  the  bed  of  the  river, 
23  metres  (75.4  ft.),  and  above  the  foundation  28.5  metres  (93.5  ft.).  The  width 
at  the  crest  which  rises  3 metres  (10  ft.)  above  the  highest  level  of  the  lake,  will  be 
15  metres  (49.2  ft.);  the  upstream  slope  has  a height  of  1 on  a base  of  3,  with  four 
berms  each  3 metres  (10  ft.)  wide,  the  whole  revetted  with  stone  laid  dry;  the 
downstream  slope  has  a height  of  2 on  a base  of  3,  with  one  berm  3 metres  wide, 
and  is  supported  by  a mass  of  loose  rock  rising  to  a sufficient  height  to  protect  the 
dam  if,  in  spite  of  all  precautions,  it  should  chance  to  be  overtopped  by  a suddeD 
flood  during  construction.  A puddled  core,  and  a concrete  wall  at  the  upper  toe 
will  cut  off  any  possible  leakage.  The  mass  of  the  dam  'will  he  of  excellent  material 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


437 


found  in  the  close  vicinity.  During  construction  the  river  will  be  diverted  through 
the  rock  cut  for  the  locks,  with  ample  provisions  by  reservoirs  for  combating  larger 
floods.  All  the  details  have  been  carefully  studied,  and  the  project  has  received  the 
unanimous  approval  of  the  Comite  Technique. 

The  dam  at  Alhajuela  will  be  of  concrete  masonry  founded  on  and  abutting 
against  compact  rock.  The  length  of  crest  will  be  285.5  metres  (936.4  ft.);  and 
the  height,  41  metres  (134.5  ft.)  above  the  bed  of  the  river  and  50  metres  (164  ft.) 
above  the  deepest  part  of  the  rock  foundation.  The  cross-section  conforms  to  the 
conditions  of  recent  engineering  practice. 

To  facilitate  construction,  a tunnel  300  metres  (984  ft.)  long  and  75  square 
metres  (807  sq.  ft.)  in  cross-section  will  be  driven  through  the  ridge  to  a bend  of 
the  river  below,  and  a temporary  dam  will  divert  into  it  the  minor  flood  discharges 
of  the  river.  To  meet  the  case  of  larger  floods,  the  dam  will  be  raised  alternately 
on  the  two  sides,  thus  allowing  space  for  a portion  to  be  overflowed  without  inter- 
rupting the  work.  These  details  have  been  carefully  studied,  and  meet  the  approval 
of  the  Comite  Technique. 

Engineers  will  recognize  the  immense  advantages  possessed  by  the  Panama 
route,  in  the  matter  of  dam  construction,  over  the  conditions  found  in  Nicaragua, 
where  the  diversion  of  the  San  Juan  Eiver  is  admitted  to  be  impracticable,  and 
where  the  foundations  present  extraordinary  difficulties  and  demand  an  unusual 
structure  quite  without  precedent  for  canal  purposes. 

Begulation  of  the  Chagres  Eiver. — This  subject,  comprising  the  control  of 
the  floods  and  the  supply  of  the  summit  level,  has  received  the  elaborate  investiga- 
tion demanded  by  its  importance.  Space  is  lacking  for  details,  but  the  general 
features  are  the  following: 

At  Alhajuela  the  low  water  surface  of  the  river  is  28  metres  (91.84  ft.)  above 
sea  level;  at  Gamboa,  14  metres  (46  ft,);  and  at  Bohio,  0 metres.  The  mean  annual 
discharges  at  thes'e  three  points  respectively  are  63  cubic  metres  (2,224  cu.  ft.),  84 
cubic  metres  (2,965  cu.  ft.),  and  121  cubic  metres  (4,261  cu.  ft.)  per  second.  During 
the  three  low  water  months  (February,  March  and  April)  these  mean  volumes  fall 
to  27  cubic  metres  (953  cu.  ft.),  31  cubic  metres  (1,094  cu.  ft.),  and  39  cubic 
metres  (1,376  cu.  ft.),  the  minimum  being  9 cubic  metres  (318  cu.  ft.),  10  cubic 
metres  (353  cu.  ft.),  and  14  cubic  metres  (459  cu.  ft.).  The  maximum  flood  volumes 
closely  estimated  on  the  basis  of  the  floods  of  1879,  the  largest  within  the  mem- 
ory of  the  inhabitants,  is  at  Gamboa  2,040,  cubic  metres  (57,539  cu.  ft.)  per  second, 
and  at  Bohio  3,100  cubic  metres  (109,410  cu.  ft.).  The  floods  of  the  river,  great  and 
small,  are  of  the  torrential  type,  resulting  from  the  heavy  and  widespread  tempests 


4-38 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


of  the  rainy  season.  Their  duration  is  extremely  short,  rarely  exceeding  in  the 
greatest  floods  48  hours  at  Gamboa  and  96  hours  at  Bohic.  The  maximum  heights 
ever  attained  above  the  low  water  stage  are  about  11  metres  (36.1  ft.)  at  Gamboa, 
and  12  metres  (39.36  ft.)  at  Bolno.  These  figures,  resulting  from  years  of  patient 
and  careful  observations,  have  furnished  the  basis  for  solving  the  two  great  ques- 
tions  of  river  regulation  presented  by  the  problem  of  the  canal. 

Upon  an  estimate,  known  to  be  safe,  of  allowing  1,000  cubic  metres  (35,300  cu. 
ft.)  per  second  to  freely  pass  Gamboa  and  1,200  cubic  metres  (42,360  cu.  ft.)  to 
freely  pass  Bohio,  reservoirs  to  contain  100  million  cubic  metres  (3,500,000,000  cu. 
ft.)  above  Alhajuela,  and  150  million  cubic  metres  (5,295,000,000  cu.  ft.)  above 
Bohio  are  needful  to  restrain  the  greatest  known  floods;  and  these  reservoirs  are 
provided  by  the  dams  already  described.  In  no  other  than  the  flood  of  1879  would 
so  large  volumes  be  demanded. 

The  level  of  these  lakes  to  be  regulated  by  overflow  weirs  of  the  Stoney  type, 
which  have  given  perfect  satisfaction  on  the  Manchester  Canal,  and  which  have  the 
great  merit  of  allowing  the  sills  to  be  placed  below  the  water  surface  without  serious 
leakage. 

The  volume  of  1,000  cubic  metres  (35,300  cu.  ft.)  per  second  permitted  to  pass 
Alhajuela  will  follow  the  bed  of  the  Chagres  to  Lake  Bohio.  The  volume  of  1,200 
cubic  metres  (42,360  cu.  ft.)  allowed  to  escape  from  the  latter,  will  pass  by  two  over- 
flow weirs— one  to  the  left  of  the  canal  discharging  500  cubic  metres  (17,650  cu. 
ft.)  per  second  through  the  bed  of  the  Chagres  and  its  derivation;  and  the  other 
at  the  sources  of  Rio  Gigante  discharging  700  cubic  metres  (24,710  cu.  ft.)  by  a 
route  also  separated  from  the  canal. 

To  supply  the  summit  level  during  the  season  of  low  water,  the  inflow  of  20 
cubic  metres  (706  cu.  ft.)  per  second  will  be  required.  To  provide  7,000  horse- 
power for  lighting  the  canal  and  operating  the  gates,  15  cubic  metres  (530  cu.  ft.) 
per  second  are  demanded,  falling  32  metres  (105  ft.)  at  Alhajuela,  and  16  metres 
(52.5  ft.)  at  Bohio,  and  acting  on  turbines  driving  dynamos  to  transmit  the  power 
in  the  form  of  electricity.  The  reservoir  capacity,  in  excess  of  the  low  water  flow 
of  the  Chagres,  to  supply  these  two  needs,  is  130  million  cubic  metres  (4,589  million 
cu.  ft.).  The  area  of  the  lake  above  Alhajuela  is  2,300  hectares  (5,750  acres)  at  the 
level  of  61  metres  (200  ft.)  above  tide  water  and  3,000  hectares  (7,500  acres)  at  the 
level  of  65  metres  (213  ft.),  the  crest  being  69  metres  (226  ft.),  calling  for  a layer  of 
water  9 metres  (29.5  ft.)  deep  to  contain  100  million  cubic  metres  for  flood  storage 
and  130  million  for  low  water  supply.  Upon  this  basis  the  capacity  of  the  lake  has 
been  regulated. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


439 


To  transport  the  needful  volume  of  water  (20  cubic  metres  per  second)  from 
Alhajuela  to  the  summit  level,  a feeder  16  kilometres  (10  miles)  long  will  leave 
the  lake  at  a level  of  58  metres  (190.3  ft.)  above  tide,  and  follow  the  left  bank  to  a 
lateral  valley,  discharging  gently  into  the  summit  level  about  a kilometre  (0.62 
miles)  from  the  locks  at  Obispo.  The  fall  between  the  lake  and  point  of  delivery 
will  be  17  metres  (55.8  ft.),  and  the  cross-section  is  established  to  carry  from  25 
(882)  to  40  cubic  metres  (1,412  cu.  ft.)  per  second,  with  a view  to  meeting  all  pos- 
sible contingencies  of  a largely  increased  traffic.  At  these  heights  water  will  flow 
into  the  canal  even  if  the  higher  summit  level  should  finally  be  found  to  be  the 
more  advantageous.  The  feeder  traverses  a difficult  region  and  will  be  costly,  but 
all  details  of  construction  have  been  successfully  elaborated. 

At  Lake  Bohio,  as  already  stated,  a capacity  of  150  million  cubic  metres  is 
needed  for  storage  during  great  floods,  and  to  assist  the  overflow  weirs  in  regu- 
lating the  level  during  the  sudden  influx  of  smaller  floods.  This  volume  calls  for  a 
layer  of  water  3 metres  (10  ft.)  deep;  and  another  metre  has  been  added,  to  contain 
a reserve  for  supplying  evaporation  in  the  lake  during  the  dry  season. 

From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  seen  that  the  hydraulic  problems  presented  by 
this  turbulent  river — at  one  time  regarded  as  so  serious — admit  of  satisfactory  solu- 
tion. This  is  hardly  the  case  in  Nicaragua,  where  one  of  the  great  difficulties  of  the 
project  is  the  regulation  of  a summit  level  depending  on  that  of  an  immense  lake 
2,700  square  miles  in  extent,  receiving  directly  the  drainage  of  8,700  square  miles 
jf  territory,  together  with  that  of  2,250  square  miles  more  through  the  tributaries 
af  the  San  Juan  Biver  above  the  dam  at  Ochoa;  conditions  which  render  the  ordi- 
nary method  of  storage  reservoirs  wholly  inapplicable.  Nevertheless  a delicate 
regulation  of  this  level,  and  at  an  artificial  height,  is  essential  to  avoid  on  the  one 
hand  drowning  a cultivated  district  on  the  west  shore,  and  on  the  other  hand  ex- 
posing rocks  in  the  navigable  bed  of  the  San  Juan.  These  difficulties  are  aggra- 
vated by  the  necessity  of  placing  the  overflow  weirs  near  Ochoa,  at  a distance  of 
uore  than  100  kilometres  (62  miles)  from  the  lake. 

In  this  connection  it  may  also  be  noted  that  in  the  matter  of  rainfall  the  Pan- 
ima  Canal  is  the  more  fortunate.  All  the  difficult  excavations  and  works  of  con- 
struction, except  those  near  Bohio,  lie  in  the  interior  where  the  annual  downfall, 
is  determined  by  32  years  of  observation,  is  93  ins.,  or  only  about  50  per  cent,  more 
han  on  our  Gulf  coast;  while  in  Nicaragua,  the  most  difficult  constructions,  includ- 
ng  the  Ochoa  dam  and  the  San  Francisco  embankments,  lie  in  a district  where  the 
lownfall,  as  determined  from  the  data  collected  by  the  Nicaragua  Canal  Company 
about  seven  years’  observations),  is  256  ins.,  or  nearly  three  times  as  much. 


440 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


Estimates. — This  subject  has  received  the  most  careful  study,  both  in  deter- 
mining quantities  and  unit  prices.  Much  valuable  data  as  to  the  latter,  based  on 
actual  experience  on  the  Isthmus,  has  been  available.  The  cost  of  each  different 
project,  and  there  have  been  sixteen  different  variants,  has  been  estimated  in  detail, 
and  a selection  between  them  has  thus  been  reached  intelligently.  The  sum  needed 
for  the  work  of  construction  proper  is,  in  round  numbers,  $100,000,000.  The  ele- 
ment of  time  is  more  difficult  to  determine,  but  the  volume  remaining  to  be  exca- 
vated at  the  Culebra  being  a little  less  than  12  million  cubic  metres  (15,600,000  cu. 
yds.),  it  is  believed  that  ten  years  is  a conservative  estimate. 

The  Nicaragua  Canal. — To  the  general  relative  merits  of  the  two  canals  already 
considered  may  be  added  that  the  Panama  route  lies  in  the  interior  of  Colombia, 
while  that  by  Nicaragua  lies  near  the  Costa  Rican  boundary,  where  hostilities  are  | 
liable  at  any  time  to  cause  difficulties,  as  they  already  have  done  during  the  canal 
examination  by  the  Walker  commission  last  spring.  Also  that  in  respect  to  danger 
from  possible  earthquakes,  which  might  easily  cause  trouble  at  the  great  locks,  Pan- 
ama is  by  far  the  more  safe,  because  no  active  volcano  is  found  within  a distance  of 
at  least  200  miles  from  it,  while  three  lie  in  the  close  vicinity  of  the  route  of  the 
Nicaragua  Canal,  and  one  within  only  forty  miles  of  its  western  locks.  Last  April  an 
earthquake  destroyed  substantial  masonry  buildings  at  Leon,  only  100  miles  distant 
from  these  lock  sites. 

But  while  it  is  thus  easy  ro  compare  the  two  canals  in  their  general  features, 
and  to  see  that  the  route  by  Panama  is  much  superior  to  that  by  Nicaragua,  when  | 
details  are  considered,  we  are  confronted  by  the  fact  that  really  no  definite  project 
can  be  claimed  for  the  latter.  The  company’s  project,  as  revised  by  the  Govern- 
ment Commission,  of  which  General  Ludlow  was  president,  is  shown  on  the  accom- 
panying  drawing,  which  may  be  compared  with  that  given  to  illustrate  the  Panama 
project;  but  it  should  be  noted  that  the  latter  has  double  the  horizontal  scale,  thus 
failing  to  impress  the  eye,  by  fifty  per  cent.,  with  its  relative  merit  in  respect  to 
length.  The  data  upon  which  tin's  project  was  based  were  so  unsatisfactory  to  the 
Ludlow  Commission  that  they  reported:  “for  obtaining  the  necessary  data  for  the 
formation  of  a final  project,  eighteen  months’  time,  covering  two  dry  seasons,  and 
an  expenditure  of  $350,000,  will  be  required.”  A new  commission  has  been  ap- 
pointed, and  new  surveys  inaugurated;  and  it  appears  from  the  views  of  the  indi- 
vidual members,  as  given  before  the  select  committee  of  the  Senate  in  June,  1898, 
that  the  changes  undergoing  study  are  radical  in  their  nature,  and  that,  although 
some  at  least  of  the  engineering  difficulties  which  impressed  the  former  Government 
Commission  are  recognized  as  grave,  no  means  of  avoiding  them  have  yet  been  dis- 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


441 


covered.  Under  these  conditions  it  is  apparent  that  confidence  cannot  be  accorded 
to  such  a project;  and  that  really  there  is  only  one  canal,  that  of  Panama,  whose 
construction  could  be  judiciously  undertaken  at  the  present  time.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
before  the  Government  embarks  on  so  important  a work  that  the  relative  merits 
of  the  two  routes  will  be  examined  and  judged  by  a commission  of  expert  engineers, 
for  it  is  certain  that  only  one  canal  is  now  needed,  and  that  that  one  should  be  the 
best  possible. 

One  of  the  discussions  of  the  people  that  has  accompanied  the  thoughtful  at- 
tention of  mankind  to  the  various  schemes  for  the  practical  removal  of  the  barrier 
between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  unbroken  north  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan — 
well  described  as  an  enormous  canal  provided  by  natural  causes — is  the  compara- 
tive height  of  the  water  in  the  two  oceans  that  are  so  near  and  yet  so  far,  at  the 
Isthmus,  and  this  mysterious  matter  is  treated  according  to  the  popular  taste  in 
“Sport,  Travel  and  Adventure  in  Newfoundland  and  the  West  Indies,”  by  Capt. 
W.  E.  Kennedy,  E.  N.;  William  Blackwood  & Sons,  Edinburgh  and  London,  as 
follows: 

“This  opens  the  question  as  to  what  effect  the  Panama  Canal  will  have  upon 
the  tides  and  currents  of  the  Caribbean  Sea.  One  would  naturally  suppose  that  the 
water  in  the  canal  would  flow  continually  from  east  to  west,  or  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  on  account  of  the  constant  set  of  the  current  and  the  prevail- 
ing winds  being  from  that  direction.  The  difference  in  the  height  of  the  tide  at 
Colon  and  Panama  is  very  remarkable.  At  the  former  place  the  rise  and  fall  of 
the  tide  is  only  three  feet;  whereas  at  Panama  the  difference  between  high  and 
low  water  mark  is,  as  far  as  I remember,  nearly  twenty.  The  tide  is  nine  hours 
later  at  Colon  than  it  is  at  Panama,  so  that  when  it  is  high  or  low  water  at  Pan- 
ama it  is  half-tide  at  Colon. 

“As  a matter  of  fact,  I am  inclined  to  think  that  in  the  event  of  what  is  called 
a tide-level  being  cut  through  the  Isthmus — that  is,  a canal  without  locks,  open  to 
the  ocean  at  either  end — there  would  be  no  continuous  stream  of  water  flowing 
through  the  canal  in  any  one  direction,  but  the  result  would  probably  be  that  the 
tides  would  flow  in  from  either  end,  meet  in  the  middle  and  flow  back  again,  as 
piay  be  seen  in  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  which,  after  all,  is  but  a huge  canal  of 
Nature’s  own  construction. 

“It  is  quite  possible  that  the  rush  of  water  may  be  so  great  as  to  seriously  inter- 
fere with  the  passage  of  ships  entering  the  canal,  in  which  case  it  will  be  necessary 
to  form  a lock  at  the  Panama  end.  It  may  even  be  necessary,  in  view  of  the  differ- 
ence in  the  depth  of  the  harbors  at  either  end,  to  slope  the  bottom  of  the  canal  from 


442 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


Colon  downwards  to  Panama.  This,  according  to  Max  Adler’s  laughable  story,  * 
would  have  the  effect  of  causing  the  water  to  flow  downhill,  thereby  draining  the 
Atlantic  into  the  Pacific  Ocean! 

“But,  joking  apart,  the  tendency  of  the  water  must  be  to  find  its  own  level, 
and  if  it  can  be  shown  that  the  mean  level  of  the  tivo  oceans  is  not  identical,  there 
must  be  a constant  flow  in  the  direction  of  the  lowest  level. 

“Now,  it  is  not  at  all  certain  that  the  mean  level  of  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic 
oceans  is  the  same;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that,  owing  to  the  rotation  of  the  earth 
on  its  axis,  and  the  formation  of  the  land  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  isthmus,  the 
water  may  be  piled  up  on  the  Atlantic  side  and  drawn  away  from  the  Pacific  side. 
A glance  at  the  map  will  show  what  I mean.  And  we  all  know  how  a strong  breeze 
will  keep  a river  back,  or,  if  in  the  same  direction  as  the  flow  of  the  river,  will 
drive  it  out  of  a lock  and  thus  raise  the  river;  so  this  theory  may  not  be  so  absurd 
after  all.  I leave  it  to  those  learned  in  such  matters. 

“There  is  another  view  of  the  case  which  never  struck  me  till  now.  Geologists 
are  of  the  opinion  that  at  one  time  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  was  submerged,  and 
South  America  an  island.  They  are  led  to  this  conclusion  by  the  totally  different 
class  of  animals  to  be  found  in  South  and  North  America.  At  that  time  the  Gulf 
stream  which  now  warms  our  shores  must  have  flowed  westward  through  this  chan- 
nel, and  the  British  Isles  were  a frozen  zone  unsuited  for  human  habitation.  Cut 
through  the  isthmus,  and  the  warm  waters  of  the  Gulf  stream  may  to  a very  limited 
extent  be  deflected  in  the  direction  of  their  former  course.  The  effect  would  he 
probably  no  more  than  drawing  off  a kettle  of  water  from  the  river  Tweed,  and 
the  immediate  effect  on  our  climate  be  imperceptible;  but  it  might  to  a very 
trifling  extent  have  some  influence — about  as  much,  perhaps,  as  the  endeavor  to 
shampoo  an  elephant  with  a single  egg! 

“I  was  led  to  this  diversion  from  my  recollection  of  the  canal  scheme  twelve 
years  ago,  when  I was  ordered  to  report  on  its  feasibility.  At  that  time  there  were 
no  fewer  than  five  schemes  for  connecting  the  Pacific  with  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  I 
sorted  these  schemes,  and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  only  one  likely  to  be 
attended  with  any  success  was  a direct  tide-level  canal  across  the  Isthmus  of  Pan- 
ama. I shall  be  disappointed  if  this  opinion  be  found  not  to  be  correct.” 

We  avail  ourselves  of  the  official  publications  by  the  New  Panama  Canal  Com- 
pany for  details  of  the  condition  of  the  work  done,  supported  by  photographic 

views  remarkably  beautiful  and  instructive.  First,  it  is  desirable  to  look  at  the  law, 
— 


♦Elbow-Room.  By  Max  Adler. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


443 


and  we  give  Articles  5 and  6 of  the  Panama  Canal  concession  of  May  18,  1878,  under 
which  the  canal  is  being  completed: 

Art.  5.  The  government  of  the  Republic  hereby  declares  the  ports  at  each 
end  of  the  canal,  and  the  waters  of  the  latter  from  sea  to  sea,  to  be  neutral  for  all 
time;  and  consequently,  in  case  of  war  among  other  nations,  the  transit  through 
the  canal  shall  not  be  interrupted  by  such  event,  and  the  merchant  vessels  and  indi- 
viduals of  all  nations  of  the  world  may  enter  said  ports  and  travel  on  the  canal  with- 
out being  molested  or  detained. 

In  general,  any  vessel  may  pass  freely  without  any  discrimination,  exclusion 
or  preference  of  nationalities  or  persons,  on  payment  of  the  dues  and  the  observance 
of  the  rules  established  by  the  company  for  the  use  of  the  canal  and  its  dependen- 
cies. 

Exception  is  to  be  made  of  foreign  troops  which  shall  not  have  the  right  to 
pass  without  permission  from  Congress,  and  of  the  vessels  of  nations  which,  being 
at  war  with  the  United  States  of  Colombia,  may  not  have  obtained  the  right  to 
pass  through  the  canal  at  all  times  by  public  treaties  wherein  is  guaranteed  the 
sovereignty  of  Colombia  over  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  and  over  the  territory  where- 
on the  canal  is  to  be  cut,  besides  the  immunity  and  neutrality  of  the  said  canal,  its 
ports,  bays  and  dependencies  and  the  adjacent  seas. 

■ Art.  6.  The  United  States  of  Colombia  reserves  to  themselves  the  right  to 
pass  their  vessels,  troops,  ammunitions  of  war  at  all  times  and  without  paying  any 
dues  whatever. 

The  passage  of  the  canal  is  strictly  closed  to  war  vessels  of  nations  at  war  with 
another  or  other  nations,  and  which  may  not  have  acquired,  by  public  treaty  with 
the  Colombian  Government,  the  right  to  pass  by  the  canal  at  all  times. 

The  United  States  of  America  is  the  only  nation  with  which  Colombia  has 
ever  made  a treaty  wherein  is  guaranteed  to  Colombia  the  neutrality  of  the  Isthmus 
of  Panama  and  the  sovereignty  of  Colombia  over  said  territory,  as  above  provided; 
and,  therefore,  it  is  the  only  nation  having  the  “special  or  remarkable  advantages” 
provided  for  by  the  treaty. 

Under  this  treaty  Colombia  granted  concession  to  the  Panama  Railroad,  which 
railroad  was  thereupon  constructed  and  for  forty-three  years  has  been  in  continuous 
operation.  On  several  noteworthy  occasions  the  United  States  has  protected  the 
railroad  property,  in  compliance  with  the  obligations  of  this  treaty. 

Also,  in  contemplation  of  the  provisions  of  this  treaty,  Colombia  granted  in 
1878  the  concession  for  the  Panama  Canal  now  owned  by  the  new  Panama  Canal 
Company;  and  like  protection  to  the  canal,  as  to  the  railroad,  will,  of  course,  be 


444 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


assured  by  the  United  States  under  this  treaty.  Over  $150,000,000  have  been 
actually  invested  in  the  Panama  Canal  works,  two-fifths  of  the  entire  canal  work 
have  been  completed,  and  the  balance  is  under  active  construction,  in  firm  reliance 
upon  the  protection  assured  by  the  United  States  under  said  treaty  to  the  “Isthmus 
of  Panama  from  its  southernmost  extremity  until  the  boundary  of  Costa  Rica.” 

The  present  organization  of  the  new  Panama  Canal  Company  is  as  follows: 

Executive  Officers:  J.  Bonnardel,  President;  Maurice  Hutin,  Director-Gen- 
eral; Edward  Lampre,  Secretary. 

Board  of  Directors:  Mr.  Bonnardel,  President,  director  of  the  Western  Rail- 
road Company  of  France;  Mr.  Baillet,  ex-judge  of  the  Commercial  Court  of  Or- 
leans; Mr.  Brolemann,  director  of  the  Credit  Lyonnais,  and  also  president  of  the 
Franco-Canadian  Credit  Foncier;  Mr.  Chanove,  managing  director  of  the  Steel  and 
Iron  Works  of  Huta  and  Bankova,  in  Russia;  Mr.  Jonquiere,  inspector  of  Public 
Lands  and  Works,  and  director  of  the  Realty  Company  of  Lyons,  France;  Mr. 
Lebegue,  director  of  the  Bank  Societe  Generate  and  ex-director  of  the  Bank  of 
France  (Branch  for  Nancy);  Mr.  Meliodon,  director  of  the  Comptoir  National  d’Es- 
compte  of  Paris  and  of  the  Credit  Foncier  of  France;  Mr.  Ramet,  ex-president  of 
the  Commercial  Court  of  Rennes,  France;  Mr.  De  St.  Quentin,  director  of  the 
Credit  Industrial  Commercial;  Mr.  Souchon,  director  of  the  Coal  Mining  Company 
of  Saint  Etienne. 

Commercial  Representative  at  New  York:  Xavier  Boyard,  45  Wall  Street,  New 
York  City. 

General  Counsel:  Sullivan  & Cromwell,  United  States  Trust  Co.  Building,  45 
Wall  Street,  New  York  City. 

The  photographic  illustrations  belong  in  picturesque  America,  and  are  most 
effective  in  placing  before  the  eye  that  which  has  been  done.  The  illustrations 
were  made  from  photographs  (not  merely  drawings)  of  various  sections  of  the  work, 
taken  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1897  and  in  the  year  1898,  and  are  intended  to 
convey  to  the  reader  some  idea  of  the  present  condition  and  progress  of  work  on  the 
canal. 

The  plate  showing  a portion  of  the  completed  canal,  with  a boat  in  the  fore- 
ground, illustrates  the  condition  of  the  canal  for  fourteen  miles  from  the  Atlantic, 
inland.  This  portion  of  the  canal  is  navigable,  as  is  also  about  four  miles  from  the 
Pacific,  inland. 

The  various  cuts  of  the  Cidebra  completely  refute  the  charge  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  make  a suitable  excavation  at  this  point. 

The  other  illustrations  show  the  progress  of  the  work  and  the  character  of  the 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


445 


plant  employed  in  its  execution.  Most  of  this  machinery  and  plant  is  of  the  most 
approved  American  design  and  manufacture. 

MAP  AND  PROFILE. 

The  profile  shows  the  three  plans  all  equally  feasible  and  about  equal  in  cost, 
but  differing  in  time  required  for  execution.  Level  20.75  has  been  adopted,  sub- 
jected to  further  reduction  of  the  number  of  locks  if  found  desirable  in  comple- 
tion. 

It  also  illustrates  the  large  proportion  of  work  already  completed,  and  clearly 
indicates,  by  dotted  lines,  the  original  surface  line  (indicated  in  black)  and  the  cut- 
ting down  of  the  same  to  the  present  levels  (indicated  in  red). 

The  map  shows  the  route  of  the  canal  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and  the  line  of  the 
Panama  Railroad,  which  is  contiguous. 

International  Technical  Commission,  composed  of  engineers  of  United  States, 
France,  Russia,  England,  Germany  and  Colombia:  Mr.  A.  Robaglia,  General  In- 
spector of  Bridges  and  Roads  (France),  retired,  President;  *Mr.  Bouvier,  General 
Inspector  of  Bridges  and  Roads  (France),  retired,  Secretary;  Brig-Gen.  Henry  L. 
Abbot,  Corps  of  Engineers,  U.  S.  Army,  retired;  Mr.  E.  Castel,  General  Inspector 
of  Mines  (France),  retired;  Mr.  V.  Daymard,  Chief  Engineer  of  Transatlantique 
Co.  (France);  Mr.  Fargue,  General  Inspector  of  Bridges  and  Roads  (France),  re- 
tired; Mr.  A.  Fetley,  Chief  Engineer,  Aqueduct  Commissioners,  New  York  City, 
United  States  America;  Mr.  Fulscher,  “Conseiller  in  time”  at  the  Department  of 
Public  Works  of  Prussia,  formerly  Engineering  Director  at  the  works  of  the  Kiel 
Canal  (Prussia);  Mr.  Hersent,  Civil  Engineer  (France);  Mr.  W.  Henry  Hunter, 
Chief  Engineer  of  the  Manchester  Canal  Co.  (England);  Mr.  Koch,  Councillor  De- 
partment of  Public  Works,  Director  of  the  Technical  Academy  of  Darmstadt,  for- 
merly Engineering  Member  of  the  Imperial  Commission  for  the  Kiel  Canal 
(Prussia);  Mr.  Jules  Martin,  Inspector  General  of  Ponts  et  Chaussees,  retired 
(France);  Mr.  C.  Skalkowski,  formerly  Director  of  Mines  for  the  Department  of 
Agriculture  and  Lands  (Russia);  *Mr.  Sosa,  Chief  Engineer  of  Colombian  States 
(South  America). 

Brief  history  of  the  predecessor  company,  the  old  Panama  Canal  Company  (the 
Universal  Interoceanie  Canal  Company),  1880-1888: 

PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS. 

The  widespread  interest  in  the  financial  failure  of  the  old  Panama  Company 


♦Recently  deceased. 


446 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


can  be  explained  by  the  universal  character  of  the  undertaking,  the  celebrity  of  the 
man  who  was  at  its  head,  and  the  importance  of  the  interests  involved. 

In  France  this  failure,  unfortunately,  served  at  the  time  certain  political  pur- 
poses; therefore  public  attention  was  diverted  from  the  undertaking  itself. 

It  must,  however,  be  conceded  that  the  construction  of  the  interoceanic  canal 
is  a commercial  enterprise  like  any  other.  For  its  successful  planning  and  execution 
every  detail  must  first  be  carefully  studied.  The  solution  to  be  arrived  at  should 
not  be  based  upon  preconceived  ideas,  however  attractive  these  may  appear.  Such 
a method  is  dangerous,  especially  so  in  an  undertaking,  which  in  its  greatness,  diffi- 
culties and  complexity,  has  no  precedent. 

An  impartial  examination  of  the  financial  failure  of  the  company  founded  by 
Mr.  De  Lesseps  discloses  a number  of  causes  which  had  more  or  less  grave  conse- 
quences, speaking  either  from  a financial  or  technical  point  of  view,  but  all  relate 
to  an  initial  or  fundamental  cause,  that  is,  from  its  beginning  there  was  an  omission 
to  make  careful  and  thorough  surveys  to  determine  the  character  and  cost  of  the 
work,  as  well  as  the  time  necessary  to  complete  it. 

It  would  be  unjust,  however,  to  underestimate  the  importance  of  the  work  ac- 
complished, and  the  results  obtained,  by  the  old  company.  They  will  be  fully  pre- 
sented later  herein. 

THE  INTERNATIONAL  CONGRESS  HELD  AT  PARIS  IN  MAY,  1879. 

Notwithstanding  its  extreme  interest,  it  is  not  possible  even  to  summarize  the 
history  of  the  discoveries,  explorations  and  plans  of  maritime  canals  on  the  Amer- 
ican Isthmus  prior  to  the  year  1879,  at  which  time  an  international  congress  met  in 
Paris  and,  after  an  examination  of  the  several  plans  which  had  been  presented, 
adopted  the  following  conclusion: 

“The  Congress  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  cutting  of  an  international  sea  level 
canal,  so  desirable  in  the  interests  of  commerce  and  of  navigation,  is  possible,  and 
that  this  maritime  canal,  in  order  to  provide  the  indispensable  facility  for  access 
and  use  that  a passage  of  this  kind  should  offer,  ought  to  be  constructed  from  the 
Gulf  of  Limon  (Colon)  to  the  Bay  of  Panama.” 

The  conclusion  of  the  Technical  Commission  of  this  Congress  were  slightly  less 
formal,  and  were  thus  expressed: 

“It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Technical  Commission  that  the  Interoceanic  Canal 
should  be  constructed  from  the  Gulf  of  Limon  to  the  Bay  of  Panama,  and  this 
Commission  specially  recommends  the  building  of  a sea  level  canal  along  this  route.” 


THEATRE  AT  SAN  JOSE,  COSTA  RICA, 


SCHOOL  HOUSE  IN  SAN  JOSE,  COSTA  RICA. 


itEW  ON  SAN  JUAN  RIVER,  COSTA  RICj 


PIER  AT  GREYTOWN,  NICARAGUA. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


449 


Reference  to  the  debates  which  took  place  in  the  Congress  of  1879  discloses 
that  although  a great  majority  of  its  members  recognized  the  superiority  of  the 
proposed  plan  (Colon-Panama)  many  among  them,  and  not  the  least  eminent  and 
experienced,  declare,  that  if  the  realization  of  the  plan  of  a sea  level  canal  was  to  be 
urged  because  it  was  most  conducive  to  the  great  growth  of  traffic,  as  well  as  to 
the  safety  and  rapidity  of  its  passage,  it  was  to  be  feared  that  this  would  present 
too  many  difficulties,  or  too  great  a cost,  and  that  a canal  with  locks  would  fully 
satisfy  the  wants  of  navigation.^ 

No  doubt  the  personal  opinion  of  Mr.  De  Lesseps,  the  originator  of  the  Suez 
sea  level  canal,  had  great  weight  in  the  decision  of  the  Congress.  Mr.  De  Lesseps 
had  always  asserted  that  the  canal  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  should  be  con- 
structed at  a constant  level. 

We  are  compelled  to  admit  that  the  completed  surveys  and  work  accomplished 
in  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  undeniably  demonstrates  that  Mr.  De  Lesseps’  ideal  is 
now  practically  susceptible  of  realization;  but  Mr.  De  Lesseps  was  entirely  mis- 
taken concerning  the  conditions  of  execution  in  the  first  attempt  he  made. 


The  Congress  of  1879  had  calculated  that  the  time  for  the  finishing  of  the 
sanal  would  be  at  least  twelve  years,  and  it  fixed  the  probable  expense  of  the  under- 
taking at  $214,000,000.  Supposing  that  the  interest  on  capital  during  construction 
imounted  to  $26,000,000,  there  would  be  a total  expenditure  of  $240,000,000. 

Mr.  De  Lesseps,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  18S0,  went  to  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama  with  a company  of  engineers  for  the  purpose  of  completing  the  surveys 
vhich  had  been  submitted  the  preceding  year  to  the  International  Congress.  The 
astimate  of  the  construction  work  proper  authorized  by  this  Commission  amounted 
o $166,800,000. 

At  the  same  time  this  Commission  expressed  the  opinion  that  with  good  and 
udicious  organization  the  work  might  be  concluded  in  eight  years.  Mr.  De  Les- 
jeps  believed  it  to  be  possible  to  reduce  this  estimate  of  expenditures. 

It  was  under  these  conditions  that  the  work  was  commenced  in  1881.  After 
■mploying  two  or  three  years  in  making  more  careful  and  thorough  surveys,  and 
n preparatory  work,  the  real  difficulties  of  the  undertaking  began  to  be  under- 
tood. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  everything  had  to  be  created,  at  an  enormous  ex- 
cuse and  very  slowly,  in  a country  entirely  lacking  in  natural  resources,  and  sit- 
uated at  a great  distance  from  the  source  of  supplies. 


450 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


It  must  be  recalled,  also,  that  there  had  been  great  want  of  foresight,  in  pro- 
portion to  the  importance  of  the  work,  and  this  explains  the  grave  consequences 
which  ensued.  Notwithstanding  the  existence  of  the  Panama  Railroad  along  the 
line  of  the  canal  at  nearly  every  portion  of  it,  the  first  installation  was  extremely 
tedious  and  costly.  Finally  it  was  necessary  to  construct  a large  number  of  build- 
ings to  house  about  15,000  employes  and  workmen;  hospitals,  stores  and  workshops 
had  to  be  erected.  All  of  this  plant  and  the  preparation  of  the  equipment  had  al- 
ready cost  enormous  sums,  and  required  a considerable  length  of  time  before  the 
actual  excavation  of  the  work  could  be  commenced.  These  special  difficulties  every- 
where encountered  in  the  Isthmus  were  inevitable.  It  was  then  impossible  to  fine 
proper  workmen  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  work.  Considerable  effort  was  neces- 
sary to  obtain  laborers  from  other  countries  and  bring  them  to  the  Isthmus,  and 
in  proportion  as  the  work  grew  in  extent,  salaries  increased,  as  well  as  the  cost  oi 
everything. 

At  that  time  the  unhealthfulness  of  the  climate,  due,  in  a large  measure,  to  the 
excavation  and  uplifting  of  the  surface  of  the  ground,  also  interfered  with  tht 
progress  of  the  work. 

To-day,  on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  the  sanitary  conditions  have  much  im 
proved  because  of  the  opening  of  the  canal,  and  also  on  account  of  the  deep  exca 
vations  below  the  surface,  and  no  difficulty  whatever  is  now  felt  from  the  climate 
while  labor  is  readily  obtained  from  Jamaica. 

The  construction  of  an  interoceanic  canal  presented  problems  extremely  diffi 
cult  of  solution,  since,  by  the  very  nature  of  things,  the  indispensable  elements  fo 
all  preliminary  investigations  were  lacking.  To  definitely  solve  these  problems  th 
results  of  many  years  of  observation  and  experience  was  required.  Just  this  ver; 
filing  occurred  at  Panama,  particularly  in  the  excavation  of  the  large  cut  at  Culebra 
The  first  surveys  indicated  the  mountain  to  be  solid  rock,  while,  on  the  contrary 
a.  layer  of  clayey  soil  was  very  soon  encountered  (the  crumbling  away  of  which  ha 
been  greatly  exaggerated).  At  the  present  time  the  excavations  of  the  new  com 
pany,  which  have  been  carried  to  a very  considerable  depth,  prove  that  the  entir 
formation,  with  the  exception  of  the  surface  layer,  consists  of  a fairly  hard  rock  o 
such  nature  and  arrangement  that  there  is  no  fear  of  crumbling  of  the  embank 
ment  and  consequent  filling  up  of  the  cut,  no  matter  what  its  depth  may  be.  I 
is,  of  course,  impossible  to  enter  here  into  the  details  of  the  work  done  by  the  ol 
company.  It  is  sufficient  to  know  that,  when  the  old  company  at  length  decide 
to  build  a lock  canal,  it  was  financially  impossible  to  do  so,  because  its  credit  was  s 
greatly  impaired  that  it  could  not  obtain  the  necessary  financial  support.  In  188 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


451 


receiver  was  appointed  by  the  French  court  and  with  unlimited  powers — partic- 
darly  to  transfer  or  to  assign  to  any  new  company  all  or  any  portion  of  the  com- 
lany’s  assets. 

The  receipts  of  the  old  company  from  the  sale  of  its  bonds  and  stock  amounted, 
a round  figures,  to  $260,000,000. 

The  items,  both  of  receipt  and  expenditure,  are  now  a matter  of  record  as  a part 
f the  receivership  and  may  he  found  on  the  files  of  the  court  and  in  the  reports 
f the  experts  appointed  thereon. 

These  figures  are  most  suggestive.  They  show,  in  the  first  place,  that  the 
xpenditures  actually  made  upon  the  Isthmus  amounted  to  $156,400,000,  and  that, 
f this,  the  cost  of  excavation  and  embankment  proper  amounted  to  $88,600,000. 
n the  second  place,  the  reports  show  the  great  importance  of  expenditures  inci- 
ental  to  and  connected  with  the  wrork.  No  doubt  such  last-mentioned  expenses 
•ere  to  some  extent  extravagant,  but,  nevertheless,  it  must  be  admitted  that,  for 
he  most  part,  they  were  necessary  and  will  be  utilized  in  the  completion  of  the 
ork  by  the  new  company. 

To  properly  appreciate  these  expenses  the  plans  and  profiles  must  be  carefully 
)Ilowed. 

The  facts  just  given  are  deduced  from  statements  made  by  a special  commis- 
on  appointed  by  the  receiver  of  the  old  company.  In  all  its  appraisals  and  valua- 
ons  this  commission  has  evinced  extreme  discrimination  and  fairness. 

After  having  made  these  statements  this  commission  desired  to  determine  the 
fiual  value  of  what  had  been  done  by  the  old  company,  and  upon  this  point  states: 

“The  enormous  amount  of  material  at  hand  ready  to  be  utilized,  the  great  num- 
?r  of  works  established,  lands  received  and  to  be  received,  labor  actually  expended, 
iperience  gained,  supplies  laid  in,  preliminaries  mapped  out,  including  the  right 
: way,  are  wmrth  to  the  new  company  at  least  450,000,000  francs  ($90,000,000).” 

RGANIZATION  OF  THE  NEW  PANAMA  CANAL  COMPANY  OCTO- 
BER 20,  1894. 

The  receiver  asked  for  and  obtained  from  the  Colombian  Government  two  suc- 
■ssive  extensions  of  the  concession,  extending  the  time  for  the  completion  of  the 
.nal  to  October,  1904.  (The  Government  of  Colombia  has  just  granted  an  addi- 
onal  extension  of  six  years  more.) 

Finally,  in  1894,  the  court  and  those  having  legal  charge  of  the  interests  of 


l 

i 


452 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


the  old  company  made  an  impartial  examination  of  the  situation  and  came  to  th 
following  conclusions: 

First — That  the  work  actually  accomplished  by  the  old  company  in  the  Isth 
mus  was  very  large,  substantial  and  available. 

Second — That  notwithstanding  an  interregnum  of  four  years,  the  work  pre 
viously  accomplished  was  in  a satisfactory  condition. 

Third — That  the  locations  occupied,  and  the  plant  on  the  Isthmus,  had  bee: 
well  cared  for  by  the  receiver,  and  were  sufficient  for  the  continuation  and  accon 
plishment  of  the  work  without  extensive  and  expensive  preparation. 

Fourth — That  the  climatic  dangers,  the  difficulties  of  the  undertaking,  and  th 
cost  necessary  for  its  accomplishment  had  been  grossly  exaggerated. 

It  was  therefore  resolved  to  reorganize  the  old  company,  under  new  maaagi 
ment  and  new  conditions. 

On  the  one  hand  the  work  was  to  be  renewed  and  continued. 

On  the  other  hand  to  ascertain,  by  investigation  and  the  widest  experience 
whether  the  construction  of  the  canal  could  be  completed  under  reasonable  cond 
lions  of  time  and  money. 

It  was  in  this  spirit  that  the  New  Panama  Canal  was  organized  in  Octobe 
1894,  under  the  general  laws  of  France.  Its  constitution  and  method  of  operatic 
were  rigorously  restricted. 

From  the  financial  point  of  view  it  was  thought  advisable  that  a large  numb 
of  financial  institutions  of  France  should  purchase  the  stock  of  the  new  compan, 
and  should  be  represented  in  the  administration  of  its  affairs  by  their  officers,  so 
to  insure  for  the  new  company  the  hearty  support  of  these  great  financial  interest 
as  well  as  the  high  character  and  large  experience  of  the  gentlemen  composing  ti 
board.  The  stock  was  declared  by  the  charter  to  be  non-negotiable  until  the  fin 
technical  plans  were  prepared  and  adopted.  The  company  was  organized  with 
cash  capital  of  65,000,000  francs,  or  $13,000,000,  actually  paid  in. 

Thus  were  assured  to  the  undertaking  the  sympathies  and  support  of  the  fina 
cial  world.  All  speculation  in  the  stock  of  the  company  before  the  adoption 
final  plans  was  prevented,  as  the  stock,  being  non-negotiable  until  said  event,  cor 
not  be  registered  and  quoted  at  the  Exchange. 

The  Board  of  Directors  is  composed  of  entirely  new  and  independent  rnembe1, 
no  one  of  whom  had  any  official  relation  to  the  old  company. 

The  new  company  has  been  officially  recognized  by  the  United  States  of  (■ 
lombia,  and  its  titles  and  concessions  have  been  fully  confirmed  by  that  Gove  ' 
ment. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


453 


OPERATIONS  OP  THE  NEW  COMPANY. 

The  new  company,  according  to  its  charter,  carefully  considered  all  plans  that 
mid  attract  the  attention  of  serious-minded  and  practical  men,  and  carefully  com- 
ared  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  each. 

This  careful  method  demanded  an  exact  and  complete  knowledge  of  the  local 
mditions  and  the  character  of  the  soil  where  the  work  was  to  be  carried  on,  and 
[so  full  knowledge  of  the  ways  and  means  for  its  execution;  in  a word,  a thorough 
jnowledge  of  all  the  fundamental  facts  which  enter  into  the  undertaking. 

The  new  company  already  had  the  benefit  of  the  results  of  the  preliminary 
ivestigations  made  by  the  old  company  and  by  the  receiver.  It  completed  these 
y carrying  on  extensive  operations  upon  the  work  so  as  to  become  thoroughly  ac- 
uainted  with  the  country,  while  also  forwarding  the  completion  of  the  canal  itself, 
'hese  operations,  long  and  laborious  as  they  were,  accomplished  not  only  the  solu- 
on  of  the  general  problem,  but  a practical  settlement  and  disposition  of  numerous 
■sser  problems. 

The  new  company  resolved  to  carry  on  the  excavations  in  such  an  extensive 
tanner  that  there  would  remain  no  hypothetical  conditions  concerning  future  work, 
'he  work  thus  carried  on  for  this  purpose  was  also  a part  of  the  necessary  work  on 
le  canal,  and  therefore  forms  a portion  of  the  cut  of  the  canal  itself. 

The  time  devoted  to  these  investigations  and  experiences  was  more  than  three 
isars,  to  which  must  be  added  the  investigations  and  experiences  of  the  past.  But 
me  has  not  been  lost,  for  it  is  an  infallible  principle  in  large  undertakings  that, 
ae  more  detailed  and  careful  the  surveys,  the  surer  and  quicker  the  execution  of 
re  work.  It  may  also  be  added  that  important  public  works  executed  too  hastily 
ithout  sufficient  preliminary  surveys  to  determine  what  is  necessary  to  be  done 
(ad  what  is  impossible,  inevitably  lead  to  grave  mistakes  and  delays,  if  not  to  dis- 
ster. 

A great  number  of  plans  have  been  considered,  but  from  the  beginning  it  .was 
solved  not  to  deviate  from  the  following  principles: 

First — That  every  plan  involving  any  difficulty  impossible  of  execution  in  the 
Hotted  time,  and  within  the  limit  of  expense,  should  be  rejected. 

Second — That  in  the  solution  of  the  technical  and  detailed  problems  of  the 
ork  only  those  plans  should  be  considered  which  had  the  support  of  experience, 
ad  every  new  idea  which  might  tend  to  mislead  should  be  rigidly  excluded. 

Third — That  in  arriving  at  the  proper  solution  it  was  necessary  to  consider  the 
articular  place  where  the  work  was  to  be  executed,  and  also  to  make  due  allowance 


454 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


for  the  influence  of  the  climate  of  the  region.  Hence  the  necessity  of  undertaking 
only  work  not  requiring  exceptional  conditions. 

The  present  company,  after  acquiring  in  October,  1894,  the  canal  works,  plant 
machinery,  concessions,  stocks  and  other  assets  of  every  description  of  the  old  com- 
pany, realized  at  the  outset  that  the  most  judicious  way  to  employ  its  capital  was  tc 
enter  into  an  entirely  new  study  of  the  engineering  features  of  the  undertaking 
and  also  to  begin,  on  a substantial  scale,  such  an  amount  of  work  as  would  set  al 
rest  beyond  question  all  doubts  as  to  the  quality  of  materials  to  be  encountered  (no) 
only  on  the  surface  but  also  in  the  underground  strata  which  it  was  expected  tc 
reach  in  all  the  excavations),  while  at  the  same  time  constructing  the  canal  itself. 

The  new  company,  accordingly,  with  the  aid  of  the  plant  at  hand  and  of  sucl 
new  machinery  as  it  was  found  expedient  to  purchase,  went  to  work  with  a fores 
of  several  thousand  men  and’ put  in  the  field  a large  engineering  force. 

SYNOPSIS  OF  THE  PEE  SENT  STATUS  OF  THE  CANAL  WOEKS  ANI 
THE  PLAN  OF  CONSTEUCTION,  AS  UNANIMOUSLY  AP- 
PEOYED  BY  THE  INTEENATIONAL  TECH- 
NICAL COMMISSION. 

Line  of  Eoute.  Two-fifths  of  entire  canal  works  now  actually  completed,  anc 
balance  under  active  construction  with  4,000  workmen  and  large  force  of  engi- 
neers. 

Although  the  skill  of  its  own  board  of  engineers  is  worthy  of  the  highest  confi- 
dence, the  new  company,  out  of  abundant  caution,  and  in  order  to  place  beyonc 
doubt  the  final  conclusions,  caused  to  be  appointed  an 

INTEENATIONAL  TECHNICAL  COMMISSION, 

composed  of  engineers  selected  from  different  nationalities,  a course  which  assure! 
to  the  company  the  benefit  of  the  widest  experience,  the  severest  judgment  and  mos 
independent  conclusions. 

The  commission  is  composed  of  the  most  eminent  engineers  of  the  Unitec 
States,  France,  England,  Germany,  Eussia  and  Colombia,  all  of  whom  have  beei 
connected  with  works  of  magnitude,  and  each  of  whom  is  distinguished  for  the  high 
est  character  and  experience.  As  to  all  traffic,  statistical  and  economic  questions 
the  new  company  also  established  a Special  Commission,  presided  over  by  Monsieu 
Paul  Leroy-Beaulieu,  the  eminent  economist  and  a member  of  the  Institute  o 
France. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


455 


The  members  of  this  commission  (whose  names  appear  on  a preceding  page) 
ire  the  most  distinguished  and  able  men  in  their  profession,  and  it  is  self-evident 
that  no  one  of  them  would  compromise  his  reputation  and  honor,  acquired  through 
i long  life  of  eminent  service,  by  formulating  conclusions  upon  unfounded,  incom- 
jplete,  superficial  or  uncertain  information,  nor  such  as  would  fail  to  stand  the  se- 
verest tests. 

This  commission  was  organized  in  February,  1896,  and  besides  individual  exam- 
ination, study  and  correspondence;  committee  work  on  special  subjects;  personal 
inspection  on  the  Isthmus  through  a committee  of  their  number;  full  discussion 
md  frequent  exchange  of  views;  study  of  all  preceding  plans  and  the  daily  develop- 
ment work  upon  the  Isthmus,  this  commission  has  held  over  one  hundred  recorded 
sessions. 

They  have  also  with  great  care  and  large  expense  made  most  careful  observa- 
tions— continuing  over  a period  of  two  years — of  the  Chagres  River  for  the  purpose 
if  ascertaining  the  various  conditions  of  this  river  at  all  times  and  under  all  condi- 
tions, that  they  might  have  definite  and  reliable  data  upon  which  to  base  their  con- 
clusions respecting  its  treatment. 

This  eminent  commission  of  engineers  reached  its  final  and  unanimous  con- 
clusion on  November  16,  1898,  embodied  in  the  elaborate 

REPORT  OF  THE  INTERNATIONAL  TECHNICAL  COMMISSION, 

,vhich  has  been  adopted  by  the  company,  and  under  which  the  work  of  construction 
s proceeding.  These  conclusions,  signed  by  every  member  of  the  commission, 
establish  the  entire  feasibility,  practicability  and  cost  of  completing  the  canal.  It 
s based  upon  years  of  continuous  study  and  testing  of  every  element.  Different 
clans,  equally  practicable,  hut  varying  in  probable  cost,  have  been  studied.  Many 
nonths  have  been  spent  in  preparing,  revising  and  studying  each  of  them.  This 
vork  has  not  been  done  hastily  and  superficially.  These  eminent  engineers,  chosen 
especially  for  their  eminence  in  special  departments  of  engineering  work,  have 
studied  the  questions  in  all  their  details — technical,  climatic,  physical,  geologic  and 
sconomic.  Each  member  rests  his  reputation  on  his  signature  to  the  report. 

The  report  of  the  commission  is  probably  the  most  authoritative  document 
wer  presented  on  an  engineering  subject,  prepared  by  them,  as  it  has  been,  with 
he  greatest  care,  after  the  most  thorough  and  competent  investigation  and  exami- 
nation, with  most  exhaustive  surveys  before  them  respecting  every  foot  of  the 


456 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


ground  to  be  treated,  and  by  the  most  experienced  and  eminent  engineers  of  five 
different  nations. 

This  report  was,  on  December  2,  1898,  delivered  by  the  new  company  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  for  the  use  of  the  Government. 

The  following  described  plans  are  based  on  said  report: 

The  Panama  Canal  extends  from  Colon,  on  the  Atlantic,  to  Panama,  on  the 
Pacific  Ocean. 

Its  total  length  is  46.2  miles,  including  3.35  miles  dredged  in  the  Pacific  to  deep 
water. 

The  great  chain  of  the  Cordilleras,  which  runs  along  the  Isthmus,  presents 
at  the  point  selected  a pass  which  is  not  too  high  to  preclude  the  construction  of  the 
canal,  while  the  parts  contiguous  to  both  are  low. 

The  profile  of  the  canal  consequently  presents,  in  the  central  part,  a high  sum- 
mit, from  which  the  ground  slopes  gradually  (although  irregularly)  towards  the  low 
grounds  adjacent  to  the  sea. 

Starting  from  Colon,  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  is  situate  the  new  city  of  Chris- 
topher Columbus,  the  location  of  the  works  and  plant  of  the  Canal  Company.  From 
the  little  port  of  Folk  River  we  follow  the  canal  for  about  11.8  miles.  This 
canal  is  navigable,  varying  in  depth  from  16.4  to  29.5  feet.  From  the  11.7  to 
the  26.7  mile,  excavation  is  proceeding  the  entire  distance,  and  the  embankments 
consequently  thrown  up  gradually  rise  from  the  level  of  the  sea  to  about  the  height 
of  49.2  feet,  with  cuts  such  as  the  one  of  Bohio,  which  is  131.2  feet  in  depth, 
and  those  of  San  Pablo  and  Matachin,  which  are  from  82  to  98.5  feet. 

From  the  28tli  mile  rises  the  central  mass  of  earth  called  the  Cordillera.  A 
good  deal  of  work  has  been  done  between  the  28th  and  33d  mile.  Very  near  here 
Culebra  is  reached,  where  the  labor  has  been  much  diminished  by  the  character 
of  the  upper  layers.  The  cut  begun  by  the  old  company  has  been  continued  by 
the  new  company,  and  now  has  an  average  depth  of  164  feet. 

The  slope  towards  the  Pacific  Ocean  is  now  reached,  and  here  the  declivity 
of  the  land  becomes  great.  Work  is  being  carried  on  the  entire  distance.  The 
height  of  the  embankment  varies  from  49  or  65  feet  to  about  196.5  feet,  diminish- 
ing at  the  40th  mile  to  from  6.5  to  16.4  feet.  From  this  point  to  the  Pacific 
the  canal  has  been  completed  to  the  depth  of  from  6.5  to  26.2  feet.  From  mile 
42.8  to  the  great  depths  near  Naos,  at  mile  45.9,  the  canal  is  completed  so  as  to 
be  navigable  to  a depth  of  from  16.5  to  29.5  feet,  which  was  recently  excavated  by 
the  new  company  to  an  average  depth  of  27.8  feet  below  the  level  of  the  sea. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


457 


THE  WORK  ALREADY  DONE  CONSTITUTES  FULLY  TWO-FIFTHS  OF 

THE  ENTIRE  WORKS. 

The  portions  of  the  canal  adjacent  to  the  sea  have  been  excavated,  and, 
although  the  Chagres  River  has  been  for  years  flowing  through  them,  they  can  be 
partially  utilized.  • 

At  the  present  time  the  topography  of  all  the  grounds  involved  in  the  project, 
and  the  character  of  the  materials  to  be  encountered,  are  accurately  known  and 
delineated;  deep  and  extensive  excavations, % as  well  as  numerous  soundings  and 
borings,  have  made  known  the  subterranean  strata  underlaying  the  surface,  and 
by  those  means  no  doubt  is  left  as  to  the  soundness  of  the  materials  through 
which  the  canal  is  to  be  dug  to  great  depths  and  on  which  the  foundations  of  the 
locks,  dams  and  other  structures  are  to  be  established. 

Sixteen  different  plans  have  been  worked  out  in  detail,  including  estimates 
of  cost  and  of  time  needed  for  construction. 

It  is  on  these  complete  data  furnished  by  the  local  engineers  and  by  the 
observations  of  its  own  members  on  the  Isthmus  that  the  International  Technical 
Commission  has  based  its  conclusions,  embodied  in  the  plans  which  will  be  out- 
lined later  herein. 

The  original  purpose  of  the  old  company  was  to  build  a canal  without  locks, 
freely  open  from  ocean  to  ocean,  but  after  several  years  of  work  the  plan  was 
abandoned,  owing  to  the  enormous  excavation  necessary  to  cut  through  the  central 
mass  of  the  mountains  (the  Culebra)  and  the  difficulty  and  expense  of  properly 
taking  care  of  the  occasional  torrential  flow  of  the  River  Chagres. 

The  alternate  plan  was  to  reduce  materially  the  depth  of  the  central  excava- 
tion and  to  establish  therein  a system  of  locks,  to  be  fed  from  the  Chagres  River. 
This  is  the  plan  adopted  by  the  new  company. 

From  what  precedes,  it  may  be  seen  that  three  principal  problems  presented 
themselves — i.  e.: 

First. — The  determination  of  the  depth  to  which  the  central  mass  must  be 
excavated  and  of  the  number  and  height  of  the  locks  to  be  built. 

Second. — The  designing  of  the  proper  methods  for  the  regulation  of  the  flow 
of  the  Chagres  River. 

Third. — The  feeding  of  the  canal. 

I. — Depth  of  Excavation  (altitude  of  the  summit  level  of  the  canal  bottom). 

The  number  of  locks  determined  by  the  depth  of  such  excavation  (altitude 
of  canal  bottom). 

It  is  obvious  that  the  deeper  the  excavation  the  more  time  will  be  required 


458 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


for  the  work  and  the  less  locks  will  be  needed;  also,  that  too  shallow  an  excava- 
tion, while  requiring  less  time,  would  require  more  locks. 

The  necessity  of  feeding  the  canal  from  the  Chagres  Eiver,  and  of  providing 
proper  storage  for  its  freshets,  are  also  an  element  in  the  determination  of  the 
altitude  of  its  bottom  level. 

This  complex  problem  is  obviously  capable  of  several  solutions,  and  before 
reaching  a final  decision  the  International  Technical  Commission  studied  a num- 
ber of  alternate  plans,  which,  after  proper  consideration,  were  reduced  to  three, 
in  which  the  altitudes  of  the  summit  level  of  the  canal  are  fixed  at  29.50  meters 
(96.78  feet),  20.75  meters  (68.08  feet),  and  10  meters  (32.81  feet),  respectively, 
above  mean  water  in  the  Atlantic. 

Of  these  three  plans  the  commission,  after  mature  deliberation  and  under  the 
present  condition  of  experience  furnished  by  the  work  already  done,  has  decided 
that  20.75  meters  (68.08  feet)  above  the  sea,  with  four  locks  on  each  slope,  as  the 
altitude  at  which  the  bottom  of  the  canal  should  be  placed  to  make  the  time 
necessary  for  excavation  of  the  balance  the  most  probable  time  required  for  the 
construction  of  the  locks  and  dams— a result  obviously  desirable  for  the  proper 
conduct  of  the  undertaking. 

If,  however,  it  be  found  during  the  construction  of  the  work  that  the  excava- 
tion may  require  more  time,  the  bottom  can  be  placed  at  the  elevation  96.78  feet 
(in  which  case  one  lock  would  be  added  to  present  plans  on  each  side  of  the  canal); 
or  if,  on  the  contrary,  it  be  found  that  the  work  can  be  done  more  expeditiously 
than  expected,  the  bottom  can  be  placed  at  the  elevation  32.81  feet  (in  which 
case  one  lock  on  each  side  would  be  omitted  from  the  present  jfiant);  and  in 
either  case  the  change  could  be  done  without  interfering  with  the  general'  plan, 
provided  a decision  he  not  too  long  delayed. 

The  plan  herein  described  is  based  on  the  plan  adopted  by  the  International 
Technical  Commission  with  an  altitude  of  68.08  feet  (20.75  meters)  above  mean 
sea  level. 

The  summit  level,  118.11  feet  wide  at  bottom  and  318.35  feet  long,  is  in 
the  deep  cut  of  the  Culebra;  the  upper  strata  are  clayey  with  easy  slopes;  below 
this  is  a rocky  formation,  which  is  to  he  excavated  in  wide  steps.  In  the  canal 
prism  a berme  is  left  under  water. 

The  next  level,  from  Obispo  to  Bohio,  with  a bottom  width  of  164  feet,  is 
13.37  miles  long. 

At  Bohio  another  group  of  two  double  locks  empties  into  the  Atlantic  level, 
which  has  a width  of  98.4  to  111.5  feet  on  bottom  and  a length  of  14.84  miles. 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


459 


On  the  Pacific  side,  the  summit  level  terminates  at  Paraiso  with  one  double 

lock. 

The  adjacent  level  from  Paraiso  to  Pedro  Miguel  is  7,963  feet  long,  and  ends 
at  the  latter  place  with  two  double  locks. 

The  next  level,  from  Pedro  Miguel  to  Miraflores,  is  7,930  feet  long,  and 
terminates  there  with  one  double  lock. 

The  Pacific  level,  adjacent  to  the  latter,  is  4.69  miles  long  to  La  Boca,  beyond 
which  a channel  3.36  miles  long  is  excavated  to  deep  water. 

The  depth  of  water  in  the  locks  is  to  be  generally  29.5  feet  and  is  not  to 
exceed  32.8  feet. 

All  the  locks  are  to  be  double,  the  working  length  being  for  both  738.22  feet. 
The  width  of  one  of  the  twin  locks  is  to  be  82.02  feet,  and  the  width  of  the  other 
is  59.05  feet  (with  an  intermediate  gate),  although,  in  the  opinion  of  several 
members  of  the  commission,  it  might  be  preferable  to  build  both  locks  of  the  width 
of  82.02  feet. 

It  is  designed  that  the  slopes  of  the  canal,  especially  in  the  deep  central 
trench,  are  to  be  protected  by  stone  revetments. 

The  route  of  the  canal  is  the  same  as  was  originally  adopted,  and  is  thought 
to  be  judicious,  the  curves  not  having  less  than  9,843  feet  radius  in  the  normal 
course  of  the  canal,  with  the  exception  of  one  of  8,200  feet. 

The  curvatures  are  gentle,  not  sharp.  The  smallest  radius  is  8,200  feet.  Of 
the  46  miles  of  the  canal  26.75  are  straight,  and  15  have  radii  equal  to  or  not 
exceeding  9,850  feet. 

The  aim  of  the  commission  has  been  to  resort  to  simple  forms  of  structures; 
moreover,  it  may  be  seen  from  its  plans  that,  notwithstanding  the  magnitude  of 
the  work,  every  part  has  been  kept  within  the  limits  of  well-established  precedents. 

II. — Absolute  control  of  the  Chagres  River  by  the  construction  of  two  great 
dams  which  capture  and  store  the  floods,  supply  the  summit  level  with  water 
during  the  dry  season,  feed  the  canal,  furnish  abundant  hydraulic  power  trans- 
mitted by  electricity  for  operating  the  locks  and  lighting  the  entire  length  of 
the  canal  by  night. 

For  a considerable  part  of  its  length  the  location  of  the  canal  is  in  the 
valley  of  the  Chagres  River,  a torrential  stream  which,  although  inconsiderable 
in  dry  times,  is  subject  to  sudden  and  sometimes  enormous  freshets;  hence  the 
necessity  of  providing  such  means  as  would  prevent  the  destruction  of  the  canal, 
unless  diverted  or  regulated  by  proper  means. 


460 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


Such  was  the  problem  which  presented  itself  to  the  old  cfmpany.  One  of 
the  main  causes  of  the  failure  of  the  old  company  was  evidently  the  lack  of  proper 
preliminary  studies  for  the  solution  of  such  an  important  problem  of  engineering, 
the  almost  total  neglect  of  the  question  of  the  disposal  of  the  Chagres  being 
especially  noticeable. 

The  receiver  of  the  old  company,  fully  realizing  the  deficiency,  appointed 
a commission  of  engineers,  whose  comprehensive  report  contained  useful  recom- 
mendations, several  of  which  are  embodied  in  the  plans  now  adopted  by  the  new 
company. 

As  it  is  impossible  to  admit  of  the  flow  of  the  Chagres  River  directly  into 
the  bed  of  the  canal,  it  must  be  either  diverted  or  so  disposed  of  and  regulated  as 
to  be  harmless  in  times  of  freshet. 

Diversion  having  been  rejected  from  the  inception  of  the  project  as  imprac- 
ticable, or,  at  any  rate,  too  expensive,  it  has  been  decided  to  regulate  the  flow  by 
the  creation  of  large  artificial  lakes  sufficiently  extensive  to  store  the  largest  freshets, 
with  proper  overflows  for  the  safe  disposal  of  them,  without  interfering  harmfully 
with  the  regime  of  the  water  in  the  canal. 

The  location,  and  especially  the  altitude  of  the  aforesaid  lakes,  obviously 
depends,  to  a large  extent,  upon  the  height  at  which  the  bottom  of  the  canal  is 
established,  and  will  be  described  later;  but  that  presents  no  difficulty. 

In  order  to  properly  regulate  the  flow  of  the  Chagres,  two  large  dams  will 
be  erected. 

(a)  One  of  these  dams  will  be  located  at  Bohio  at  the  last  group  of  locks  on 
the  Atlantic  side.  It  is  to  be  built  of  earth  on  a sound  argillaceous  foundation, 
and  the  depth  of  wrater  against  it  is  not  to  exceed  65.62  feet. 

The  maximum  height  of  its  w7ater  surface  is  to  be  65.62  feet  above  mean  sea 
level. 

This  dam  will  transform  the  Chagres  into  a vast  lake,  the  boundaries  of 
wrhich  have  been  accurately  established.  It  will  extend  a distance  of  13  miles 
to  Obispo,  where  the  canal  will  leave  the  river.  The  lake  formed  by  the  Bohio 
dam  will  cover  an  area  of  21.5  square  miles.  Its  lowest  level  is  fixed  at  52.5  : 

feet,  its  normal  level  at  55.75  feet,  and  its  highest  level  at  65.5  feet  above  mean 
tide.  It  will  be  revetted  with  stone,  with  a foundation  bed  of  clay  and  abutting 
against  rock  banks.  The  extreme  length  of  crest  wall  be  1,286  feet;  the  extreme 
height  above  the  bed  of  the  river  will  be  75.5  feet,  and  above  the  lowest  point 
of  the  foundation  93.5  feet.  All  details  of  construction,  including  the  devices  for 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


461 


controlling  the  river  during  the  progress  of  the  work,  have  been  carefully  elabo- 
rated. The  sites  for  the  two  overflow  weirs  are  remote  from  the  dam,  and  an 
abundance  of  excellent  material  is  found  near  at  hand. 

The  capacity  of  the  Bohio  dam  will  be  from  150,000,000  to  200,000,000  cubic 
meters. 

This  dam,  besides  acting  as  a regulator  of  the  Chagres  floods,  will  obviate 
strong  currents  where  the  canal  traverses  the  bed  of  the  river — an  extremely 
important  matter  for  ocean  shipping. 

(b)  The  other  dam  will  be  located  at  Alhajuela  on  the  Upper  Chagres,  about 
9 1-3  miles  from  the  canal;  will  be  built  entirely  of  concrete  masonry,  on  a com- 
pact rock  foundation  and  abutting  against  rock  walls.  It  will  be  about  164  feet 
above  the  canal.  The  extreme  length  of  crest  will  be  936.75  feet;  the  extreme 
height  above  the  bed  of  the  river  will  be  134.5  feet  and  above  the  lowest  point 
of  the  foundation  164  feet. 

The  cross-sections  and  the  practical  details  of  construction  are  in  accord- 
ance with  all  the  requirements  of  modern  engineering.  Good  rock  and  sand  are 
abundant  in  the  immediate  vicinity. 

This  dam  forms  a reservoir  covering  10  square  miles,  with  a capacity  of  from 
100,000,000  to  130,000,000  cubic  meters. 

One  of  the  functions  of  this  reservoir  (made  by  the  Alhajuela  dam)  is  that 
of  a feeder  to  the  summit  level  of  the  canal,  supplying  the  summit  level  with  water 
in  the  dry  season  (January-April).  But,  in  addition,  it  will  assist  in  effectually 
controlling  the  floods  of  the  Chagres  and  will  furnish  hydraulic  power,  transmit- 
ted by  electricity,  for  operating  the  locks  and  lighting  at  night  the  entire  canal 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific. 

(c)  Eor  these  purposes  the  reservoir  will  he  connected  with  the  summit  level 
of  the  canal  by  a channel  or  feeder  of  a capacity  of  25  cubic  meters  (6,605  gallons) 
per  second.  This  feeder  will  he  built  from  the  Alhajuela  dam  to  the  canal,  a dis- 
tance of  9 1-3  miles.  It  starts  at  190.25  feet  above  sea  level  and  will  be  built 
partly  on  the  side  hills  and  partly  in  inverted  siphons  or  tunnels,  and  has  been 
shown  by  exact  surveys  to  be  entirely  feasible. 

It  traverses  a rough  country  and  its  construction  will  be  relatively  costly, 
but  when  compared  with  many  irrigating  canals  west  of  the  Mississippi  River  it 
offers  no  serious  difficulties. 

A short  auxiliary  railroad  will  be  built  along  the  Chagres  River  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  Alhajuela  dam  and  of  its  connecting  channel. 


462 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


(d)  Both  dams  can,  consequently,  accumulate  a storage  of  at  least  250,000,000 
cubic  meters  (66,000,000,000  gallons),  which,  with  proper  adjustable  weirs,  are 
more  than  sufficient  to  control  the  largest  freshets  known. 

These  figures  are  the  result  of  a careful  study  of  the  observations  kept  since 
the  beginning  of  the  operations  of  the  old  company  and  of  the  experience  acquired 
since  the  building  of  the  Panama  Railroad. 

Should  any  larger  freshet  occur  (a  very  rare  occurrence),  navigation  might  be 
interrupted  for  a day  or  two,  but,  owing  to  the  precautions  observed  in  designing 
the  various  structures,  the  canal  would  suffer  no  damage. 

(e)  This  entirely  disposes  of  the  question  of  the  Chagres.  It  may  flow 
to  any  extent  which  Nature  may  prompt.  It  is  not  only  rendered  harmless  by 
being  securely  impounded  by  the  great  dams  at  Bohio  and  Alhajuela,  which 
create  the  vast  lake  and  reservoir  described,  but,  on  the  other  hand  (as  is  well 
stated  by  General  Abbot  in  the  November  Forum),  “It  may  safely  be  affirmed 
that  the  Chagres  River  is  no  longer  an  element  of  danger,  but  is  rather  a useful 
friend,  whose  assistance  will  be  of  great  value  to  the  canal  in  its  operation.” 

III.— THE  APPREHENSION  OF  CAVING  IN  THE  DEEP  CENTRAL 
CUT. 

The  solution  of  this  question  cannot  be  more  tersely  nor  accurately  stated 
than  it  has  been  (in  the  November  , ’98,  Forum)  by  the  member  of  the  Interna- 
tional Commission,  the  distinguished  Brigadier-General  Henry  L.  Abbot,  who 
made  a special  study  of  the  subject: 

“The  question  of  caving  in  the  deep  central  cut  has  been  studied  in  the  most 
thorough  manner,  involving  not  only  many  borings  and  pits,  to  determine  the 
material  to  be  encountered,  but  also  a uunette  excavated  throughout  the  trouble- 
some region  along  the  axis  of  the  canal,  having  a projected  width  at  bottom  of 
32.75  feet,  with  slopes  of  about  45  degrees,  and  a projected  elevation  above  sea  level 
varying  from  128  feet  to  157.5  feet.  This  work,  together  with  a tunnel  689  feet 
long  and  9.75  feet  wide,  pierced,  at  an  elevation  of  134.5  feet  above  sea  level, 
at  the  spot  which  had  given  the  most  trouble  on  the  whole  route,  combined  with 
the  evidence  afforded  by  the  borings  and  pits  at  greater  depth,  leads  to  the  con- 
viction that,  at  Culebra,  where  the  deepest  cutting  is  required,  the  excavation  has 
already  passed  through  the  strata  subject  to  caving,  and  that  the  remainder 
traverses  an  indurated  argillaceous  schist  changing  to  compact  rock,  where  no  | 
fears  of  yielding  to  pressure  need  be  entertained.  At  Emperador,  where  the  cutting  j 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


463 


required  for  the  canal  is  much  less,  the  indications  are  similar,  except  that  the 
material  at  present  reached  is  less  resisting,  hut  with  proper  precautions  in  the 
way  of  drainage,  which  were  wholly  neglected  by  the  contractors  of  the  old  com- 
pany,  little  or  no  difficulty  from  serious  caving  need  be  apprehended.  This  work 
of  experimental  excavation  has  been  continued  for  more  than  three  years,  involv- 
ing the  removal  of  about  3,924,000  cubic  yards.  It  was  projected,  partly  to  deter- 
mine the  proper  inclination  for  the  side  slopes,  and  partly  to  estimate  the  unit 
cost.  The  results  are  highly  satisfactory;  and  the  old  bugbear  of  a sliding 
mountain  divide  has  been  proved  to  be  imaginary.” 

IV.— HEALTH  OF  EMPLOYEES. 

Again  we  employ  the  words  of  General  Abbot  in  the  same  article: 

“The  health  of  the  personnel  formerly  caused  trouble,  coolies  and  other  races 
not  well  suited  to  hard  labor  under  a tropical  sun  being  employed.  With  negroes 
from  the  British  Antilles,  little  difficulty  is  now  experienced.  This  matter  was 
j carefully  investigated  during  the  inspection  last  spring,  American  engineers  and 
employees  on  the  canal  and  the  Panama  Railroad  being  questioned,  the  fine  hos- 
pital near  Panama — where  the  company  provides  for  its  sick — being  visited,  and 
the  views  of  the  medical  officers  and  of  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  acting  as  nurses, 
being  obtained.  All  agreed  that  the  dangers  resulting  from  the  climate  have 
been  much  exaggerated.  The  surgeon  in  charge  of  the  hospital,  Dr.  Lacroisade, 
who  has  resided  oh  the  isthmus  since  1887,  after  presenting  full  statistics  covering 
the  sick  reports  for  the  past  year  of  a force  of  about  3,800  agents  and  laborers  under 
i ' employment,  said: 

“ ‘Among  the  diseases  attributable  to  the  climate  the  most  numerous  are 
simple  marsh  fevers,  which  have  not  occasioned  a single  death.  Two  diseases  only 
belonging  to  the  epidemic  type  have  appeared — the  beriberi,  of  which  there  is  no 
longer  any  question  [it  was  imported  with  negro  laborers  brought  from  Africa 
as  an  experiment,  and  disappeared  when  they  w^ere  sent  back],  and  yellow  fever. 
The  latter,  after  having  been  absent  from  the  isthmus  for  at  least  six  years,  was 
imported  in  1897,  and  continued  about  six  months,  from  March  to  August,  when  it 
again  disappeared  after  very  light  ravages  (only  six  deaths).  Thus  it  cannot  be 
It  considered  that  this  pest  is  really  epidemic  on  the  isthmus.  From  the  other  infec- 
tious epidemics,  such  as  variola,  typhoid  fever,  diphtheria,  etc.,  the  isthmus  appears 
to  be  almost  entirely  exempt.  From  the  foregoing  we  may  conclude  that  life  on 
the  isthmus  scarcely  incurs  more  dangers  than  elsewhere,  even  for  Europeans 
who,  after  the  blacks  of  the  British  Antilles,  appear  to  resist  the  climate  best. 

I Residence  here  would,  then,  offer  nothing  alarming,  were  it  not  for  a constant 

r ' 

i 


464 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


feeling  of  fatigue  and  uneasiness  due  to  a temperature  always  high  and  an  atmos- 
phere saturated  with  moisture.’ 

“There  appears,  therefore,  to  be  no  danger  of  serious  mortality  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  canal,  if  due  care  be  taken  to  benefit  by  past  experience  in  select- 
ing the  laborers.” 

V. — HARBORS  AT  TERMINI— COLON  AND  PANAMA. 

These  harbors  are  so  well  known  to  the  commerce  of  the  world  employing 
the  Panama  route  that  no  extended  remarks  need  be  made. 

They  are  natural,  not  artificial,  harbors;  good  and  easy  of  access. 

The  ships  of  many  European,  South  and  Central  American  nations,  as  well 
as  of  the  United  States,  have  for  over  fifty  years  regularly  and  daily  availed  of 
these  ports,  where  the  maritime  conditions  are  most  satisfactory. 

Neither  of  these  harbors  require  protection  or  further  excavation.  They  are 
in  excellent  condition. 

VI.  — There  are  no  active  volcanoes  within  200  miles  of  the  canal. 

VII.  — There  are  no  troublesome  winds  or  river  currents  to  be  encountered, 
even  in  times  of  flow. 

VIII.  — The  existence  and  operation  of  a railroad  (the  Panama  Railroad), 
which  the  line  of  the  canal  closely  follows,  greatly  facilitates  the  work  of  construc- 
tion and  is  of  enormous  advantage. 

Commerce  has  employed  the  Panama  route  for  over  fifty  years.  The  con- 
ditions of  traffic  are  established  and  well  known. 

The  Panama  route  constitutes  a part  of  the  coast  line  of  the  United  States, 
connecting  its  Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts.  Its  terminal  cities — Colon,  Panama — 1 
arc  ancient  and  firmly  established.  Upon  the  intermediate  line  thirty  railroad 
stations,  serving  the  neighboring  villages  and  settlements,  give  character  to  the 
route.  It  is  not  a marshy  jungle.  It  is  a settled  country,  and  the  line  has  been 
made  readily  accessible  and  habitable  by  fifty  years’  traffic,  development  and  settle- 
ment. 

Regular  lines  of  steamers,  from  Germany,  England,  France,  New  York,  Bel- 
gium, Spain  and  Italy,  on  the  Atlantic  side,  and  San  Francisco  and  all  Central 
and  South  American  and  Mexican  ports,  on  the  Pacific  side,  lrave  for  over  fifty 
years  regularly  employed  this  route. 

The  Panama  route,  therefore,  needs  no  introduction  to  the  commerce  of  the  1 
world,  which  has  continuously  employed  it  for  nearly  half  a century. 


i 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


46? 


IX.  — The  time  of  transit  for  vessels  through  the  canal  will  be  less  than  a day; 
merchant  and  war  vessels  of  the  largest  size  can  he  accommodated. 

X.  — For  four  years  there  have  been  continuously  employed  from  3,000  to 
4,000  workmen  on  the  canal  works,  besides  a large  force  of  engineers,  and  at  this 
moment  that  number  is  at  work  on  the  canal. 

XI.  — As  stated,  the  canal  will  be  only  46  miles  long. 

Of  this,  15  miles  on  the  Atlantic  side,  and  74  miles  on  the  Pacific  (about 
one-half  the  entire  distance),  will  be  at  sea  level. 

From  12  to  13  miles  on  the  Atlantic  side  and  from  5 to  6 miles  on  the 
Pacific  side  are  already  completed,  and,  indeed,  are  used  by  the  natives. 

The  intervening  higher  lands  are  materially  cut. 

This  constitutes  fully  two-fifths  of  the  entire  work,  and  the  remainder,  as 
before  stated,  is  being  completed  with  a body  of  four  thousand  men  and  a large 
force  of  engineers. 

XII.  — There  is  nothing  in  the  physical  conditions  on  the  Isthmus  to  prevent 
a change  from  a canal  with  a system  of  locks  to  a sea-level  canal,  should  the  latter 
seem  desirable  in  the  future. 

XIII.  — As  above  stated,  the  new  company  is  now  the  absolute  owner  of  the 
canal,  canal  works,  buildings,  machinery,  material,  concessions,  and  all  other 
canal  property  on  the  Isthmus. 

The  official  accounts  and  reports  of  experts,  on  the  files  of  the  Court  in 
France,  in  the  receivership  proceedings,  show  that  the  expenditures  actually  made 
by  the  old  company  upon  the  Isthmus  amounted  to  $156,400,000,  and  that  of  this 
sum  the  cost  of  excavation  and  embankment,  proper,  amounted  to  $88,600,000. 

For  the  purpose  of  establishing  the  actual  present  and  reproductive  value  of 
this  property  a Special  Commission  was  constituted,  of  which  the  former  Director 
of  the  National  Academy  of  Eoads  and  Bridges  of  France  was  chairman.  This 
commission  established  the  said  value  at  $90,000,000,  which  is  a very  conserva- 
tive valuation.  Since  such  valuation,  the  new  company  has  made  large  expendi- 
tures for  construction,  machinery,  etc. 

The  present  fixed  assets  of  the  company  exceed  $100,000,000. 

And,  in  addition,  the  cash,  stocks  and  personal  assets  of  the  company  are 
some  millions  more,  and  ample  for  its  needs. 

The  company  has  no  mortgage  or  bonded  indebtedness  of  any  kind.  Its  prop- 


468 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


erty  is  free  from  all  encumbrance;  it  has  no  floating  indebtedness,  or  other  debts 
than  monthly  pay-rolls,  promptly  met. 

The  company,  being  financially  independent  and  continuing  the  construc- 
tion with  its  present  resources,  has  neither  created  a bond  issue  nor  solicited 
funds  from  the  public  nor  from  any  government. 

XIV.  — The  security-holders  of  the  old  company  have  no  vote,  voice,  title  oi 
ownership  in  the  property  of  the  new  company  or  in  the  administration  of  its 
affairs.  By  private  contract,  merely,  the  new  company  has  agreed  that  aftei 
all  expenses  of  operation,  maintenance,  exploitation,  dividends,  reserve  funds,  etc. 
are  provided  for,  a specified  share  of  the  surplus  income  shall  be  paid  to  the  Liqui 
dator  of  the  old  company  for  the  benefit  of  his  constituents;  but  this  agreement  has 
no  effect  upon,  or  relation  to,  the  absolute  ownership  and  administration  of  tin 
canal  by  the  new  company. 

XV.  — The  estimates  of  cost  of  completion  have  been  established  from  tht 
experience  acquired  during  the  last  four  years  of  actual  work  on  the  Isthmus,  anc 
is  reported  by  The  International  Technical  Commission,  as  follows: 

The  total  cost  of  the  work  proper  under  plans  adopted.  .$  87,000,000 

Add  for  contingencies 15,400,000 

Total  $102,400,000 

If  both  locks  be  built  with  a width  of  82.025  feet,  the  cost 
would  be  increased  to $125,000,000 

THE  TRAFFIC  OF  THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 

To  determine  the  probable  traffic  of  the  Interoceanic  Canal,  many  interesting 
works  and  numerous  publications  have  been  written  in  recent  years,  with  wide! 
different  conclusions.  This  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  the  different  opinions  o 
the  writers  who  have  considered  this  important  question,  and  especially  becau&i 
many  of  them,  either  from  personal,  political  or  financial  motives,  have  reaehei 
conclusions  minimizing  or  exaggerating  the  amount  of  traffic,  according  to  thei 
respective  interests. 

The  new  company  has  carefully  analyzed  these  earlier  discussions,  and  ha 
not  been  satisfied  with  the  basis  upon  which  they  are  founded.  The  compan 
has  sought  a basis  more  reliable  than  conjecture,  and  it  has  pursued  an  entire! 
new  and  more  reliable  method  for  the  settlement  of  this  question  and  one  no 
depending  solely  upon  hypothetical  conclusions.  This  method  was  found.  It  i 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


469 


based  upon  the  statement  of  the  tonnage  of  all  the  vessels  that,  actually  following 
maritime  routes,  would  find  it  to  their  advantage  to  use  that  of  an  interoceanic 
canal,  if  the  same  were  open  to  navigation. 

This  involved  enormous  labor,  since  it  was  necessary  to  investigate  the  traffic 
of  at  least  13,000  separate  sailing  vessels  or  steamers  engaged  in  ocean  navigation 
or  coastwise  trade.  But  the  results  obtained  are  most  exact.  It  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  they  are  very  satisfactory  and  show  that  the  capital  invested  in  the  Panama 
Canal  will  be  amply  remunerated. 

The  delicate  and  complex  questions  relative  to  the  determination  of  the 
probable  traffic  of  the  canal  were  examined  and  acted  upon  by  a special  committee 
appointed  by  the  new  company,  the  president  of  which  commission  is  the  dis- 
tinguished and  well-known  economist,  Mr.  Paul  Leroy-Beaulieu,  member  of  the 
Institute  of  France. 

THE  CONCESSION  TO  THE  PANAMA  CANAL  COMPANY. 

The  concession  of  the  new  Panama  Canal  Company  was  granted  by  the 
Colombian  Government  by  law  dated  the  28tli  of  May,  1878,  extended  by  the 
la!w  of  the  26th  of  December,  1890,  and  the  law  of  the  4th  of  August,  1893. 
The  time  for  the  completion  of  the  canal  is  thereby  fixed  at  October,  1904;  but 
in  this  present  month  of  December,  1898,  the  Government  of  Colombia  has  granted 
an  additional  extension  of  six  years — to  1910 — subject  to  the  formality  of  ratifi- 
cation by  Congress  when  it  reconvenes — an  assured  act.  This  concession  grants 
to  this  company  the  exclusive  privilege  of  excavation  through  the  Colombian 
(territory  and  the  opening  of  a maritime  canal  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
aceans — the  canal  to  be  constructed  without  restrictive  conditions  of  any  kind. 
The  concession  continues  for  ninety-nine  years  from  the  time  of  the  opening  of 
:he  canal,  either  wholly  or  in  part,  for  public  use. 

The  Government  gratuitously  cedes  to  the  company  the  land  necessary  for 
figging  the  canal  and  all  its  branches. 

It  also  cedes  for  the  purposes  of  the  canal  a zone  of  land  656  feet  in  width 
an  each  side  throughout  its  entire  length,  wherever  it  may  extend. 

In  addition  it  cedes  to  the  company  1,235,500  acres  of  public  lands,  with  all 
nining  rights  in  whatever  localities  the  company  may  choose. 

The  company  has  the  right  to  introduce  free  of  duty  or  any  tax  whatever 
tny  instruments,  machinery,  tools,  materials,  provisions,  etc.,  to  be  needed  for 
he  use  and  construction  of  the  canal. 


470 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


No  national  tax  nor  state  tax  nor  tax  of  any  other  kind  upon  the  canal  o 
its  dependencies  shall  be  imposed  upon  the  vessels  traversing  said  canal. 

The  tolls  of  the  canal  to  he  charged  to  all  vessels  without  exception  or  favo 
under  similar  conditions,  is  not  to  exceed  10  francs  (or  two  dollars)  for  each  cubi 
meter  based  on  the  actual  displacement  of  the  hull. 

As  a compensation  for  the  rights  and  privileges  granted  to  the  company  tl1 
Colombian  Government  is  entitled  to  receive  five  per  cent  on  the  gross  revenv 
of  the  company  for  the  first  twenty-five  years  after  the  opening  of  the  can: 
to  the  public;  from  the  twenty-sixth  year  to  the  fiftieth  year  it  will  be  entitle 
to  six  per  cent;  from  the  fiftieth  to  the  seventy-fifth  year,  seven  per  cent,  an 
from  the  seventy-fifth  year  to  the  end  of  the  term,  eight  per  cent. 

This  concession  was  granted,  and  the  work  has  been  and  is  carried  on,  und< 
the  protection  of  the  treaty  between  New  Granada  (Colombia)  and  the  Unite 
States,  made  in  1846,  and  ratified  in  1848.  The  portion  of  this  treaty  wlfic 
refers  to  this  subject,  as  well  as  the  particular  articles  of  the  concession  relath 
thereto,  is  of  so  much  interest  that  they  are  quoted  in  full  as  follows: 

ARTICLE  35  OF  THE  TREATY  OF  1846-8,  BETWEEN  NEW  GRANAD 

(NOW  REPUBLIC  OF  COLOMBIA)  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

“The  United  States  of  America  and  the  Republic  of  New  Granada,  desiring 
make  as  durable  as  possible  the  relations  which  are  to  be  established  between  tl 
two  parties  by  virtue  of  this  treaty,  have  declared  solemnly  and  do  agree  to  tl 
following  points: 

“First. — For  the  better  understanding  of  the  preceding  articles,  it  is  ai 
has  been  stipulated  between  the  high  contracting  parties  that  the  citizens,  vess<:| 
and  merchandise  of  the  United  States  shall  enjoy  in  the  ports  of  New  Granai 
including  those  of  the  part  of  the  Granadian  territory  denominated  Isthmus 
Panama,  from  its  southernmost  extremity  until  the  boundary  of  Costa  Rica, 
the  exemptions,  privileges  and  immunities  concerning  commerce  and  navigati 
which  are  now  or  may  hereafter  be  enjoyed  by  Granadian  citizens,  their  vessels  a 
merchandise,  and  that  this  equality  of  favors  shall  be  made  to  extend  to  t 
passengers,  correspondence  and  merchandise  of  the  United  States  in  their  tran. 
across  the  said  territory  from  one  sea  to  the  other. 

“The  Government  of  New  Granada  guarantees  to  the  Government  of  t 
United  States  that  the  right  of  way  or  transit  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panaii 
upon  any  modes  of  communication  that  now  exist  or  that  may  hereafter  be  cc 


i 


THE  PANAMA  CANAL. 


471 


tructed,  shall  be  open  and  free  to  the  Government  and  citizens  of  the  United 
tates,  and  for  the  transportation  of  any  articles  of  produce,  manufactures,  or 
ierchandise,  of  lawful  commerce,  belonging  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States; 
lat  no  other  tolls  or  charges  shall  be  levied  or  collected  upon  the  citizens  of  the 
nited  States,  or  their  said  merchandise,  thus  passing  over  any  road  or  canal 
lat  may  be  made  by  the  Government  of  New  Granada,  or  by  the  authority  of 
re  same,  that  is,  under  like  circumstances,  levied  upon  and  collected  from  the 
ranadian  citizens;  that  any  lawful  produce,  manufactures  or  merchandise  be- 
mging  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  thus  passing  from  one  sea  to  the 
:her,  in  either  direction,  for  the  purpose  of  exportation  to  any  other  foreign 
rantry,  shall  not  be  liable  to  any  import  duties  whatever;  or,  having  paid  such 
aties,  they  shall  be  entitled  to  draw  back  upon  their  exportation;  nor  shall  the 
tizens  of  the  United  States  be  liable  to  any  duties,  tolls  or  charges  of  any  kind 
) which  native  citizens  are  not  subjected  for  thus  passing  the  said  Isthmus. 

“And,  in  order  to  secure  to  themselves  the  tranquil  and  constant  enjoyment  of 
lese  advantages,  and  as  an  especial  compensation  for  the  said  advantages,  and  for 
le  favors  they  have  acquired  by  the  fourth,  fifth  and  sixth  articles  of  this  treaty, 
le  United  States  guarantee  positively  and  efficaciously  to  New  Granada,  by  the 
resent  stipulation,  the  perfect  neutrality  of  the  before-mentioned  Isthmus,  with 
le  view  that  the  free  transit  from  the  one  to  the  other  sea  may  not  be  interrupted 
p embarrassed  in  any  future  time  while  this  treaty  exists;  and,  in  consequence, 
re  United  States  also  guarantee,  in  the  same  manner,  the  rights  of  sovereignty 
id  property  which  New  Granada  has  and  possesses  over  the  said  territory. 

% % ❖ * ❖ * * 

"“Sixth. — Any  special  or  remarkable  advantages  that  one  or  the  other  powers 
ay  enjoy  from  the  foregoing  stipulation  are  and  ought  to  be  always  understood 
i virtue  and  as  in  compensation  of  the  obligations  they  have  just  contracted,  and 
hich  had  been  specified  in  the  first  of  this  article.” 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 

The  Monument  of  Disraeli  and  De  Lesseps  That,  Though  of  Shifting  Nature 
in  Shifting  Sand,  Is  More  Imperishable  than  Marble  or  Brass  or  Any 
Towering  Structure  Reared  by  Human  Hands — What  the  Great  Engineer 
De  Lesseps,  Who,  Though  He  Subsequently  Made  a Failure,  Did  Enough 
for  Immortality,  Had  to  Say — The  Suez  Canal  the  Grandest  Work  of 
Public  Improvement  in  the  Most  Progressive  Century — The  Dramatic 
History  Without  a Parallel  as  a Scheme  of  Daring  Scientific  Fancy  or 
Realization  of  Golden  Dividends. 

Lord  Beaconsfield  was  the  British  statesman  who  saw  the  full  importance  of 
the  Suez  Canal  to  the  Empire,  and,  with  a stroke  of  genius  and  the  nerve  of 
one  who  had  counted  all  the  consequences  and  accepted  them,  snatched  the 
Egyptian  shares  in  the  market,  gained  command  of  the  canal  and  suppressed  j| 
an  Egyptian  revolt,  incidentally  preparing  to  take  the  first  occasion  to  conquer 
Egypt.  Count  de  Lesseps  had  with  his  daring  engineering  and  diplomatic  finesse 
gained  a commanding  advantage  for  the  French,  and  crowned  his  triumph  by 
securing  the  attendance  at  the  opening  of  the  canal  of  his  relative,  the  Empress 
Eugenie,  her  presence  being  at  once  a decoration  and  celebration.  The  French, 
absorbed  in  their  self-consciousness  after  the  fall  of  Napoleon  III.,  and  when 
the  succeeding  republic  was  old  enough  to  offer  temptation  to  intrigue,  declined 
to  aid  in  the  subjugation  of  the  revolted  Egyptian  soldiers  and  left  the  British 
to  bombard  Alexandria,  crush  the  rebellion  and  possess  the  Nile  country.  Ever 
since  the  domination  of  England  in  Egypt  has  been  a matter  of  course,  and  her 
commercial  supremacy  manifest  in  the  business  of  the  canal.  This  is  the  justifi- 
cation of  the  exercise  of  power  and  will  continue  while  the  Empire  stands,  just 
as  legitimate  as  holding  Gibraltar,  Malta  and  Cypress.  Egypt  is  England’s  Half- 
Way  House  to  India,  and  the  prestige  of  the  British  Empire  depends  upon  the 
continuance  of  the  potentiality  of  the  English  in  Southern  and  Eastern  Asia. 
Disraeli  has  passed  away,  having  done  a wonderful  work  for  his  country,  and  the 
Queen  he  made  Empress  of  India  is  loyal  in  her  grateful  memory  for  the  immense 
audacity  and  consummate  conduct  that  increased  the  dignity  of  her  station  and 
the  grandeur  of  her  dominion.  The  Suez  Canal  is  to  England  and  Europe  at  large 
what  the  Panama  or  Nicaragua  Canal  completed  and  wide  open  would  he  for 
the  greater  American  Republic,  and  all  of  the  great  nations,  providing  a water- 

472 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


473 


way  in  the  tropics  approximating  to  a direct  channel  for  the  circumnavigation 
of  the  globe,  relieving  at  once  the  disadvantages  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  our  coun- 
try, and  establishing  this  nation  as  one  of  the  powers  in  Asia.  We  might  well 
he  content  if  the  canal  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  was  free  as  that  of  Suez,  for 
if  we  ever  needed  to  assert  ourselves  by  force  of  arms  we  could  at  any  time 
summon  the  physical  force  to  vindicate  our  rights,  and  that  we  would  find  at 
all  times  the  equivalent  of  our  capacity.  That  would  be  a far  stronger  -way  of 
asserting  ourselves  than  to  be  contentious  in  Congressional  debates  about  con- 
tracts. 

We  quote  “The  Suez  Canal,”  by  Ferdinand  de  Lesseps:  Translated  by  M. 

Do’ Anvers.  Henry  S.  King  & Company,  London,  1867. 

This  is  the  minute  dated  Maria,  November  15,  1854,  and  addressed  to  His 
Highness,  Mohammed  Said,  Viceroy  of  Egypt  and  its  dependencies: 

The  scheme  of  uniting  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Bed  Sea,  by  means  of 
a navigable  canal  suggested  itself  to  all  the  great  men  who  have  ever  ruled  over 
or  passed  through  Egypt,  including  Sesostris,  Alexander,  Caesar,  the  Arab  conqueror 
Arnrou,  Napoleon  I.,  and  Mohammed  Ali. 

A canal  effecting  a junction  between  the  two  seas,  via  the  Nile,  existed  for 
a period  of  unknown  duration  under  the  ancient  Egyptian  dynasties;  during  a 
second  period  of  445  years  from  the  first  successors  of  Alexander  and  the  Roman 
conquest  to  about  the  fourth  century  before  the  Mohammedan  era;  and,  lastly, 
during  a third  period  of  130  years  after  the  Arab  conquest. 

On  his  arrival  in  Egypt  Napoleon  appointed  a commission  of  engineers  to 
ascertain  whether  it  would  be  possible  to  restore  and  improve  the  old  route.  The 
question  was  answered  in  the  affirmative;  and  when  M.  Lepere  presented  him 
with  the  report  of  the  commission  the  Emperor  observed:  “It  is  a grand  work, 

and,  though  I cannot  execute  it  now,  the  day  may  come  when  the  Turkish  Gov- 
ernment may  glory  in  accomplishing  it.” 

The  moment  for  the  fulfillment  of  Napoleon’s  prophecy  has  arrived.  The 
making  of  the  Suez  Canal  is  beyond  doubt  destined  to  contribute  more  than 
anything  else  to  the  stability  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  and  to  give  the  lie  to  those 
who  proclaim  its  decline  and  approaching  ruin  by  proving  that  it  is  possessed 
of  prolific  vitality  and  capable  of  adding  a brilliant  page  to  the  history  of 
civilization. 

Why,  I ask,  did  the  western  nations  and  their  rulers  combine  as  one  man 
to  secure  the  possession  of  Constantinople  to  the  Sultan?  Why  did  the  power 
which  menaced  that  possession  meet  with  the  armed  opposition  of  Europe?  Be-. 


474 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


cause  of  the  importance  of  the  passage  from  the  Black  Sea  to  the  Mediterranean 
is  such  that  European  power  commanding  it  would  dominate  over  every  other, 
and  would  upset  the  balance  of  power,  which  it  is  to  the  interest  of  each  one  to 
maintain. 

But  suppose  a similar,  though  yet  more  important  position,  he  established  on 
some  other  point  of  the  Ottoman  Empire;  suppose  Egypt  to  be  converted  into 
the  highway  of  commerce  by  the  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal;  would  not  a doubly 
impregnable  situation  be  created  in  the  East?  for,  afraid  of  seeing  one  of  them- 
selves in  possession  of  the  new  passage  at  some  future  date,  would  not  the  Euro- 
pean powers  look  upon  the  maintenance  of  its  neutrality  as  a vital  necessity? 

Fifty  years  ago  M.  Lepere  said  he  should  require  ten  thousand  men  for  four 
years  and  thirty  or  forty  million  francs  for  the  restoration  of  the  old  indirect 
canal.  He  thought,  moreover,  that  it  would  be  possible  to  cut  across  the  isthmus 
from  Suez  to  Pelusium  in  a direct  line. 

M.  Paulin  Talabot,  who  was  associated,  as  surveying  engineer  for  a mari- 
time canal  society,  with  the  equally  celebrated  Stephenson  and  Negrelli,  advo- 
cated the  indirect  route  from  Alexandria  to  Suez,  and  proposed  using  the  barrage 
already  existing  for  the  passage  of  the  Nile.  He  estimated  the  total  cost  at  130,- 
000,000  francs  for  the  canal  and  20,000,000  for  the  port  and  roadstead  of  Suez. 

Linant  Bey,  the  able  director  for  some  thirty  years  of  the  canal  works  of 
Egypt,  who  has  made  the  Suez  Canal  question  the  study  of  his  life  in  the  country 
itself,  and  whose  opinion  is  therefore  worthy  of  serious  respect,  proposed  cutting 
through  the  isthmus,  at  its  narrowest  part,  in  an  almost  direct  line,  establishing 
a large  internal  port  in  the  basin  of  Lake  Timsah,  and  rendering  the  harbors  of 
Suez  and  Pelusium  accessible  to  the  largest  vessels. 

Gallice  Bey,  general  of  engineers  and  founder  and  director  of  the  fortifica- 
tions of  Alexandria,  presented  Mohammed  Ali  with  a canal  scheme  coinciding 
entirely  with  that  proposed  by  Linant  Bey. 

Mougel  Bey,  director  of  works  at  the  barrage  of  the  Nile,  and  chief  engineer 
des  ponts  et  Chaussees,  also  had  some  conversation  with  Mohammed  Ali  on  the 
possibility  and  desirability  of  making  a maritime  canal,  and  in  1840,  at  the 
request  of  Count  Walewski,  then  on  a mission  in  Egypt,  he  was  commissioned 
to  take  some  preliminary  measures  in  Europe,  which  were,  however,  prevented  by 
political  events  from  leading  to  any  definite  results. 

A careful  survey  would  decide  which  would  be  the  best  route,  and,  the  scheme 
having  once  been  recognized  as  possible,  nothing  remains  to  be  done  but  to  choose 
the  readiest  means  for  carrying  it  out. 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


475 


None  of  the  necessary  operations,  difficult  though  they  may  be,  are  really 
formidable  to  modern  science.  There  can  be  no  fear  nowadays  of  their  failure. 
The  whole  affair  is,  in  fact,  reduced  to  a mere  question  of  pounds,  shillings  and 
pence,  a question  which  will,  without  doubt,  be  readily  solved  by  the  modern 
spirit  of  enterprise  and  association.  That  is  to  say,  if  the  advantages  to  result 
from  its  solution  are  at  all  appropriate  to  the  cost. 

Now,  it  is  quite  easy  to  prove  that  the  cost  of  the  Suez  Canal,  even  on  the 
largest  estimate,  will  not  be  out  of  proportion  with  its  value,  shortening,  as  it 
must  do,  by  more  than  half,  the  distance  between  India  and  the  principal  coun- 
tries of  Europe  and  America. 

To  illustrate  this  fact  I add  the  following  table,  drawn  up  by  M.  Cordier, 
Professor  of  Geology: 


Names  of  the  chief  ports  of 
Europe  and  America. 


-Leagues- 


Malta 

Trieste 

Marseilles 

Cadiz 

Lisbon  

Bordeaux  3 

Havre  | ° 

London  

Liverpool  

Amsterdam  ... 

St.  Petersburg 
New  York 


New  Orleans 3,724 


Via  the 

Via  the 

Canal. 

Atlantic. 

Difference. 

..  1,800 

6,100 

4,300 

..  2,062 

5,800 

3,778 

..  2,340 

5,980 

3,620 

..  2,374 

5,650 

3,276 

..  2,224 

5,200 

2,976 

..  2,500 

2,350 

2,830 

..  2,800 

6,650 

2,850 

..  2,824 

5,800 

2,976 

. . 3,100 

5,950 

2,850 

..  3,050 

5,900 

2,850 

..  3,100 

5,950 

2,850 

..  3,700 

6,550 

2,850 

. ..  3,761 

6,200 

2,439 

..  3,724 

6,450 

2,726 

With  such  figures  before  us  comment  is  useless,  for  they  demonstrate  that 
Europe  and  the  United  States  are  alike  interested  in  the  opening  of  the  Suez 
Canal  and  in  the  maintenance  of  its  strict  inviolable  neutrality. 

Mohammed  Said  is  already  convinced  that  no  scheme  can  compare  either  in 
grandeur  or  in  practical  utility  with  that  in  question.  What  luster  it  would 
reflect  upon  his  reign!  what  an  inexhaustible  source  of  wealth  it  would  be  to 
Egypt!  Whilst  the  names  of  the  sovereigns  who  built  up  the  pyramids,  those 
nonuments  of  human  vanity,  are  unknown  or  forgotten,  that  of  the  prince  who 
;hould  inaugurate  the  great  maritime  canal  would  go  down  from  age  to  age,  and 
)e  blessed  by  the  most  remote  generations!  The  pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  hence- 
?orth  rendered  not  only  possible  but  easy  for  all  Musselmen,  an  immense  impulse 
;jven  to  steam  navigation  and  traveling  generally,  the  countries  on  the  Red  Sea, 
:}ersian  Gulf,  the  east  coast  of  Africa,  Spain,  Cochin  China,  Japan,  the  Empire 
>f  China,  the  Philippine  Islands,  Australia,  and  the  vast  archipelago  now  attract- 


476 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


ing  emigration  from  the  old  world  brought  three  thousand  leagues  nearer  alike  to 
the  Mediterranean,  the  north  of  Europe,  and  to  America,  such  would  be  the 
immediate  results  of  the  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal. 

It  has  been  estimated  that  six  million  tons  of  European  and  American  ship- 
ping annually  pass  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  Cape  Horn,  and  if  only 
one-half  went  through  the  canal  there  would  be  an  annual  saving  to  commerce 
of  150,000,000  francs. 

There  can  he  no  doubt  that  the  Suez  Canal  will  lead  to  a considerable  increase 
of  tonnage,  counting  it  at  3,000,000  tons  only,  an  annual  produce  of  30,000,000 
francs  will  be  obtained  by  levying  a toll  of  ten  francs  per  ton,  which  might  be 
reduced  in  proportion  to  the  increase  of  traffic. 

Before  closing  this  note  I must  remind  Your  Highness  that  preparations  arc 
actually  being  made  in  America  for  making  new  routes  between  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific,  and  at  the  same  time  call  your  attention  to  the  inevitable  results  to 
commerce  generally,  and  that  of  Turkey  in  particular  should  the  isthmus  separating 
the  Red  Sea  from  the  Mediterranean  remain  closed  for  any  length  of  time  after 
the  opening  of  the  proposed  American  lines. 

The  chief  difference  between  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  and  that  of  Suez  would 
appear  to  be  that  the  mountainous  nature  of  the  former  presents  insuperable 
difficulties  to  the  construction  of  a continuous  ship  canal,  whereas  on  the  latter  | 
such  a canal  would  be  the  best  solution  of  the  difficulty.  For  America  a kind  of 
compromise  has  been  made,  the  route  consisting  partly  of  a canal  and  partly  of 
a railway.  Now  if,  with  a view  to  effecting  only  a partial  success,  the  nations 
chiefly  interested  have  come  forward  at  once  in  a case  where  the  advantages  to 
be  obtained  are  fewer  and  the  expenses  far  greater  than  they  would  be  in  the 
Suez  Canal  scheme,  and  if  the  conventions  for  insuring  the  neutrality  of  the 
American  route  were  accepted  without  difficulty,  are  we  not  forced  to  conclude 
that  the  moment  has  come  for  considering  the  question  of  the  Isthmus  of  Suez? 
that  the  scheme  for  a canal  which  is  of  far  more  importance  to  the  whole  world 
than  the  Panama  line,  is  perfectly  secure  from  any  real  opposition,  and  that,  in 
our  efforts  to  carry  it  out,  we  shall  be  supported  by  universal  sympathy  and  by 
the  active  and  energetic  co-operation  of  enlightened  men  of  every  nationality?  i 
(Signed)  FERDINAND  DE  LESSEPS. 

“All  the  Year  Round,”  conducted  by  Charles  Dickens,  told  the  story  of  the 
Suez  Canal  in  this  pleasing  chapter,  in  which  there  is  a fine  example  of  the  truth 
stranger  than  fiction: 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


477 


The  most  picturesque  form  of  struggle,  and  the  one  which  commands  the 
most  sympathy  and  admiration  from  the  world,  is  that  of  the  adventurer,  in  the 
honest  sense  of  the  term,  who  enters  on  some  forlorn  project,  which  has  all  the 
magnificence  of  a dream,  and  lives  to  be  successful  and  triumphant. 

Success  is  declared,  and  the  end  gained,  there  is  invariably  seen  the  humiliat- 
ing spectacle  of  a complacent  reception  of  what  may  not  be  rejected,  and  a smiling 
adoption  of  a portion,  at  least,  of  the  honors.  The  rebuffs  and  the  scoffs  are 
set  to  the  account  of  the  adventurer’s  own  indiscretion;  and  the  world,  it  would 
seem,  is  too  great  a personage  to  be  compelled  to  own  to  mistakes  or  cry  peccavi. 
Though  it  welcomes  the  discovery — the  result  of  so  painful  a struggle — and  greed- 
ily turns  it  to  profit,  it  is  ill  at  ease,  as  it  were,  like  some  great  man  who  has 
prophesied  that  some  one  or  something  would  turn  out  badly,  and  whom  the 
event  has  proved  to  be  signally  wrong. 

One  morning  in  the  month  of  August,  1854,  a French  gentleman  was  engaged 
in  superintending  some  masons  who  were  at  work  adding  a story  to  his  house 
at  La  Chenaie — a house  that  had  once  been  occupied  by  the  famous  Agnes  Sorel. 

On  that  morning,  then,  of  August,  1854,  when  engaged  with  the  masons, 
and  standing  on  the  roof  of  Agnes  Sorel’s  house,  the  post  arrived,  and  the  letters 
were  handed  up  from  workman  to  workman  until  they  reached  the  proprietor.  In 
one  of  the  newspapers  he  read  the  news  of  the  death  of  Abbas  Pasha,  and  of  the 
accession  of  Mohammed  Said,  a patron  and  friend  of  the  old  Egypt  days.  They 
had  been  joined  on  affectionate  and  confidential  terms.  Instantly  the  scheme 
was  born  again  in  his  busy  soul,  and  his  teeming  brain  saw  the  most  momentous 
result  from  the  change  of  authority.  In  a moment  he  had  hurried  down  the 
ladder  and  was  writing  congratulations  and  a proposal  to  hurry  to  Egypt  and 
renew  their  acquaintance.  In  a few  weeks  came  the  answer,  and  the  ardent 
projector  had  written  joyfully  to  his  old  friend,  the  Dutch  Consul,  that  he  would 
be  on  his  way  in  November.  Expressing  the  delight  he  wordd  have  in  meeting 
him  again,  “in  our  old  land  in  Egypt,”  but  “there  was  not  to  be  so  much  as  a 
whisper  to  anyone  of  the  scheme  for  piercing  the  isthmus.”  On  the  7th  of 
November  he  landed  at  Alexandria,  and  was  received  with  the  greatest  welcome 
by  the  new  ruler.  The  Viceroy  was  on  the  point  of  starting  on  a sort  of  military 
promenade  to  Cairo.  It  was  when  they  had  halted  on  their  march,  on  a fine 
evening,  the  15th,  that  he  at  last  saw  the  opportunity.  lie  felt,  as  he  confessed, 
that  all  depended  on  the  way  the  matter  was  put  before  the  prince,  and  that  he 
must  succeed  in  inspiring  him  with  some  of  his  own  enthusiasm.  He  accordingly 
proceeded  to  unfold  his  plan,  which  he  did  in  a broad  fashion,  without  insisting 


478 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


too  much  on  petty  details.  The  easterner  listened  calmly  to  the  end,  made  some 
difficulties,  heard  the  answers,  and  then  addressed  his  eager  listener  in  these  words: 

“I  am  satisfied,  and  I accept  your  scheme.  We  will  settle  all  the  details  during 
our  journey.  But  understand  that  it  is  settled,  and  you  may  count  rrpon  me.”  This 
was  virtually  the  “concession”  of  the  great  canal.  But  already  the  fair  prospect 
was  to  be  clouded,  and  at  starting,  opposition  to  so  daring  a scheme  came  from 
England,  and  from  Turkey,  moved  by  England.  Those  wonderful  French  savants 
who  went  with  the  expedition  to  Egypt  had  announced  that  there  was  a difference 
of  level  amounting  to  thirty  feet  between  the  two  seas,  so  that  the  communication 
would  only  lead  to  an  inundation  or  a sort  of  permanent  waterfall.  Captain  Ches- 
ney,  passing  by  in  1830,  declared  that  this  was  not  so,  but  the  delusion  was 
accepted  popularly  up  to  1847,  when  a commission  of  three  engineers — English, 
French  and  German — made  precise  levelings,  and  ascertained  that  it  was  a scientific 
mistake.  Robert  Stevenson,  the  English  member  of  the  party,  pronounced  the 
whole  scheme  impracticable.  And  a more  amusing  half-hour’s  entertainment  could 
not  be  desired  than  the  Edinburgh  Review  article  for  January,  1856,  in  which  it 
is  proved  triumphantly  that  the  canal  must  fill  up,  and  that  no  harbor  or  pier 
could  be  made.  The  article  argued  it  all  out  with  a formal  array  of  facts.  Lord 
Palmerston’s  opposition  is  well  known,  but  the  shower  of  articles  in  the  leading 
journals  which  ridiculed,  prophesied  and  confuted,  are  now  well  nigh  forgotten. 

It  was  first  proposed  to  follow  a round-about  route,  making  two  sides  of  a 
triangle,  with  the  existing  line  for  the  third.  One  portion  of  the  waterway,  from 
Damietta  to  Cairo,  was  supplied  by  the  Nile  itself.  So  there  only  remained 
a distance  of  twenty  miles  to  be  dealt  with.  But  the  Nile  was  itself  a difficulty — j 

the  irrigation  and  other  works  would  be  interfered  with,  and  there  were  enormous 
problems  as  to  levels,  etc.  The  direct  course  was  therefore  adopted.  A curious 
scientific  party,  known  as  the  Mixed  Commission,  formed  of  engineers  from  all 
of  the  leading  nations,  proceeded,  at  the  close  of  1855,  to  make  a thorough  exam- 
ination of  the  question  on  the  spot,  and  nothing  is  more  creditable  to  science 
than  the  masterly  style  in  which  every  point  was  investigated.  The  result  was 
satisfactory,  and  it  was  determined  to  commence  the  work. 

The  route  chosen  was  favored  by  many  advantages:  the  distance,  though 
ninety  miles  in  length,  was  already  canalized  by  various  lakes,  great  and  small,  to 
the  extent  of  about  thirty  miles  or  more.  Roughly,  the  course  was  as  follows: 
Starting  from  the  Mediterranean,  the  entrance  is  found  in  a strip  of  sand  from 
four  to  five  hundred  feet  wide  and  which  forms  the  rim,  as  it  were,  of  the  bowl 
which  holds  Lake  Menzaleh.  Here  is  Port  Said,  the  gate,  or  doorway  of  the 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


479 


Canal;  then  for  about  thirty  miles  is  found  the  great  lake  just  named,  where  there 
rises  a slight  hill,  about  twenty-five  feet  high;  then  a small  lake,  then  for  about 
thirty  miles  a series  of  gradually  rising  hills,  culminating  in  a rather  stiff  plateau. 
Beyond  the  plateau  is  Lake  Timseh,  about  five  miles  long,  where  there  is  the 
half-way  port,  Ismailia.  Then  succeeds  another  plateau,  large  basin,  known  as 
the  Bitter  Lakes,  extending  about  twenty  miles,  while  the  rest  is  land  up  to 
the  Bed  Sea.  These  lakes  were  in  some  places  dry.  There  were  no  sluices  or 
locks,  though  these  lakes  would  be  greatly  enlarged  by  the  admission  of  the 
waters. 

The  canal  might  have  been  about  fifteen  miles  shorter  had  it  been  lower  down 
in  the  Gulf  of  Pelusium,  but  the  cost  and  time  would  have  been  greater,  as  there 
were  no  lakes  in  that  line.  It  is  narrow,  not  allowing  more  than  one  vessel  to 
proceed  at  a time;  but  there  are  numerous  “lie-by”  places  where  vessels  can  pass 
each  other.  This  is  necessary,  as  sometimes  so  many  as  thirty  vessels  are  in  the 
canal  at  a time.  It  will  take  vessels  drawing  so  much  as  five  and  twenty  feet. 

That  England,  with  her  Asiatic  possessions,  dreaded  the  Suez  Canal  under 
French  control  was  manifest  from  the  first  efforts  of  De  Lesseps,  who  not  only 
surmounted  the  physical  difficulties  of  cutting  through  the  Suez,  but  was  con- 
stantly opposed  by  English  diplomacy. 

“The  Nineteenth  Century,”  December,  1882,  page  840: 

“While  the  Canal  is  in  the  hands  of  a French  company,  supported  by  France, 
it  lies  in  the  hands  of  a Power  more  formidable  than  Arabi  to  close  it  tem- 
porarily to  England  and  open  it  to  her  foes — a Power,  be  it  remembered,  which, 
though  friendly  now,  might  be  hostile  to-morrow  and  has  geographically  a week’s 
start  of  us  on  the  road  to  India,  while  by  blocking  the  canal  she  would  have 
three  week’s  start  at  least  of  a fleet  stopped  at  its  mouth.  No  one  will  doubt  the 
expediency,  at  all  events,  of  depriving  the  possibly  hostile  Power  of  this  dangerous 
advantage,  though  some  persons  may  question  our  moral  right  to  do  so. 

* * * * * * * 

“While  the  influence  of  England  was  paramount  at  Constantinople  the  oppo- 
sition of  Lord  Palmerston  prevailed  with  the  Sultan,  who  refused  to  ratify  the 
Ivhedive’s  concession  to  France.  When  the  Crimean  and  Franco-Austrian  wars 
had  enormously  exalted  the  prestige  of  France  (rather  at  the  expense  of  England) 
the  concession  was  granted  to  M.  De  Lesseps  (virtually  to  France),  though  not  in 
its  original  shape,  which  would  have  been  an  intolerable  menace  and  danger  to 


480 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


England.  The  original  concession  was  not  in  fact  merely  the  right  to  construct 
the  canal,  but  to  possess  a slice  of  Egypt  (of  indefinite  extent),  commanding  the 
whole  course  of  the  canal,  and  which  would  very  soon  have  become  virtually  a 
French  territory. 

“To  refer  to  the  immense  preponderance  of  English  shipping  benefited  by  the 
Canal  traffic  only  shows  that  in  peace  time  we  gain  by  the  facilities  created.  Lord 
Palmerston,  who  was  neither  a fool  nor  a bigot,  never  denied  that  in  peace  time  a 
short  route  for  commerce,  if  obtained,  would  be  beneficial  to  England.  What  he 
recognized  as  a great  danger  was  that  if  France  made  the  Canal  she  would  arrogate 
entire  control  over  it,  plant  her  flag  on  the  banks,  and  appoint  every  official  and 
pilot.  The  facts  have  more  than  justified  the  prediction,  and  but  for  the  events 
of  1870-71,  which  prevented  France  from  backing  the  arrogant  pretense  of  the 
Canal  officials,  we  should  have  been  involved  in  very  serious  difficulties,  or  actual 
war  on  two  recent  occasions. 

“But  although  the  influence  of  France  overpowered  the  opposition  of  Lord 
Palmerston,  enabled  her  to  obtain  the  concession  from  the  Khedive  in  its  most 
objectionable  form.  Lord  Palmerston  did  not  give  up  the  struggle.  Rightly  judging 
the  danger  of  the  encroachment  and  the  object  of  obtaining  the  territory  bordering 
the  new  waterway  to  India,  he  protested  against  a French  imperium  in  imperio  in 
Egypt.  Perhaps  the  Emperor  (Napoleon  III.)  was  more  moderate  in  his  views  than 
the  projectors  of  the  Canal;  but  in  any  case  the  territory  of  the  canal  company  was 
bought  back  by  Egypt  (at  a Shylock  price)  much,  we  may  suppose,  to  M.  de  Les- 
seps’ disgust. 

“On  no  theory,  except  the  audacious  Napoleonic  idea  of  a France  supreme  and 
Europe  submissive,  could  M.  Thiers  have  taken  the  part  he  did.  France  insisted 
that  all  Europe  should  succumb  to  her.  The  firmness  of  Lord  Palmerston  pre- 
vailed. A British  fleet  bombarded  St.  Jean  d’Acre,  and  landing  a force  which 
threatened  Ibraham’s  communications,  forcing  him  to  retire  into  Egypt,  M.  de  Les- 
seps  thought  that  France  had  acquired  some  mysterious  rights  from  the  first  Napo- 
leon’s abortive  enterprise  in  1798. 

“M.  de  Lesseps  keenly  felt  the  defeat  of  French  intrigue  by  England  in  1840, 
and  if,  as  is  probable,  it  was  at  that  time  he  conceived  the  idea  of  his  canal,  cthe 
spear  to  pierce  the  armor  of  England,’  it  must  have  been  some  consolation  for  the 
reverse. 

“The  diplomatic  career  of  M.  de  Lesseps  had  trained  him  in  that  antagony  to 
England  which  he  was  formerly  at  no  pains  to  conceal. 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


481 


“A  canal  from  Suez  to  the  Nile  (all  that  was  wanted  in  those  days  to  do  the 
work  of  the  Suez  Canal)  probably  existed  three  thousand  years  ago.  The  French 
expedition  of  1798  revived  the  idea  with  the  object  of  injuring  England.  And  it  is 
probable  that  M.  de  Lesseps,  benefited  by  the  researches  then  made  and  renewed  in 
1803  by  his  father,  a Napoleonic  soldier,  by  using  up  some  thousand  wretched  Fel- 
lahas,  who  perished  miserably  at  the  work,  hacked  by  the  whole  influence  of  France 
and  all  the  Khedive’s  resources — was  able  to  have  the  work  done  by  others  and 
take  the  credit  himself.  As  a promoter  M.  de  Lesseps  has  been  very  successful,  and 
though  that  profession  is  not  highly  esteemed  in  England,  he  has  obtained  celeb- 
rity as  what  he  does  not  happen  to  he — an  engineer!” 

That  a British  canal  can  he  made  to  suit  our  needs  in  the  present,  and  our 
greater  needs  in  the  future,  and  to  make  a large  return  on  the  capital  expended, 
is  proved  by  the  existing  canal,  upon  which  much  money  was  wasted.  The  only 
serious  objection  will  arise  from  the  fact  that  the  British  Government  holds  £4,000,- 
000  of  the  stock  of  the  present  canal,  the  value  of  which  would  be  depreciated  by 
the  competition.  This  is  a consideration  of  some  importance,  but  it  cannot  out- 
weigh the  immense  advantages  of  having  our  Indian  communications  in  our  own 
hands  instead  of  a jealous  rival’s,  who  may  some  day  be  an  enemy.  There  would, 
moreover,  probably  be  traffic  enough  for  both  canals. 

The  Fortnightly  Review.  September,  1893.  England’s  right  to  the  Suez 
Shares.  Casper  W.  Whitney.  Pages  105-424. 

In  his  speech  on  public  revenue  and  expenditure,  April  21,  1887,  Mr.  Goshen 
said  that  there  was  one  national  asset  which  had  never  yet  been  brought  into  ac- 
count at  its  real  value.  He  referred  to  the  176,000  shares  in  the  Suez  Canal.  Mr. 
Goshen  said: 

“The  shares,  wdiich  are  £20  shares,  and  which  when  they  were  bought  were 
worth  about  £27,  yielded  a dividend  of  5 per  cent  on  their  par  value,  are  now  (1887) 
worth  £84  each,  and  yield  about  15  per  cent  on  their  par  value.  We  shall  come 
into  a large  revenue  per  annum  on  these  shares  from  1894,  unless  there  shall  be 
any  fall  in  the  revenue  of  the  Canal,  a contingency  which  we  do  not  anticipate.  The 
actuarial  value  of  the  shares  at  the  present  moment  is  £10,500,000.” 

It  was  Mr.  Goshen’s  proposal  to  use  the  interest  of  the  Suez  shares  for  the 
purpose  of  national  defence  in  fortifying  naval  stations,  etc.  “The  irony  of  fate 
was  never  more  strikingly  exhibited.  French  enterprise,  and  capital  obtained  from 
Egypt  and  France,  were  thus  to  be  utilized  to  facilitate  British  control  over  Indif 
and  the  lands  over  against  Tonquin,  to  obtain  a dominant  influence  in  Egypt,  anf 


\ 


482 


THE  STTEZ  CANAL. 


finally  to  pay  tlie  cost  of  defensive  military  works  which  can  never  be  seriously 
threatened  except  by  a French  fleet. 

‘‘There  are  few  persons  even  now  who  understand  the  exact  nature  of  the  trans- 
action by  which  England  obtained  possession  of  these  shares  with  their  potentiality 
of  wealth  and  power.  This  is  what  Mr.  Milner  says: 

“ ‘Sixteen  years  ago  we  bought  for  four  million  pounds  Egypt’s  interest  in 
the  Suez  Canal,  which,  had  she  only  clung  to  it,  would  soon  have  become  so  fertile 
a source  of  income  to  her.  What  we  bought  for  four  million  pounds  will  in  another 
year  be  worth  something  near  twenty  million  pounds.’ 

“In  addition  to  the  shares,  England  required  Egypt  to  contract  a wholly  new 
obligation.  A terminable  annuity  of  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  a year  to  be 
paid  by  Egypt  to  England  was  created  in  1876  to  expire  in  1894.  The  shares 
belonged  to  Egypt,  not  to  Ismain.  They  were  an  asset  of  the  Government,  and 
would  never  have  passed  to  Tewfik  as  his  private  property  or  that  of  his  brothers 
had  Ismael  been  succeeded  by  Prince  Halim.  The  ruler  of  the  day  contributed 
from  first  to  last  more  than  all  the  sums  borrowed  or  subscribed  by  share-holders 
in  Europe.  These  advances  were  made  by  the  Egyptian  treasury,  and  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  shares  belonged  to  the  Egyptian  Government  and  not  to  any 
ruler  of  Egypt.  The  shares  will  be  worth  in  1894,  at  present  prices,  £18,543,210. 
The  transaction  of  1876  belongs  to  a class  against  which  a court  of  equity  has  never 
failed  to  afford  relief. 

“On  the  one  side  is  the  British  treasury,  claiming  to  have  made  £18,500,000 
without  the  expenditure  of  a farthing.  On  the  other  side  are  all  those  who  are  in- 
terested in  Egypt,  including  British  tax-payers  who  have  purchased  Egyptian  se- 
curities. If  it  is  even  possible  that  the  opinion  might  be  expressed  by  the  judicial 
and  financial  advisers  to  His  Highness  the  Khedive,  or  by  the  international  trib- 
unals, that  Great  Britain  never  acquired  the  ownership  of  the  Suez  Canal  shares 
in  fee  simple  absolute,  because  they  were  the  property  of  the  inhabitants  of  Egypt, 
created  by  their  labor,  subject  to  the  lien  of  the  creditors  of  Egypt  and  those  of  the 
Ottoman  Empire;  that  they  were  pledged  and  not  sold  by  a Khedive  dismissed  for 
malversation  in  office  at  the  instance  of  England  itself;  that  they  had  been  re- 
deemed by  the  annual  payment  of  £200,000,000  a year,  raised  sometimes  out  of  taxes 
cruelly  burdensome,  sometimes  by  new  imposts  and  fresh  loans,  would  it  not  be 
more  discreet  to  begin  as  speedily  as  possible  to  show  a disposition  to  treat  this 
fund  as  a source  out  of  which  mutual  benefits  might  be  obtained?” 

Appleton’s  Journal.  London.  April  number,  1880.  Page  303-310.  The  Suez 
Canal:  A History.  By  Judge  P.  H.  Morgan. 


NATIVE  HOUSE,  SHOWING  KITCHEN,  IN  MASAYA,  NICARAGUA. 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


485 


When  Ismail  Pasha  ascended  the  Viceregal  throne  of  Egypt  he  inherited  from 
his  predecessor,  Said  Pasha,  a legacy  which  proved  to  be  the  cause  of  his  trouble, 
his  misfortunes  and  his  end.  Said  Pasha  had  granted  to  a French  company  the 
right  to  cut  a ship  canal  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Red  Sea.  It  was  a grand 
idea,  no  doubt,  but,  if  we  are  to  believe  the  records  of  the  past,  it  was  not  a new 
one.  Twice  before  the  waters  of  the  Mediterranean  had  been  connected  with  the 
waters  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  it  is  generally  credited  that  even  the  Canal  which  now 
exists  was  projected  long  before  the  present  company  undertook  to  dig  it.  It  was 
a gigantic  undertaking,  although  not  a very  difficult  one  to  accomplish.  It  does 
not  require  any  great  engineering  skill  to  excavate  in  sand;  and,  as  soon  as  it  was 
ascertained  that  the  sand  would  not  return  to  the  place  from  which  it  was  taken, 
the  problem  was  solved.  As  for  the  danger  arising  from  the  sides  falling  in,  every- 
one knows  that  wet  sand  is  always  hard,  and  that  it  has  no  tendency  to  “cave.” 
Anyone  who  walks  upon  a beach  may  observe  it  for  himself.  Still,  it  was  a great 
undertaking.  It  has  proved  to  all  the  world — Egypt  alone  excepted — a great  advan- 
tage. For  Egypt,  however,  it  has  turned  out  to  be  a great  commercial  as  well  as 
a great  political  mistake.  It  has  been  the  principal  cause  of  her  financial  ruin,  and 
led  to  the  dethronement  of  her  late  Viceroy. 

It  has  proved  a great  commercial  mistake  in  this:  that  it  has  permitted  all 
the  travel  and  all  the  merchandise  going  to  and  coming  from  India  to  Europe  to 
pass  her  by;  whereas,  before  the  Canal  was  dug,  everything  and  every  person  going 
to  and  coming  from  that  direction  stopped  at  her  ports,  used  her  roads,  and  paid 
toll  continually,  thus  profiting  every  one,  from  hotel-keeper  to  donkey-boy. 

It  was  a political  mistake,  because  it  has  placed  Egypt  on  the  highway  to  India, 
thus  making  her  an  object  of  zealous  solicitude,  and  of  great  importance  from  a 
strategical  point  of  view  to  those  nations  whose  power  is  supposed  to  be  mainly 
lerived  from  that  country  or  whose  ambition  lies  in  that  direction;  while  the  ruinous 
influence  it  has  exercised  over  the  finances  of  Egypt  may  be  seen  by  a passing 
glance  at  the  facts. 

The  first  proposition  which  was  made  to  the  Khedive  (Said  Pasha)  by  the 
projectors  of  the  enterprise  was  a very  plain  and  simple  one.  If  the  Pasha  would 
remit  them  to  excavate  a canal  through  his  dominions,  which  would  join  the  Medi- 
;erranean  with  the  Red  Sea,  they  would  do  all  the  work  at  their  own  cost.  When 
he  canal  should  be  completed  they  would  pay  him  15  per  cent  of  the  profits  which 
he  canal  might  earn.  As  there  was  no  water  in  the  country  through  which  it  was 
:o  be  cut  except  such  as  would  come  into  it  from  the  sea,  and  as  a great  number  of 
vorkmen  would  be  employed  upon  it,  and  as  the  principal  part  of  the  grain  of  the 


486 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


country  is  grown  in  Upper  Egypt,  beyond  Cairo,  which  then  came  to  Alexandria 
for  shipment,  and  which,  it  was  hoped,  would  find  its  way  to  the  sea  through  the 
canal,  it  was  agreed  that,  should  a sweet-water  canal  be  deemed  necessary,  the  com- 
pany were  to  be  permitted  to  dig  one,  always  at  their  own  cost,  from  the  Nile, 
starting  from  a point  near  to  and  above  Cairo,  to  the  ship  canal.  They  were  to  be 
the  owners  for  ninety-nine  years  of  all  the  Government  lands,  then  unoccupied, 
which  lay  along  the  banks  of  the  canal,  and  which  might  be  irrigated  from  it  free 
of  taxes  for  ten  years.  At  the  expiration  of  ninety-nine  years  the  entire  works  were 
to  revert  to  the  Government  upon  the  company  being  paid  the  value  of  their  im- 
provements. In  case  the  charter  should  be  renewed  at  the  expiration  of  its  term, 
the  Government  was  to  receive  an  increased  share  of  the  profits.  Nothing  could 
be  more  business-like  than  this.  The  results  which  the  enterprise  promised  were  so 
great  that  its  projectors  could  afford  to  do  the  entire  work,  at  their  own  cost,  and 
give  to  the  granter  of  the  privilege  15  per  cent  of  their  profits.  This  percentage 
of  the  profits  would  compensate  for  the  loss  of  traffic  which  the  country  then  en- 
joyed from  travelers  and  from  merchandise  in  transit.  But  the  grant  was  coupled 
with  the  express  stipulation  that  the  Khedive  was  not  to  be  bound  to  anything  re- 
garding it,  unless  the  Sultan  should  approve  of  the  scheme,  and  give  to  it  his  assent. 
In  point  of  fact,  therefore,  it  was  the  Sultan  who  was  to  grant  the  necessary  con- 
cessions. For  this  consent,  however,  the  company  did  not  wait,  and  they  went  to 
work. 

Matters  do  not  appear  to  have  progressed  very  rapidly.  The  company  had  un- 
dertaken a great  work,  and,  to  perfect  it,  required  a great  deal  of  money.  The 
money  was  not  forthcoming.  Subscriptions  to  the  stock  were  slow.  Capitalists  were 
not  eager  to  invest  in  such  an  undertaking.  As  usual,  there  were  many  croakers 
abroad.  Every  scheme  of  the  sort  finds  many  enemies.  In  England,  particularly, 
it  was  looked  upon  with  great  disfavor,  just  as  canals  in  that  country  were  pro- 
nounced impracticable  when  they  were  first  projected;  in  the  United  States,  just 
as  railroads  were,  before  they  were  built.  Many  people  believed  that  the  level  of  the 
Bed  Sea  was  so  far  below  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean  that,  the  canal  being  dug, 
all  the  water  of  the  latter  would  pour  through  it,  leaving  its  bed  dry.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  were  others  who  thought  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean  so  far 
below  the  level  of  the  Bed  Sea  that  all  the  waters  of  the  Indian  Ocean  would  pour 
into  it  and  flood  a great  portion  of  the  continent  of  Europe.  Capitalists  were  not 
eager  to  invest  in  an  undertaking  which  threatened  so  great  a disaster.  Besides, 
the  money,  when  it  came,  was  to  come  from  Europe,  and  those  who  had  it  did  not 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


487 


fancy  sending  it  so  far  away  from  home,  under  so  many  conditions  of  doubt  and 

peril. 

To  place  themselves  upon  a better  footing,  the  company  obtained  further  con- 
cessions from  the  Viceroy  (always  subject,  however,  to  the  approval  of  the  Sultan). 
Among  other  things,  they  were  to  be  permitted  to  dig  a fresh-water  canal,  starting 
from  the  point  where  the  first  one  was  to  touch  the  marine  canal,  extending  to  the 
south  as  far  as  Suez  and  to  the  north  as  far  as  Port  Said.  All  the  unoccupied  land 
lying  along  the  route  of  this  projected  canal,  and  belonging  to  the  Government, 
which  might  be  irrigated  from  it  (amounting  to  many  thousands  of  acres,  and 
which  only  needs  the  Nile  wrnter  to  make  it  productive)  was  to  belong  to  the  com- 
pany for  ninety-nine  years,  and  was  to  be  free  of  taxes  for  ten  years.  They  were 
to  be  allowed  to  demand  pay  for  the  water  which  the  canal  might  furnish  the  pro- 
prietors of  land  in  its  neighborhood.  They  were  to  be  allowed  to  charge  ten  francs 
per  ton  on  vessels  which  might  use  the  ship-canal,  and  ten  francs  toll  on  each  pas- 
senger who  might  pass  through  it. 

One  stipulation  only  was  made  in  the  interest  of  the  people  of  the  country. 
As  it  was  evident  that  the  construction  of  these  vast  works  would  require  the  em- 
ployment of  a great  number  of  laborers,  it  was  agreed  by  the  company  that  four- 
fifths,  at  least,  of  the  workmen  employed  upon  them  should  be  Egyptians.  These 
the  Khedive  agreed  to  furnish.  They  were  to  be  paid  as  follows:  Those  who  were 
under  twelve  years  of  age  were  to  receive  two  and  a half  piasters  (about  twelve  and 
a half  cents)  per  diem;  those  over  twelve  years  of  age  were  to  receive  three 
piasters  (about  fifteen  cents)  per  diem;  they  were  also  to  receive  rations  to 
the  value  of  one  piaster  (about  five  cents)  per  diem,  without  regard  to  age.  Lodging 
svas  to  be  provided  for  them,  also  hospitals,  and  transportation  was  to  be  furnished 
them  to  the  point  to  which  they  were  to  work.  The  Khedive  little  dreamed  when 
hie  made  this  stipulation,  which  was  clearly  intended  should  benefit  his  people,  that 
he  was  consigning  upward  of  twenty  thousand  human  beings  to  their  graves,  and 
that  he  would,  in  the  end,  be  called  upon  and  forced  to  pay  an  immense  sum  of 
noney  for  it. 

Even  with  these  vast  grants  in  their  favor  the  company  stood  in  the  presence 
many  difficulties.  Although  the  first  concession  was  made  in  November,  1854, 
and  the  second  in  January,  1856,  the  subscription-books  were  not  opened  until 
Movember,  1858.  To  secure  200,000,000  francs  (the  estimated  cost  of  the  work) 
:o  be  invested  in  an  enterprise  in  a distant  quarter  of  the  globe  was  found  to  be  an 
mpossibility.  And  in  1860  they  were  at  the  end  of  their  resources.  But  the 
project  was  not  to  be  abandoned.  The  company  had  already  borrowed  from  the 


$ 


488 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


Khedive  2,394,914  francs.  This  money  was  all  gone.  Then  they  set  to  work  upon 
him  in  earnest,  and  they  persuaded  him  to  subscribe  .for  177,662  shares  of  stock 
in  the  company.  Now,  the  entire  number  of  shares  was  only  400,000,  so  that,  one 
may  say,  the  canal  which  was  to  have  been  dug  through  Egyptian  territory,  not 
only  at  no  cost  to  Egypt,  but  from  which  she  was  to  receive  15  per  cent  of  the 
profits  derived  therefrom,  and  four-fifths  of  the  cost  of  which  were  to  he  paid  oui 
to  Egyptians,  was  now  to  he  largely  built  with  Egypt’s  money. 

The  Pasha  did  not  have  the  money  in  hand  with  which  to  pay  up  his  sub- 
scription. But  this  did  not  matter;  the  affair  could  easily  be  arranged,  for  at  that 
time  Egypt  had  no  debt  to  speak  of,  and  her  credit  was  good.  So  it  was  agreed 
that  he  was  to  be  charged  on  the  company’s  hooks,  to  date  from  January  1,  1859, 
with  the  proportionate  amount  due  to  his  stock,  viz.,  17,764,200  francs,  from  which! 
was  to  be  deducted  the  amount  already  advanced  by  him,  2,391,914  francs,  with 
interest  thereon  (1,211,242  francs),  so  that  his  actual  indebtedness  on  his  called-in 
subscription  wras  15,248,042.88  francs;  and  as  he  had  no  money,  he  was  to,  and  did, 
give  Treasury  obligations,  payable — 2,305,175  francs  on  December  8,  1863,  and  the 
balance  in  three  equal  annual  installments  of  4,314,255.96  francs,  all  bearing 
interest  at  the  rate  of  10  per  cent  per  annum  from  January  1,  1860. 

Therefore  on  the  first  amount  he  paid  in  all  24,705,734.60  francs,  for  which 
he  was  to  receive  bonds  amounting  to  15,248,042  francs.  In  other  words,  he  was* 
to  pay  24,705,734.60,  and  was  to  receive,  in  bonds,  15,248,042  francs — a difference 
between  what  he  paid  and  the  sum  he  was  to  receive  of  nearly  10,000,000  francs. 
The  rest  of  his  subscription  wras  to  be  paid  at  other  intervals. 

The  success  of  this  negotiation  gave  to  the  company  a new  life,  and  they 
pressed  forward  the  work,  not  only  on  the  main  canal,  but  also  upon  the  sweet- water 
canal,  which  was  to  start  from  the  Nile. 

Said  Pasha  died  in  January,  1863;  Ismail  Pasha  succeeded  him.  The  com- 
pany now  needed  more  money,  and  they  pounced  upon  him  at  once.  They  repre- 
sented to  him  that  the  supply  of  water  in  the  canal  from  Cairo  to  Zagazig  (on  the 
way  to  the  maritime  canal)  would  not  be  sufficient  to  supply  the  canal  which  was 
to  be  dug  from  the  point  where  that  canal  was  to  touch  the  maritime  canal  at  Suez 
with  water.  They  persuaded  him  that  the  construction  of  this  canal,  particularly 
in  respect  of  the  appropriation  of  lands  belonging  to  individuals,  would  give  rise 
to  questions  of  interior  administration,  which  might  prove  difficult  and  serious, 
and  which  it  was  important  to  the  Government  to  have  under  its  exclusive  control. 
To  prevent  such  an  unhappy  possibility  the  company  agreed  to  renounce  their  right 
to  construct  their  canal  from  the  Nile  to  the  maritime  carnal;  to  make  the  canal 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


489 


from  the  point  where  it  touched  the  maritime  canal  to  Suez  of  sufficient  dimensions 
not  only  to  serve  the  purpose  of  irrigation,  but  also  answer  the  purpose  of  naviga- 
tion. At  the  same  time  they  retroceded  to  the  Government  the  lands  which  had 
been  given  them.  The  plain  English  of  which  was  that  they  could  not  comply  with 
their  engagements,  and  that,  notwithstanding  all  the  assistance  they  had  received, 
they  were  unable  to  complete  the  work  which  they  had  agreed  and  had  commenced 
to  do.  The  ground  upon  which  they  placed  their  request  to  be  freed  from  that  part 
of  their  contract,  which  is  now  under  consideration,  was  a mere  pretext. 

The  Canal  was  to  be  completed  by  the  first  of  March,  1864;  when  completed 
it  was  to  be  kept  in  repair  by  the  company,  but  at  the  cost  of  the  Government; 
it  was  to  be  properly  supplied  with  water  at  all  seasons;  was  to  be  subject  to  all 
the  services  which  had  been  established  upon  it  in  their  favor  by  the  original  con- 
tract, and  its  water  was  to  belong  to  them:  that  is,  the  Government  was  to  build 
the  canal,  give  it  to  the  company,  keep  it  in  thorough  repair,  and  always  well  sup- 
plied with  water!  Instead  of  nothing,  the  Government  had  contributed  £8,000,000 
:o  the  enterprise  (exclusively  to  the  interest  heretofore  alluded  to);  had  agreed  to 
3onstruct  important  works  and  keep  them  in  repair,  the  company  to  derive  the  sole 
benefit  therefrom.  From  being  the  beneficiary,  the  Government  became  the  bene- 
factor. It  was  to  do  the  work;  the  work,  when  completed,  was  to  belong  to  the 
company! 

In  the  meanwhile  England  had  seen  with  great  and  natural  concern  that  a 
short  route  was  being  opened  to  the  Indies,  over  which  she  was  not  to  have  the 
lontrolling  influence.  She  could  not  but  feel  apprehensive  lest  large  French  pos- 
essions  in  Egypt,  situate  as  were  the  lands  wdiich  had  been  ceded  to  the  company, 
night  result  to  her  disadvantage.  The  work  as  it  progressed  was  talked  about  the 
vorld  over.  The  moral  sense  of  the  British  people  took  offense  at  the  character 
rf  the  labor  which  was  employed  upon  it  and  the  manner  by  which  it  was  con- 
rolled.  Accounts,  not  exaggerated,  reached  them  of  the  “corvees”  which  were 
[riven  to  the  banks  of  the  canal  (for  the  Khedive,  when  he  stipulated  that  Egyp- 
ians  should  be  employed,  also  agreed  to  see  that  they  should  be  forthcoming).  The 
?ork  was  distasteful  to  them,  not  remunerative,  and  unhealthy.  They  were  driven 
o it  by  force;  they  were  perishing  by  thousands. 

Does  the  reader  know  how  their  tasks  were  performed?  Those  who  carried 
he  earth  away  from  where  it  was  dug  were  not  furnished  anything  in  which  to 
arry  it.  They  were  required  to  stoop,  to  place  their  arms  behind  their  backs,  the 
eft  wrist  clasped  in  the  right  hand,  and  then  as  much  earth  was  placed  in  the 
od  thus  made  as  it  would  hold.  They  were  forced  to  walk  away  with  it  up  a steep 


490 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


acclivity,  and,  when  they  reached  the  dumping-spot,  they  let  go  their  hold,  straight 
ened  up,  and,  shaking  themselves  like  a spaniel  who  has  just  come  out  of  the  water 
relieved  themselves  of  their  burden.  A large  portion  of  them  were  under  twelvi 
years  of  age.  Englishmen  almost  fancied  they  could  hear  the  thud  of  the  “cour 
bash”  as  it  fell  upon  the  more  than  half-naked  bodies  of  these  wretched  and  de 
fenseless  people,  as  it  forced  them  to  and  kept  them  at  these  dreary  tasks.  Tin 
Sultan  was  urged  to  withhold  his  consent,  and  it  was  a long  time  before  it  was 
finally  obtained.  “Backsheesh”  at  length  prevailed,  and  his  consent  was  given 
but  it  was  coupled  with  the  express  provision  that  work  by  the  “corvees”  shoulc 
cease.  It  was  time;  for,  as  has  already  been  said,  thousands  of  these  creatures  hac 
died  miserably,  and  had  been  buried  in  the  sand. 

But,  unhappily  for  the  Khedive,  when  the  decision  of  the  Sultan  was  mack 
known,  the  company’s  chronic  state  of  greed  had  increased,  and  out  of  this  simpk 
modification  made  in  their  concession  they  invented  a scheme  which  produced  mar 
velous  results.  They  had  suffered  a grievance!  The  Khedive  had  agreed  to  sec 
that  they  were  furnished  with  laborers.  As  the  Sultan  had  prohibited  him  fron 
carrying  out  his  agreement  in  this  regard,  when  without  his  consent  nothing  wai 
binding,  the  Khedive  must  pay!  And  immediately  they  cried  “Havoc”  and  le 
loose  the  war-dogs  upon  him. 

The  Khedive  protested  against  these  demands.  His  protests  availed  him  noth 
ing.  Finally  an  arbitration  was  proposed,  and  to  this  proposition  he,  in  an  unlucb 
moment,  consented. 

The  arbitration  called  upon  Louis  Napoleon.  In  his  hands  the  Khedive  con 
sidered  himself  safe — from  oppression  at  least.  Louis  Napoleon  was  his  beau-idea 
of  a man;  he  was  his  exemplar  as  a sovereign;  he  imitated  him,  as  far  as  he  could 
in  all  things.  His  Imperial  Majesty  decided  that  the  stipulation  contained  in  tb 
second  concession,  to  the  effect  that  four-fifths,  at  least,  of  the  labor  upon  the  eana 
were  to  be  done  by  Egyptians,  was  a contract  between  the  company  and  the  Khedive 
by  which  the  latter  bound  himself  to  furnish  the  labor;  the  violation  of  which  01 
the  part  of  the  Khedive  made  him  liable  in  damages,  notwithstanding  that  every 
thing  relating  to  the  concession  was  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Porte;  am 
notwithstanding  that  the  form  of  labor  had  been  changed  by  the  Porte — all  o 
which  the  Emperor  admitted. 

Upon  this  item,  however,  he  mulcted  him  in  damages  33,000,000  francs  fo 
labor  on  the  canal,  and  5,000,000  francs  for  labor  that  should  have  been  furnishei 
for  the  completion  of  buildings  which  would  be  necessary  to  enable  the  compan; 
to  carry  on  their  works. 

•t  . a 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


491 


In  point  of  fact  tlie  dredging  machines  had  already  been  constructed,  and 
were  at  work  when  the  decision  was  made  known.  The  hand-labor  would  neces- 
sarily have  been  abandoned.  How  could  it  have  been  otherwise?  Egyptians  are 
not  beavers;  they  can't  work  with  twenty-six  feet  of  water  over  their  heads.  The 
water  was  pouring  into  the  places  from  which  the  earth  was  being  dug  as  fast  as 
the  earth  was  removed,  and  in  such  quantities  that  it  was  impossible  to  keep  the 
places  free.  If  the  digging  of  the  Canal  had  depended  upon  manual  labor,  it  would 
never  have  been  accomplished.  The  Egyptians  employed  upon  it  would  have  been 
drowned  again,  and  in  about  the  same  spot  that  they  were  when  they  went  in  pur- 
suit of  Moses. 

In  diminution  of  any  demand  against  him  upon  this  point,  the  Khedive  claimed 
4,500,000  francs  that  had  been  curtailed,  to  use  a mild  phrase,  by  the  company  from 
ihe  laborers  he  had  furnished.  This,  with  great  show  of  fairness,  the  arbiter  al- 
lowed. That  is,  he  found  that  from  the  already  miserable  pay  which  these  wretched 
people  were  promised,  a large  proportion  of  whom  were  children  under  twTelve  years 
of  age,  4,500,000  francs  had  been  filched! 

The  Turkish  affront  consisted  in  the  Khedive  having  given  to  a French  com- 
pany everything  it  asked;  the  French  justice  consisted  in  making  him  pay  84,000,- 
000  for  having  done  so!  He  sued  for  peace,  and  begged  for  mercy,  and  finally 
agreed  to  pay  30,000,000,  if  the  company  would  go  away  and  never  come  to  him 
for  more.  To  this  the  company  finally  agreed,  hut  they  rounded  him  off  by  mak- 
ing him  pay  them  10,000,000  francs  for  a piece  of  property  they  had  purchased 
not  a very  great  while  before  for  1,180,000  francs!  To  pay  this  last  amount,  being 
without  money,  the  Khedive  gave  the  coupons  which  were  attached  to  his  canal 
bonds,  running  down  to  the  year  1895,  the  face  value  of  which  runs  up  to  125,000,- 
000  francs!  These  bonds  his  necessities  subsequently  compelled  him  to  sell  to 
England.  He  was  obliged  to  assume  the  payment  of  the  coupons  which  he  had 
taken  from  them,  which  amounts  to  nearly  £200,000  per  annum.  Add  these  dif- 
ferent sums  together  and  it  will  be  seen  that  (inclusive  of  the  subscription  to  stock) 
the  Suez  Canal  will  have  cost  Egypt  some  500,000,000  francs,  or  largely  over  what 
it  was  estimated  the  entire  work  would  cost,  and  which  it  did  cost! 

Strange  the  places  Fate  chooses  from  which  to  fly  her  arrows!  It  was  the 
{country  whose  people  had  conceived  and  carried  out  this  gigantic  fraud  (the  foun- 
dation of  Egypt’s  financial  ruin)  which  pushed  the  late  Viceroy  from  his  stool  and 
drove  him,  an  exile,  out  of  his  country. 

But  the  Canal  was  completed  at  last.  The  pageant  which  inaugurated  the 
opening  of  the  great  route  to  the  use  of  the  world  is  known  to  us  all.  How 


492 


THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


strangers  flocked  to  see  the  triumph,  as  it  was  considered,  of  engineering  skill; 
how  the  Empress  came  from  France  to  grace  the  ceremony  with  her  presence;  how 
she  was  attended  by  princes  and  their  trains;  how,  on  the  occasion  of  her  going  to 
Cairo,  a road  was  made  to  the  Pyramids  to  enable  her  to  ride  out  to  them  without 
fatigue;  how  a kiosk  was  erected  near  their  base  in  which  she  was  to  repose  after 
tier  journey,  from  the  windows  of  which  she  might  view  those  splendid  monuments 
without  being  subjected  to  the  sun’s  powerful  rays;  how  fetes  were  given;  how 
presents  were  distributed,  open  handed  and  on  all  sides,  and  all  at  the  Viceroy’s 
expense — how  like,  indeed,  it  was  to  a fairy  pantomime  in  Eastern  lands,  is  known 
as  well  to  those  who  kept  themselves  informed  upon  the  current  events  of  the  day 
as  to  those  who  participated  in  the  splendid  pageants. 

In  one  sense,  at  least,  the  Khedive  had  cause  for  self-congratulation.  Both  as 
regards  ancient  and  modern  times,  his  country  possessed  the  grandest  monuments 
which  have  ever  been  erected  by  the  hand  of  man  or  spared  by  the  hand  of  Time; 
and  in  respect  to  the  first  he  had  largely  contributed,  and  his  name  would  be  asso- 
ciated with  it  forever. 

M.  de  Lesseps  started  out  with  the  proposition  that  he  could  join  the  two  seas 
at  an  expense  of  200,000,000  francs.  The  Canal  cost  the  subscribers  to  its  stock 
that  amount.  In  addition  it  received  from  the  Khedive  457,457,306  francs. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL. 


Senator  Morgan’s  Strong  Plea  for  an  American  Canal — The  Claim  that  the  Nica- 
ragua Route,  Though  Longer  than  the  Panama,  Is  More  Practicable — 
Estimates  of  Enormous  Special  Advantages  to  America,  Both  Military 
and  Commercial — Some  Interesting  Statements  of  the  Costs  and  Profits  of 
the  Suez  Canal  and  Their  Bearing  Upon  the  Nicaragua  Canal — The  Shares 
That  the  British  Bought  in  the  Suez  Canal  for  £4,000,000  Are  Worth 
£20,000,000 — The  Opposition  to  the  Nicaragua  Line  in  Congress  Is  Rather 
Against  the  Maritime  Company  than  Opposed  to  the  Enterprise  Itself — 
The  Views  of  Senators  Pettigrew,  Caffery  and  Teller. 

Senator  Morgan  in  his  report  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  in 
1896,  referred  to  the  transit  between  the  eastern  coast  of  America  and  the  eastern 
coast  of  Asia  as  the  shortest  and  most  open  route  of  navigation,  and  said  more  ton- 
nage would  pass  through  the  Nicaragua  than  the  Suez  Canal.  He  added: 

“The  trade  between  these  countries  will  be  more  direct  than  it  is  now,  with 
London  as  the  common  point  of  distribution,  and  will  therefore  be  cheaper  than 
the  present  system.  The  Nicaraguan  Canal  will  thus  be  given  the  preference  over 
the  Suez  Canal  by  merchants  and  navigators.  When  we  add  to  this  the  traffic  that 
will  pass  in  ships  between  the  eastern  and  western  coasts  of  the  American  hemi- 
sphere, the  amount  of  tonnage  that  will  pass  through  the  Nicaraguan  Canal  must 
he  largely  in  excess  of  that  which  will  find  its  way  through  the  Suez  Canal.” 

“The  ship’s  journey  around  the  Horn’’  is  a distress  to  commerce  that  the 
civilization  of  the  age  requires  to  be  removed,  and  the  route  through  Nicaragua  is 
the  only  possible  remedy  for  this  universal  evil. 

“It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  this  condition,  so  easy  to  be  remedied,  will  be 
a reproach  to  the  men  of  this  age  if  some  active  and  decided  movement  is  not  made 
to  relieve  against  it.  To  point  out  the  dangers,  hardships,  loss  of  time,  and  the 
destruction  of  life  and  property  incident  to  this  only  waterway  connecting  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans,  which  must  he  navigated  in  the  roughest  seas  and  the 
most  inhospitable  climate  in  all  the  world,  is  only  to  repeat  the  experience  of  sea- 
faring men  for  ages  past,  and  to  evoke  a prayer  for  them  that  the  United  States 
will  do  its  obvious  duty,  toward  them.” 

The  Senator  referred  to  the  posts  of  the  British  on  the  North  Pacific  and  in  the 
Bermudas  and  at  Halifax,  and  said: 

“From  these  the  most  powerful  ships  of  rvar  can  assail  our  harbors,  and  retire 

493 


494 


THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL. 


to  cover  in  case  of  necessity,  while  the  United  States  must  double  Cape  Horn  in 
sending  assistance  from  our  eastern  to  our  western  coast. 

“With  the  canal  at  our  command  we  need  not  have  two  fleets  to  protect  our 
coasts,  as  we  are  now  compelled  to  do,  at  a cost  already  excessive  and  greatly  to  be 
increased.  Without  the  canal  we  are,  relatively,  in  a situation  of  deplorable  weak- 
ness.” 

The  most  interesting  part  of  the  able  and  venerable  Senator’s  report  is  his 
comparison  of  the  Nicaragua  and  Suez  canals.  We  quote  him  on  this  subject: 

“When  private  enterprise  in  Southern  Europe  first  addressed  itself  to  the  task 
of  opening  a sea  level  canal  through  the  Isthmus  of  Suez,  there  was  no  lesson  of 
experience  to  guide  the  movement  or  to  assure  its  success.  After  a time  the  Ivhe- 
dive  of  Egypt,  without  the  firman  of  his  suzerian,  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  supported 
the  undertaking,  and  put  heavy  burdens  on  his  people. 

“This  wise  and  heroic  decree  of  the  ruler  of  a government  nearly  relapsed  into 
barbarism  secured  the  Suez  Canal  and  should  have  secured  the  inviolable  independ- 
ence of  his  country.  But  the  value  of  the  canal  to  commercial  and  political  aspira- 
tions for  dominion  attracted  the  cupidity  of  Great  Britain  and  has  drawn  that  great 
and  costly  work  and  the  independence  of  Egypt  into  the  grasp  of  that  Empire. 

“If  it  shall  result,  from  our  indifference  or  dread  of  expansion  in  the  direction 
of  national  duty  and  of  self-preservation,  that  Great  Britain  or  any  other  European 
power  shall  get  the  control  of  the  concession  that  we  have,  so  far,  refused,  the 
result  is  even  now  plainly  manifest,  that  the  Central  American  States  will  repeat 
the  experience  of  Egypt. 

“Then  we  shall  have  our  country  broken  in  its  coast  line  of  trade  and  defences, 
by  a European  power,  not  in  violation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  but  this  v/ill  be  done 
in  the  name  of  these  republics  on  and  near  the  line  of  the  canal.” 

“The  Suez  Canal  is  eighty-seven  miles  long,  sixty-six  of  which  are  actual  canal, 
the  other  twenty-one  miles  being  lake  navigation.  The  canal  and  its  appurtenances 
were  completed  on  or  about  the  first  of  January,  1870,  and  cost  about  $91,000,000. 
Since  that  time  there  have  been  expended  for  betterments  and  improvements,  in- 
cluding the  deepening  of  the  canal,  about  $24,000,000  more;  bringing  the  total  cost 
of  the  canal  up  to  about  $115,000,000.  The  canal  was  originally  twenty-six  feet 
deep.  Its  present  depth  is  twenty-eight  feet.  The  canal  to-day  is  capitalized  at 
about  $90,500,000  in  stock  and  obligations.  The  difference  between  the  cost  and 
its  present  capitalization  in  stock  and  bonds  was  made  up  by  receipts  from  various 
sources  applied  to  construction  and  improvement.  It  is  commonly  reported  that 
the  actual  cost  of  construction  did  not  exceed  $50,000,000.” 


THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL. 


495 


In  1891  the  gross  receipts  of  the  Suez  Canal  were  $83,421,504,  and  the  actual 
net  revenues  of  the  company  for  a series  of  years  past  has  been  upwards  of  $12,- 
000,000  annually.  The  net  profits  in  1892  were  41,728,543  francs,  or  about  $8,345,- 
000,  and  the  dividends  declared  for  said  year  were  19.8  per  cent,  including  the 
taxes  retained  for  the  sinking  fund. 

The  shares  of  the  company,  originally  issued  at  500  francs  each,  are  quoted  on 
the  Paris  Bourse  at  2,692.50  francs.  The  shares  of  the  Suez  Canal  held  by  the 
English  Government  and  purchased  for  £4,000,000  are  worth  to-day  over  £19,000,- 
000  in  the  open  market. 

The  business  of  1892  and  1893  suffered  from  the  general  commercial  depres- 
sion throughout  the  world,  and  was  lighter  than  that  done  in  1891.  In  the  said 
last  mentioned  year  the  net  profits  were  49,910,892  francs,  or  about  $9,800,000,  and 
the  dividends  declared  on  the  stock  that  year  amounted  to  22.4  per  cent. 

The  effect  of  the  Suez  Canal  upon  the  commerce  of  the  world  is  apparent 
from  the  fact  that  whereas  in  1870,  the  first  full  year  of  its  operation,  there  passed 
through  the  canal  486  vessels,  registering  436,600  tons,  the  number  of  vessels  pass- 
ing in  1891  was  4,207,  registering  8,700,000  tons.  The  most  significant  fact  in 
this  enormous  increase  is  that  the  average  size  of  the  vessels  using  the  canal  in 
1870  was  hut  little  over  1,300  register,  while  in  1891  it  had  increased  to  over  2,090 
tons,  and  in  1892  to  2,200  tons. 

“The  outside  limit  of  the  cost  of  the  Nicaraguan  Canal  is  $100,000,000,  hut  the 
committee  assume,  in  correspondence  with  the  estimates  that  have  been  so  care- 
fully made  and  revised,  that  the  cost  will  not  exceed  $70,000,000,  and  that,  if  it 
should,  there  will  be  a fund  in  the  treasury  of  the  company  from  the  sales  of  stock 
remaining  undisposed  of  equal  to  $16,000,000,  in  all  $86,000,000.  This  stock  will 
go  to  par  as  soon  as  the  construction  of  the  canal  is  resumed,  if  not  as  soon  as  Con- 
gress has  provided  for  the  guarantee  of  the  bonds  of  the  company.” 

The  objections  to  the  project  that  have  been  so  strenuously  urged  upon  Con- 
gress are  strongly  stated  by  Senator  Pettigrew,  and  we  quote  him: 

“One  hundred  and  fifteen  million  dollars  will  not  build  this  canal.  In  my 
opinion  $215,000,000  will  not  build  it. 

“But  when  it  is  built,  if  constructed  by  the  United  States  alone,  we  must 
either  make  it  a neutral  canal,  unfortified,  to  be  used  by  all  the  nations  of  the 
world,  or  else  we  must  fortify  it  at  an  expense  of  hundreds  of  millions  more,  and 
we  must  guard  this  176  miles  of  canal  in  order  to  prevent  its  destruction,  for  its 
great  embankments  can  be  destroyed  by  a single  person  in  a few  hours  of  time  with 
modern  explosives.  If  it  is  not  guarded,  or  if  it  is  not  fortified,  our  fleet,  having 


496 


THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL. 


reached  Lake  Nicaragua,  could  be  imprisoned  by  the  efforts  of  one  man  at  each  end 
of  the  canal  along  these  enormous  embankments  seventy  feet  in  height.  There- 
fore I believe  it  is  wise  that  we  should  delay  the  disposition  of  this  matter  until  this 
whole  question  can  be  investigated. 

“Further  than  that,  I believe  it  would  be  wiser  for  the  United  States  to  join 
with  the  other  nations  of  the  world  and  complete  the  canal  at  Panama.  The  canal 
at  Panama  is  two-fifths  completed  already.  The  distance  across  the  Isthmus  at  that 
point  is  forty-six  miles,  as  against  one  hundred  and  seventy-six  miles  at  Nicaragua.  It 
takes  fourteen  hours  to  go  from  ocean  to  ocean  at  Panama,  and  it  takes  forty-four 
hours  at  Nicaragua. 

“Therefore,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Panama  Canal  is  sure  to  he  built — for 
no  great  enterprise  was  ever  abandoned  where  so  much  money  has  been  expended  as 
has  been  expended  at  Panama — the  Nicaragua  Canal,  our  private  canal,  will  never 
be  used  by  the  ships  of  the  world.  There  is  no  occasion  for  using  it.  No  vessel 
will  cross  at  this  point.  A vessel  will  have  to  spend  forty-four  hours  in  crossing, 
when  it  can  cross  in  fourteen  hours  at  another  place;  and  the  commercial  value  of 
the  canal  will  be  absolutely  destroyed  if  the  other  canal  is  completed. 

“Four  thousand  men  are  at  work  to-day  on  the  Panama  Canal,  and  only  twenty- 
three  miles  more  of  that  canal  remain  to  he  built.  The  excavation  for  the  rest  of  it  is 
nearly  done.  Immense  excavations  have  already  been  made  along  the  twenty-three 
miles  yet  to  be  excavated.  The  money  they  are  expending  there  is  being  expended 
with  the  most  modern  means  of  excavation  and  with  great  economy  and  great  skill. 
Every  single  engineering  problem  has  been  settled.  'It  has  been  determined  beyond 
question  that  it  is  entirely  practicable  to  build  an  excellent  canal  at  Panama. 

“The  problems  with  regard  to  the  Nicaragua  Canal  have  not  been  settled.  There 
is  no  report  before  this  body  or  before  the  American  people  to  show  that  this  is  a 
practical  route,  or  that  a canal  can  be  built  upon  it.  Our  own  engineers,  who  were 
sent  there  at  an  expense  of  $350,000,  have  not  yet  made  their  report  to  this  body. 

“Now,  what  is  the  proposition?  To  expend  a vast  sum  of  money  to  purchase  an 
old  concession  which  is  valueless;  to  undertake  to  build  a canal  which  we  say  shall 
be  our  canal. 

“The  Suez  Canal  is  owned  by  the  nations  of  Europe.  Its  neutrality  is  guaran- 
teed by  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  if  the  vessels  of  two  nations  at  war  with  each 
other  choose  to  pass  through  it,  they  can  do  so  under  the  terms  of  that  guaranty, 
only  the  vessel  which  first  enters  must  first  leave,  and  has  twenty-four  hours  for 
departure  before  the  vessel  of  the  other  nation  at  war  with  her  can  leave  the  canal, 
thus  guaranteeing  it  against  danger  of  conflict  or  destruction;  and  the  canal  across 


THE  NICABAGUA  CANAL. 


497 


the  Isthmus  of  Panama  must  and  will  be  guided,  governed,  controlled  and  guaran- 
teed in  the  same  way. 

“It  is  all  nonsense  to  talk  about  our  building,  fortifying  and  owning  a canal  of 
our  own  so  long  as  it  is  a commercial  canal,  but  if  we  wish  one  simply  through  which 
to  pass  our  war  ships,  through  which  none  of  the  commerce  of  the  world  will  go,  if 
the  canal  is  to  be  our  canal,  and  you  are  to  spend  $400,000,000  or  $500,000,000 
upon  it,  you  are  undertaking  to  start  a project  without  that  intelligent  consideration 
which  it  should  receive/’ 

Senator  Caffery  said  of  the  scheme  before  the  Senate  in  the  session  of  1898-99, 
that  it  came  down  to  this: 

“A  man  buys  a tract  of  ground  in  the  face  of  a cloud  upon  the  title,  in  the 
face  of  claims  upon  the  part  of  the  original  grantor,  claims  of  record  that  the  title  is 
void.  Does  the  Senator  from  Arkansas  hold  that  the  way  to  get  the  land,  and  to  get 
possession  of  it,  is  to  buy  a void  title?  You  are  buying  nothing  but  a lawsuit.  Your 
concession  is  about  to  lapse.  The  concessionary  party  says  so,  and  it  says  so  with 
authority  and  with  reason.  It  is  about  to  lapse,  not  only  from  the  lapse  of  time,  but 
from  the  various  violations  of  the  concession  that  have  been  set  out. 

“How  is  the  construction  of  the  canal  facilitated  by  holding  under  such  a title? 
It  is  either  void  or  it  is  voidable.  You  are  met  with  difficulties  at  every  step.  You 
are  met  with  contentions  all  along  the  line.  If  that  is  the  way  to  expedite  the  build- 
ing of  the  canal  I should  like  to  know  it. 

“My  contention  is  that  these  concessions  held  by  the  United  States  as  a foreign 
power  justify  the  statement  made  by  the  minister  of  Nicaragua  that  they  are  for- 
feited; not  voidable,  but  void.  When  the  United  States  constructs  the  canal,  if  it 
ever  should,  under  these  concessions — and  I do  not  think  it  ever  will — what  hap- 
pens then?  All  the  police  jurisdiction  over  the  canal,  all  authority  to  try  any 
contention  or  litigation  growing  out  of  contracts  made  with  reference  to  the  canal, 
every  species  of  jurisdiction,  is  reserved  by  Nicaragua.  The  United  States  then  can 
be  summoned  before  the  courts  of  Nicaragua  upon  matters  of  ordinary  contract, 
for  when  I speak  of  the  United  States  in  this  matter  I do  so  because  the  concessions 
are  virtually  transferred  to  them. 

“The  position  that  the  United  States  would  place  itself  in  by  this  proceeding 
is  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  dignity  of  a fourth-class  power.  You  buy  nothing 
but  lawsuits,  and  when  you  have  the  canal  it  is  subject  to  the  annoyance  of  all 
such  jurisdiction  as  Nicaragua  claims  and  which  she  will  exercise. 

“It  will  not  do  to  try  to  obscure  these  matters.  When  we  crawl  beneath  the 
wings  of  the  Maritime  Canal  Company  we  take  all  the  burdens  of  that  company  so 


498 


THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL. 


far  as  the  title  goes.  The  United  States  is  inhibited  from  exercising  such  plenary 
jurisdiction  and  power  and  having  such  rights  in  the  premises  as  the  United  States 
ought  to  have. 

“This  canal  ought  to  he  built.  It  is  the  one  great  national  necessity  of  the 
present  time,  joining  the  waters  of  the  two  oceans  together  by  a great  national  high- 
way. It  will  double  the  commercial  power  of  the  United  States.  It  will  cut  by  half 
the  distances  from  our  trade  centers  to  the  distant  lands  that  we  hope  to  supply 
with  our  manufactures  and  our  products.  It  will  reduce  the  land  transportation 
rates  of  the  entire  United  States  by  a considerable  per  cent.  It  will  double  the 
power  of  the  American  navy.  It  will  greatly  assist  in  the  coast  defense  on  both 
oceans.  For  every  consideration  I think  this  canal  ought  to  be  built.  I think  we 
should  get  about  it  just  as  speedily  as  possible,  and  that  no  vote  should  be  cast  in 
the  Senate  which  would  postpone  to  another  session  of  Congress  all  possibility  of 
commencing  action. 

“Therefore,  I shall  vote  for  the  bill,  and,  as  I say,  in  the  hope  that  out  of  the 
joint  wisdom  of  the  two  Houses  will  come  a measure  that  will  be  better,  more 
practicable,  than  the  one  which  is  now  pending  here.  I hope  the  measure  when  it 
becomes  a lav/  will  provide  for  the  construction  of  the  canal  by  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  as  a Government  measure.” 

Senator  Teller  said  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  that  it  was  the  merits  of  the  com- 
pany and  not  of  the  canal  that  were  always  discussed.  There  were  between  three 
thousand  and  four  thousand  men  now  employed  on  the  Panama  Canal,  the  length 
of  which  was  forty-six  miles,  and  that  of  the  shortest  Nicaragua  route,  one  hundred 
and  seventy-five  miles.  He  thought  the  whole  question  should  be  left  with  the 
President  of  “the  United  States,  putting  it  in  the  hands  of  competent  men,  could 
determine  whether  or  not  it  was  better  to  build  the  Panama  Canal,  which  we  can 
now  build  without  any  difficulty,  because  that  concern  is  anxious  that  we  should 
take  it  off  their  hands  and  built  that  canal. 

*1  know  nothing  about  the  Panama  Canal  except  what  I have  seen  in  the 
public  press,  but  it  does  seem  to  me  before  we  determine  that  we  will  build  the 
Nicaragua  Canal  we  ought  to  determine  whether  it  may  not  be  to  our  interest,  and 
whether  it  may  not  be  money  in  our  pockets  to  build  the  Panama  Canal.  Everybody 
can  see  that  a canal  which  is  only  forty-six  miles  long  must  be  in  many  respects 
very  much  more  valuable  than  a canal  which  is  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  miles 
long. 

“When  this  canal  is  built,  if  we  put  in  $125,000,000 — for  I repeat  that,  in  my 
judgment,  it  will  cost  $200,000,000  or  more — we  ought  to  have  the  power  to  pro- 


THE  NICARAGUA  CANAL. 


499 


tect  it.  There  is  no  provision  in  the  hill  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
can  protect  the  Nicaragua  Canal.  What  right  will  we  as  a Government  have  to 
fortify  the  coast?  What  right  will  we  have  to  put  our  forts  or  our  army  or  oui 
supervisors  to  watch  the  canal  off  of  the  little  narrow  strip  which  this  concession 
gives  to  the  Maritime  Canal  Company? 

“In  the  San  Francisco  dam  there  are  practically  six  miles  of  bank,  which 
in  some  places  reaches  seventy  feet  high.  It  is  in  a country  where  it  will  be  most 
difficvdt  to  maintain  a dam  of  any  character.  I venture  to  say  that  a shrewd,  dis- 
honest man  by  an  expenditure  of  $100  could  break  that  embankment  in  such  a way 
that  the  canal  could  not  be  repaired  in  the  six  months  in  which  it  is  provided  that 
it  may  be  repaired,  or  that  it  shall  be  forfeited  to  the  Government  of  Nicaragua. 
Wherever  you  build  a canal  on  any  of  these  proposed  routes,  whether  it  be  on  the 
old  Maritime  Canal  Company’s  line,  or  whether  it  be  on  the  line  that  I understand 
is  likely  to  be  proposed  by  this  new  commission,  these  dams  will  necessarily  be  a 
feature  of  it.  Therefore,  I repeat,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  ought  to  be 
authorized,  before  going  to  this  great  expenditure  of  money,  to  put  some  kind  of 
guards  over  this  canal,  some  supervision  of  it  which  you  are  not  authorized  to  do 
and  you  cannot  do  under  the  concessions  made  to  the  Maritime  Canal  Company.” 


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BOOK  VI 


THE  PROBLEM  OF  EXPANSION.  BY  THE 
EST  ADVOCATES  AND  OPPONENTS. 
WHICH  IS  ADDED  THE  HISTORY 
OF  EXPANSION. 


GREAT* 

TO 


INTRODUCTION 


The  greatest  novelty  in  our  national  experience  grew  out  of  the  Spanish  war, 
: the  conquest  of  the  capital  city  of  the  Philippines,  and  the  hopelessness  of 
e Spanish  position  in  that  archipelago.  We  were  constrained  to  occupy  and 
i ssess  for  military  and  international  reasons  the  ancient  Spanish  seat  of  power, 
ith  its  venerable  walls  and  broad  and  once  shady  boulevards,  its  old  forts  with 
rillery  of  another  age,  and  the  latest  style  batteries  equipped  with  modern  guns 
j >m  the  foundries  of  Germany  and  Spain — the  famous  botanical  garden  and  astro- 
imical  observatory,  its  stately  churches,  the  palaces  provided  for  officials,  the 
insy  habitations  of  the  natives  and  the  immigrants  from  Asia,  and  the  solid 
isiness  establishments,  chiefly  English  and  Chinese.  The  destruction  of  the 
Danish  fleet  by  Americans  on  May-day  was  thorough  work  so  far  as  Manila  Bay 
vs  concerned,  but  there  were  at  least  ten  gunboats  unaccounted  for — doubtless 
Irking  among  the  islands — and  if  these  had  not  been  awed  by  the  presence  of 
bwey’s  ships  they  would  have  been  free  to  have  assailed  our  commerce  with  Asia, 
i Acting  heavy  loss  and  encouraging  Spanish  animosity.  So  particular  have  been 
h people  of  the  United  States  not  to  pick  up  any  of  the  choice  islands  of  the 
sis,  that,  though  we  have  three  great  States  and  one  huge  Territory  fronting 
the  Pacific  Ocean  and  must,  in  our  geographical  situation  continue  to  have 
1 ge  and  growing  commercial  interests  on  the  opposite  or  Asiatic  shore,  the 
'•anish  war  found  us  without  any  naval  station — without  a dock  or  a coal-yard 
nrer  Asia  than  Honolulu — a good  illustration  of  the  incompetency  of  the  non- 
eoansion  policy.  The  American  Admiral  had  to  make  choice  between  leaving 
1 2 scene  of  his  triumph  and  the  evident  sphere  of  his  duty,  and  holding  his  own 
i the  bay  that  he  possessed  by  force  of  arms.  He  did  not  hesitate,  but  asked 
t;  Government  for  aid  to  confirm  his  conquest.  Until  recent  expressions  in 
Ingress  and  by  some  citizens  of  unusual  eminence  elsewhere,  we  should  have 
sd  that  the  entertainment  for  a moment  in  an  American  mind  of  anything  so 
foillanimous  as  running  away  from  the  waters  of  Manila  after  strewing  them  with 
t ; wrecks  of  the  Spanish  Armada,  was  absolutely  inconceivable.  The  President 
othe  United  States,  of  course,  never  dreamed  of  ordering  the  victorious  fleet  that 
s id  a sea  of  glory  upon  the  country,  to  flee  from  the  conquest  out  of  a sentimental 
r ard  for  the  susceptibilities  of  the  Spaniards  or  the  Filipinos  or  of  any  other  crea- 

505 


506 


INTRODUCTION. 


tures.  There  was  soon  experience  of  the  insolence  of  Aguinaldo,  who  has 
warrant  to  speak  for  the  people  of  his  alleged  country,  and  whose  actual  insigni 
cance  made  plain  would  startle  any  one  who  has  accepted  the  theory  of  his  gre; 
ness.  Admiral  George  Dewey  early  reported  the  threatening  attitude  of  this  pu 
personage.  The  American  Consuls  who  had  given  him  aid  and  comfort  a 
believed  his  little  stories  of  gratitude  to  Americans  were  speedily  embarrass 
by  him,  and  reported  to  the  State  Department  his  “half  devil  and  half  chi! 
fantasies.  He  wanted  to  treat  the  American  Army  as  a part  of  his  forces,  a 
was  supercilious  and  studiously  malicious  toward  those  to  whom  he  was  indebt 
for  his  return  to  the  land  from  which  he  had  departed,  leaving  his  beloved  peo] 
to  their  fate — a certified  check  for  Mexican  dollars  from  a hank  in  Manila  to 
bank  in  Hongkong  the  inducement  for  his  patriotic  emigration.  It  has  been  ht 
to  be  an  evidence  of  his  integrity  and  to  make  him  out  a marvelously  proper  man 
a patriotic  statesman  of  heroic  mold — that  he  did  not  divide  this  cash  contributi 
for  which  he  left  the  country  he  adores,  with  the  crowd  of  thirty-two  Philippi 
patriots,  and  keep  the  lion’s  share  for  himself.  He  actually  held  on  to  the  mon 
except  a small  bribe  for  one  friend  to  discontinue  a lawsuit,  and  finally  turned 
over  to  Agoncillo,  the  great  foreign  ambassador  who  is  traveling  in  Europe 
procure  assistance  for  the  expulsion  of  the  tyrannical  Americans  from  his  nafc 
land.  Aguinaldo  once  had  been  a prominent  insurgent  and  the  pigmies  in  t 
wilderness  had  confidence  in  him  because  it  was  their  faith  that  he  had  “a  chan 1 
so  potent  that  neither  lead  nor  poison  could  deprive  him  of  life.  But  he  had  ma 
peace  for  $400,000  in  hand — Mexican  dollars — and  $400,000  more  promised  by  t 
Spaniards;  and  about  the  time  he  got  the  first  installment — and  that  is  all 
ever  got — there  was  a change  of  Spanish  Captain-Generals  and  the  treaty  tl 
Aguinaldo  had  made  with  the  one  who  returned  to  Madrid  was  a subject  of  hilar' 
there.  Nobody  paid  other  attention  to  it.  That  is  one  of  the  ways,  and  b 
favored  one,  the  Spaniards  had  of  putting  down  a rebellion.  They  bribe 
patriot  leaders  to  go  away  on  conditions  that  everything  shall  be  done  for  h 
dear  people.  It  is  easy  to  promise,  as  there  is  nothing  to  do.  Nothing  is  do . 
of  course.  Nobody  expects  it.  The  transaction  is  closed  when  the  first  inst; 
ment  of  money  is  paid  as  a benevolent  “concession”  to  the  retiring  patriot.  Agn  • 
aldo  is  not  a man  of  great  gifts,  but  he  did  know  something  of  the  Spanish  cb 
acter,  and  he  must  have  known  why  and  for  what  he  went  away.  He  hadn’t  4 
back  when  Dewey  smashed  the  Spanish  fleet,  but  there  were  insurgents  carry 
on  the  usual  war  of  the  Spanish  colonists  against  the  mother  country,  and  Agn 
aldo  had  ceased  to  be  a factor.  He  was  a “has  been.”  But  our  Consuls  had  he| 


INTRODUCTION. 


507 


0 him,  and  they  thought  he  might  do  something  and  showered  Dewey  with 
formation  about  him,  and  finally  the  Consul  at  Singapore  got  a dispatch  from 
f then  Commodore  that  was  an  invitation  to  Aguinaldo  to  assist  in  the  war  with 
S fin.  His  reappearance  was  under  American  auspices,  and  he  smoothed  the  way 
flh  many  promises  and  protestations  that  he  was  substantially  a good  American. 

first  the  Filipinos  did  not  seem  to  catch  on  to  his  mission,  but  the  splendor 
o the  American  victory  cast  a light  upon  them  and  they  associated  him  with  the 
hmination.  Then  he  began  to  be  a great  man,  and  immediately  wanted  to 
Date  to  the  Filipinos  and  the  Americanos.  Then  came  native  swarms  out  of  the 
w )ds  upon  development  of  his  transferred  prestige,  and  it  does  not  seem  unlikely 
tly  attributed  the  annihilation  of  the  Spanish  fleet  to  Aguinaldo,  who  is  as  great 
: aval  as  military  man,  and  therefore  they  resented  the  unnecessary  appearance, 
wording  to  the  light  the  Tagalos  had,  of  American  troops,  who  touched  the 
ttderness  of  the  insurgents  by  trampling  on  their  sacred  soil.  The  little  yellow 
tatorial  creature,  inflamed  with  personal  grandeur,  thought  himself  entitled  to 
de  or  refuse  permission  to  Americans  to  place  their  feet  upon  his  holy  land, 
ill  he  held  it  was  necessary  before  permitting  this  desecration  to  have  official 
nrmation  as  to  what  the  armed  Americans  proposed  to  do  when  they  got  ashore. 
Tis  is  the  sum  and  substance  of  Aguinaldo’s  voluminous  correspondence  with 
xieral  Thomas  Anderson — a mass  of  Filipino  literature  (the  Dictator’s  part  of 
that  will  forever  pass  as  the  premium  performance  of  impertinence.  In  that 
card  it  is  almost  superhuman.  But  the  Dictator,  whose  professions  of  fondness 
x liberty  have  so  fascinated  an  order  of  statesmanship  in  this  country — the  Dicta- 
c who  parted  from  his  loved  country  and  fond  people  comforted  with  a certified 
lek — this  distinguished  patriot  who  took  thirty-two  “compatriots”  and  person- 
ih  conducted  them  to  Hongkong  for  the  sake  of  peace  with  Spain — the  Spaniards 
c bed  a bank  to  get  the  money— he  had  the  fortune,  after  making  a safe  landing 
rler  the  American  flag,  and  setting  up  a sovereignty  of  his  own  at  the  cost  of 
t ericans,  of  accumulating  a considerable  force  of  bushwhackers.  They  got  a 
r>d  many  cartridges  from  Cavite,  surrounded  the  city  and  did  shooting  enough 
annoy  the  Spaniards  a good  deal,  as  they  were  so  cowed  by  Dewey  that  they 
t :k  close  to  their  breastworks.  The  Filipino  siege  was  a case  of  very  bad  shoot- 
d at  long  range — the  Spaniards  behind  bags  of  mud,  the  Filipinos  in  the  jungles. 

1 ieral  Merritt  arrived  and  landed  without  asking  Aguinaldo  whether  he  might, 
i was  not  long  in  disturbing  the  exercises  of  the  extensive  shooting  match, 
kch  did  not  amount  to  much  on  either  side.  The  Filipinos  are  rather  fond  of 
>eig  in  the  mud,  and  firing  at  distant  objects.  The  Spaniards  sheltered  them- 


508 


INTRODUCTION. 


selves  from  the  rain,  and,  as  long  as  the  rice  and  tobacco  held  out,  were  satisi 
that  they  were  doing  very  well.  There  were  about  13,000  Spaniards  and  14, ( 
Filipinos.  When  the  American  force  numbered  about  one-half  the  Filipino  swa 
General  Merritt  concluded  to  do  business.  The  sovereign  natives  were  right 
the  way  and  had  scratched  the  ground  here  and  there  in  their  character  of 
siegers.  They  had  to  he  removed  for  military  purposes,  and  didn’t  mind  see 
Americans  go  to  the  front.  So  the  town  was  taken.  The  Spaniards  surrende 
on  conditions.  In  the  articles  of  capitulation  the  faith  and  honor  of  the  Ar 
of  the  United  States  were  made  responsible  for  the  suppression  within  the  lin 
of  the  city  of  barbarism.  In  three  days  came  the  news  of  the  Peace  Protoi 
The  arms  and  ammunition  of  the  Spaniards — 22,000  rifles  and  10,000,000  c 
tridges — were  in  the  hands  of  the  Americans,  and,  according  to  the  conventi 
if  the  Americans  retired  the  Spanish  troops  were  to  receive  their  arms — that: 
to  say,  he  equipped  to  defend  themselves.  That  would  have  been  the  first  th : 
in  order  if  our  troops  had  retired.  The  Aguinaldo  army  had  grand  passion  to  1 1 
Manila,  incidentally  murdering  the  Europeans,  and  also  the  Chinese  who  1: 
possessions.  Refused  this  festival  of  liberty,  the  native  patriots  became  the  enen  t 
of  xkmericans.  The  discipline  of  the  Aguinaldo  forces  is  a case  of  “the  cohesl 
power”  of  the  prospect  of  plunder,  with  a chance  for  a massacre  associated,  : : 
under  this  inspiration  the  champions  of  freedom  and  independence  were  swelter : 
in  their  venom  until  they  assaiilted  our  lines.  Their  occupation  has  been,  up: 
the  latest  advices,  a series  of  treacherous  and  devilish  plots.  These  “people”  ( 
likened  by  some  of  our  statesmen  to  our  Revolutionary  ancestors,  and  show  tl 
similitude  to  the  fathers  desperately  attempting  repeatedly  to  wipe  out  the  <) 
in  a conflagration  and  accompany  the  spread  of  the  flames  by  the  assassination 
all  in  their  way  of  manifesting  the  inherent  capacity  of  self-government.  Am 
cans  have  never  had  a chance  to  get  away  and  the  accumulating  evidence  is  alre; 
ample,  that  the  more  casualties  there  are  among  the  bands  of  liberty-lovers  in  < 
jungles,  the  better  it  will  be  for  the  Philippine  people  at  large.  The  discuss t 
of  the  merits  of  the  war  that  has  arisen  from  the  bloody  ashes  of  the  Span  I 
power  in  the  Asian  islands,  has  been  of  extraordinary  range  and  interest  throu 
out  the  world,  and  is  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  of  overshadowing  imp ' 
Expressions  of  Public  Opinion  in  this  association  have  been  invited  by  those  \ 1 
have  in  our  country  the  executive  responsibility.  We  have  assembled  the  ut  ’ 
ances  of  the  disputants  most  prominently  known,  and  whose  words  appear 
the  most  notable  force  and  pertinence.  We  have  been  impartial  in  the  select! 
and  adjustment  of  the  views  of  gentlemen  on  both  sides  of  the  question  of  An' 


INTRODUCTION. 


509 


ican  Expansion.  Intelligent  attention  will  demonstrate  the  fairness  of  the  reports 
herewith  presented  of  a discussion  that  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  will  be  as 
influential  as  it  is  unmistakably  testified  the  result  will  be  of  moment.  The 
President  of  the  United  States  has  invited  by  his  policy  of  candor  and  of  deference 
to  the  ultimate  judgment  of  his  countrymen,  the  most  thorough  consideration  of 
the  practical  questions  before  the  people,  and  unequivocally  submitted  for  the 
public  determination.  There  is  in  this  book  a full  and  fair  collection  of  the 
opposing  contentions  in  the  high  debate  of  citizens,  unofficial  as  well  as  official. 
It  is  the  most  comprehensive  that  has  been  made  and  is  commended  as  worthy 
the  time  and  the  theme. 


CHAPTER  I. 


PRESIDENT  M’KINLEY  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  Weighty  Unexpected  Problems  Before  the  Country — Not  Our  Fault  that  They 
Impose  High  Obligation — He  Opposed  War — No  Nation  Insisting  Upon 
War  Can  Foretell  the  Story  of  It — The  President  Cannot  Fix  the  Boundaries 
of  Events — We  Could  Not  Give  Up  Our  Conquests  to  Spain — The  Philip- 
pines Had  to  Go  to  Spain  or  Be  Held  by  Us — We  Did  Not  Need  the 
Consent  of  the  Filipinos  to  a Work  of  Humanity — The  Future  of  the  Philip- 
pines Is  in  the  Hands  of  the  American  People — No  Imperial  Designs  Lurk 
in  the  American  Mind — The  Free  Can  Conquer  But  to  Save — The  Bloody 
Trenches  Bring  Anguish  to  His  Heart — The  Filipinos  Will  Be  Grateful 
for  American  Civilization. 

President  McKinley  says  we  have  been  successful  in  a war  with  a foreign  power 
adding  great  glory  to  our  arms — a new  chapter  in  American  history.  He  did  not 
know  why  in  this  war  this  republic  has  unexpectedly  had  placed  before  it  mighty 
problems  which  it  must  face  and  meet.  They  have  come  and  are  here  and  they 
could  not  be  kept  away.  Many  who  were  impatient  for  the  conflict  a year  ago,  ap- 
parently heedless  of  its  larger  results,  were  the  first  to  cry  out  against  the  far-reach- 
ing consequences  of  their  own  act.  Those  of  us  who  dreaded  war  most  and  when 
every  effort  was  directed  to  prevent  it,  had  fears  of  new  and  grave  problems  which 
might  follow  its  inauguration. 

“The  evolution  of  events  which  no  man  could  control  has  brought  these  prob- 
lems upon  us.  Certain  it  is  that  they  have  not  come  through  any  fault  on  our  own 
part,  but  as  a high  obligation,  and  we  meet  them  with  clear  conscience  and  unselfish 
purpose  and  -with  good  heart  resolve  to  undertake  their  solution. 

“War  was  declared  in  April,  1898,  with  practical  unanimity  by  the  Congress 
and,  once  upon  us,  was  sustained  by  like  unanimity  among  the  people.  There  had 
been  many  who  tried  to  avert  it,  as,  on  the  other  hand,  there  were  many  who  would 
have  precipitated  it  at  an  earlier  date.  In  its  prosecution  and  conclusion  the  great 
majority  of  our  countrymen  of  every  section  believed  they  were  fighting  in  a just 
cause,  and  at  home  or  on  sea  or  in  the  field  they  had  part  in  the  glorious  triumphs. 
It  was  the  war  of  the  undivided  nation. 

“Every  great  act  in  its  progress  from  Manila  to  Santiago,  from  Guam  to  Porto 
Rico,  met  universal  and  hearty  commendation.  The  protocol  commanded  the  prac- 
tically unanimous  approval  of  the  American  people.  It  was  welcomed  by  every 
lover  of  peace  beneath  the  flag. 


510 


PRESIDENT  M’KINLEY  FOR  EXPANSION. 


511 


“The  Philippines,  like  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  were  entrusted  to  our  hands  by 
the  war,  and  to  that  great  trust,  under  the  providence  of  God  and  in  the  name  of 
human  progress  and  civilization,  we  are  committed.  It  is  a trust  we  have  not 
sought;  it  is  a trust  from  which  we  will  not  flinch.  The  American  people  will  hold 
up  the  hands  of  their  servants  at  home,  to  whom  they  commit  its  execution,  while 
Dewey  and  Otis  and  the  brave  men  whom  they  command  will  have  the  support  of 
the  country  in  upholding  our  flag  where  it  now  floats,  the  symbol  and  assurance  of 
liberty  and  justice. 

“What  nation  was  ever  able  to  write  an  accurate  programme  of  the  war  upon 
which  it  was  entering,  much  less  decree  in  advance  the  scope  of  its  results?  Con- 
gress can  declare  war,  but  a higher  power  decrees  its  bounds  and  fixes  its  relations 
md  responsibilities. 

“The  President  can  direct  the  movements  of  soldiers  on  the  field  and  fleets 
lpon  the  sea,  but  he  cannot  foresee  the  close  of  such  movements  or  prescribe  their 
imits.  He  cannot  anticipate  or  avoid  the  consequences,  but  he  must  meet  them. 
STo  accurate  map  of  nations  engaged  in  war  can  be  traced  until  the  war  is  over,  nor 
:an  the  measure  of  responsibility  be  fixed  till  the  last  gun  is  fired  and  the  verdict 
mbodied  in  the  stipulations  of  peace. 

“We  hear  no  complaint  of  the  relations  created  by  the  war  between  this  Gov- 
irnment  and  the  islands  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.  There  are  some,  however,  who 
■egard  the  Philippines  as  in  a different  relation,  hut,  whatever  variety  of  views  there 
nay  be  on  this  phase  of  the  question,  there  is  universal  agreement  that  the  Philip- 
nnes  shall  not  be  turned  back  to  Spain.  No  true  American  can  consent  to  that. 
Even  if  unwilling  to  accept  them  ourselves,  it  would  have  been  a weak  evasion  of 
nanly  duty  to  require  Spain  to  transfer  them  to  some  other  power  or  powers  and 
hus  shirk  our  own  responsibility.  Even  if  we  had  had,  as  we  did  not  have,  the 
lower  to  compel  such  a transfer,  it  could  not  have  been  made  without  the  most 
erious  international  complications. 

“Such  a course  could  not  be  thought  of.  And  yet,  had  we  refused  to  accept 
he  cession  of  them,  we  should  have  had  no  power  over  them,  even  for  their  own 
;ood.  We  could  not  discharge  the  responsibilities  upon  us  until  these  islands  be- 
ame  ours  either  by  conquest  or  treaty. 

“There  was  but  one  alternative,  and  that  was  either  Spain  or  the  United  States 
a the  Philippines.  The  other  suggestions — first,  that  they  should  be  tossed  into 
lie  arena  for  the  strife  of  nations,  or,  second,  be  lost  in  the  anarchy  and  chaos  of  no 
irotectorate  at  all — were  too  shameful  to  he  considered.  The  treaty  gave  them  to 
he  United  States.  Could  we  have  required  less  and  done  our  duty?  Could  we, 


512 


PRESIDENT  M’KINLEY  FOR  EXPANSION. 


after  freeing  the  Filipinos  from  the  domination  of  Spain,  have  left  them  without 
government  and  without  power  to  protect  life  and  property  or  to  perform  the  inter- 
national obligations  essential  to  an  independent  state?  Could  we  have  left  them 
in  a state  of  anarchy  and  justified  ourselves  in  our  own  consciences  or  before  the 
tribunal  of  mankind?  Could  we  have  done  that  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man? 

“Our  concern  was  not  for  territory  or  trade  or  empire,  but  for  the  people  whose 
interests  and  destiny,  without  our  willing  it,  had  been  put  in  our  hands.  It  was 
with  this  feeling  that  from  the  first  day  to  the  last  not  one  word  or  line  went  from 
the  Executive  in  Washington  to  our  military  and  naval  commanders  at  Manila  or  to 
our  peace  commissioners  at  Paris  that  did  not  put  as  the  sole  purpose  to  be  kept 
in  mind  first  after  the  success  of  our  arms  and  the  maintenance  of  our  own  honor 
the  welfare  and  happiness  and  the  rights  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippine  Is- 
lands. Did  we  need  their  consent  to  perform  a great  act  for  humanity?  We  had 
it  in  every  aspiration  of  their  minds,  in  every  hope  of  their  hearts. 

“Was  it  necessary  to  ask  their  consent  to  capture  Manila,  the  capital  of  their 
islands?  Did  we  ask  their  consent  to  liberate  them  from  Spanish  sovereignty  or 
to  enter  Manila  hay  and  destroy  the  Spanish  sea  power  there?  We  did  not  ask 
these;  we  were  obeying  a higher  moral  obligation  which  rested  on  us  and  did  not 
require  anybody’s  consent.  We  were  doing  our  duty  by  them  with  the  consent  of 
our  own  consciences  and  with  the  approval  of  civilization.  Every  present  obliga- 
tion has  been  met  and  fulfilled  in  the  expulsion  of  Spanish  sovereignty  from  their 
islands,  and  while  the  war  that  destroyed  it  was  in  progress  we  could  not  ask  their 
views.  Nor  can  we  now  ask  their  consent. 

“Indeed,  can  anyone  tell  me  in  what  form  it  could  be  marshaled  and  ascer- 
tained until  peace  and  order,  so  necessary  to  reign  of  reason,  shall  be  secured  and 
established?  A reign  of  terror  is  not  the  kind  of  rule  under  which  right  action 
and  deliberate  judgment  are  possible.  It  is  not  a good  time  for  the  liberator  to  sub- 
mit important  questions  concerning  liberty  and  government  to  the  liberated  while 
they  are  engaged  in  shooting  down  their  rescuers  * 

“We  have  nowr  ended  the  war  with  Spain.  The  treaty  has  been  ratified  by 
more  than  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  and  by  the  judgment  of 
nine-tenths  of  its  people.  No  nation  was  ever  more  fortunate  in  war  or  more  hon- 
orable in  negotiations  in  peace. 

“Spain  is  now  eliminated  from  the  problem.  It  remains  to  ask  what  we  shall 
do  now.  I do  not  intrude  upon  the  duties  of  Congress  or  seek  to  anticipate  or 
forestall  its  action.  I only  say  that  the  treaty  of  peace,  honorably  secured,  having 
been  ratified  by  the  United  States  and,  as  we  confidently  expect,  shortly  ratified  in 

) 


PRESIDENT  M’KINLEY  FOR  EXPANSION. 


513 


Spain,  Congress  will  have  the  power  and  I am  sure  the  purpose  to  do  what  in  good 
morals  is  right  and  just  and  humane  for  these  people  in  distant  seas. 

“It  is  sometimes  hard  to  determine  what  is  best  to  do  and  the  best  thing  to  do 
is  oftentimes  the  hardest.  The  prophet  of  evil  would  do  nothing,  because  he  flinches 
at  sacrifice  and  effort,  and  to  do  nothing  is  easiest  and  involves  the  least  cost.  On 
those  who  have  things  to  do  there  rests  a responsibility  which  is  not  on  those  who 
have  no  obligations  as  doers. 

“If  the  doubters  were  in  a majority  there  would,  it  is  true,  be  no  labor,  no  sacri- 
fice, no  anxiety  and  no  burden  raised  or  carried;  no  contribution  from  our  ease 
and  jrarse  and  comfort  to  the  welfare  of  others,  or  even  to  the  extension  of  our 
resources  to  the  welfare  of  ourselves.  There  would  be  ease,  but,  alas!  there  would 
he  nothing  done. 

“But  grave  problems  come  in  the  life  of  a nation,  however  much  men  may 
seek  to  avoid  them.  They  come  without  our  seeking,  why,  we  do  not  know,  and  it  is 
not  always  given  us  to  know,  but  the  generation  on  which  they  are  forced  cannot 
avoid  the  responsibility  of  honestly  striving  for  their  solution.  We  may  not  know 
precisely  how  to  solve  them,  but  we  can  make  an  honest  effort  to  that  end  and,  if 
made  in  conscience,  justice  and  honor,  it  will  not  be  in  vain. 

‘The  future  of  the  Philippine  Islands  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  American 
people.  Until  the  treaty  was  ratified  or  rejected  the  executive  department  of  this 
Government  could  only  preserve  the  peace  and  protect  life  and  property.  That 
treaty  now  commits  the  free  and  enfranchised  Filipinos  to  the  guiding  hand  and  the 
liberalizing  influences,  the  generous  sympathies,  the  uplifting  education,  not  of  their 
American  masters,  but  of  their  American  emancipators.  No  one  can  tell  to-day 
what  is  best  for  them  or  for  us.  I know  no  one  at  this  hour  who  is  wise  enough 
or  sufficiently  informed  to  determine  what  form  of  government  will  best  subserve 
their  interests  and  our  interests,  their  and  our  well  being. 

“If  we  knew  everything  by  intuition — and  I sometimes  think  there  are  those 
who  believe  that  if  we  do  not  they  do — wre  should  not  need  information,  but,  un- 
fortunately, most  of  us  are  not  in  that  happy  state.  The  whole  subject  is  now  with 
Congress,  and  Congress  is  the  voice,  the  conscience  and  the  judgment  of  the  Amer- 
ican people.  Upon  their  judgment  and  conscience  can  we  not  rely?  I believe  in 
them,  I trust  them.  I know  of  no  better  or  safer  human  tribunal  than  the  people. 

“Until  Congress  shall  direct  otherwise,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  the  Executive  to 
possess  and  hold  the  Philippines,  giving  to  the  people  thereof  peace  and  beneficent 
government,  affording  them  every  opportunity  to  prosecute  their  lawful  pursuits, 
encouraging  them  in  thrift  and  industry,  making  them  feel  and  know  we  are  their 


514 


PRESIDENT  M’KINLEY  FOR  EXPANSION. 


friends,  not  their  enemies;  that  their  good  is  our  aim;  that  their  welfare  is  our 
welfare,  but  that  neither  their  aspirations  nor  ours  can  be  realized  until  our  au- 
thority is  acknowledged  and  unquestioned. 

“That  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines  will  be  benefited  by  this  Republic  is 
my  unshaken  belief;  that  they  will  have  a kindlier  government  under  our  guidance 
and  that  they  will  be  aided  in  every  possible  way  to  be  self-respecting  and  self-gov- 
erning people  is  as  true  as  that  the  American  people  love  liberty  and  have  an  abiding 
faith  in  their  own  government  and  their  own  institutions. 

“No  imperial  designs  lurk  in  the  American  mind.  They  are  alien  to  American 
sentiment,  thought  and  purpose.  Our  priceless  principles  undergo  no  change  under 
a tropical  sun.  They  go  with  the  fiat: 

“ ‘Why  read  ye  not  the  changeless  truth. 

The  free  can  conquer  but  to  save?’ 

“If  we  can  benefit  these  remote  peoples,  who  will  object?  If  in  the  years  of 
the  future  they  are  established  in  government  under  law  and  liberty,  who  will  regret 
our  perils  and  sacrifices,  who  will  not  rejoice  in  our  heroism  and  humanity?  Always 
perils  and  always  after  them  safety;  always  darkness  and  clouds,  but  always  shining 
through  them  the  light  and  the  sunshine;  always  cost  and  sacrifice,  but  always  after 
them  the  fruition  of  liberty,  education  and  civilization. 

“I  have  no  light  or  knowledge  not  common  to  my  countrymen.  I do  not 
prophesy.  The  present  is  all-absorbing  to  me,  but  I cannot  bound  my  vision  by  the 
blood-stained  trenches  around  Manila,  where  every  red  drop,  whether  from  the  veins 
of  an  American  soldier  or  a misguided  Filipino,  is  anguish  to  my  heart,  but  by  the 
broad  range  of  future  years,  when  that  group  of  islands,  under  the  impulse  of  the 
year  just  past,  shall  have  become  the  gems  and  glories  of  those  tropical  seas,  a land 
of  plenty  and  of  increasing  possibilities,  a people  redeemed  from  savage  indolence 
and  habits,  devoted  to  the  arts  of  peace,  in  touch  with  the  commerce  and  trade  of  all 
nations,  enjoying  the  blessings  of  freedom,  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  of  educa- 
tion and  of  homes,  and  whose  children  and  children’s  children  shall  for  ages  hence 
bless  the  American  republic  because  it  emancipated  and  redeemed  their  fatherland 
and  set  them  in  the  pathway  of  the  world’s  best  civilization.” 


CHAPTER  II. 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 

Mr.  Carnegie  Assails  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for  Changing 
Their  Opinions  as  to  Expansion — Doubts  the  President’s  Convictions  and 
Says  Gage  Is  Not  a Manufacturer — Carnegie  Desires  Commercial  Expansion 
— He  Wants  the  President  to  Listen  to  the  London  Times — The  Open  Door 
Will  Antagonize  American  Labor — Predicts  Death-Blow  to  “Imperialism” 
— Says  No  Citizen  Can  Be  Deprived  of  the  Right  to  Send  His  Products  to 
Any  Territory  Under  Our  Flag  Free  of  All  Tariffs  Within  the  Republic’s 
Domain — Trade  of  Philippines  Cannot  Be  American — Spain  Gets  $20,- 
000,000  for  a Great  Relief — Tribute  to  the  Personal  Virtues  of  the  President 
— A Reply  to  Mr.  Murat  Halstead’s  Address  at  Homestead. 

Andrew  Carnegie  opened  a crusade  against  the  antagonism  of  the  Philippines 
by  the  statement  “Half  the  danger  would  be  over”  if  the  people  knew  the  Presi- 
dent had  convictions  on  the  subject  “to  which  he  would  stand.”  He  added  Sec- 
retary Gage  was  a “convert  to  imperialism,”  and  had  “fortunately  given  us  the 
reason.”  And  Mr.  Carnegie  added: 

“Secretary  Gage  has  not  only  told  us  that  he  has  changed  his  views  and  is  a 
convert  to  imperialism,  but  he  has  fortunately  given  us  the  reason.  All  that  is  nec- 
essary is  that  our  public  men  should  give  reasons  for  the  Republic  abandoning  the 
policy  which  has  made  her  great.  He  accepts  the  dangers  and  cost  of  imperialism 
against  his  own  wishes  for  the  sake  of  commercial  expansion. 

“Now,  Secretary  Gage  has  never  manufactured  anything  nor  exported  anything 
— he  is  neither  in  manufacturing  nor  in  commerce.  I am  in  both.  Our  concern  is 
to-day  the  largest  manufacturer  in  the  world  in  its  line,  and  I believe  it  is  also  to-day 
the  largest  exporter  of  manufactures  in  the  United  States. 

“We  have  within  two  years  begun  to  send  our  steel  to  all  parts  of  the  world. 
Our  sales  reach  into  the  millions  of  dollars.  We  have  our  London  house  now  as 
we  have  in  New  York.  The  foreign  business  is  growing  by  leaps  and  bounds.  Now, 
one  of  the  reasons  why  I oppose  imperialism— the  acquisition  of  the  Philippines, 
for  instance — is  commercial  expansion. 

“The  reason  that  Secretary  Gage  gives  for  acquiring  the  Philippines  is  the 
reason  why  I would  not.  He  believes  it  would  be  favorable  to  commercial  expan- 
sion; I know  that  it  would  be  detrimental. 

“The  Secretary  gave  no  reason  for  thinking  that  the  acquisition  of  distant  pos- 

515 


51C 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


sessions  would  increase  our  foreign  trade.  Permit  me  to  state  reasons  why  it  would 
not  increase  but  decrease  it. 

\ 

“Foreign  trade  rests  upon  peace  and  security;  the  waters  must  be  calm,  dis- 
turbing influences  absent,  to  foster  trade  in  foreign  parts. 

“Two  weeks  ago  British  consols  fell  2§;  there  was  a rumor  of  war  with  France; 
money  needed  by  manufacturers  and  exporters  rose  to  double  what  it  had  been. 
Our  financial  operations  in  London  covering  our  foreign  trade  were  immediately 
transferred  to  New  York,  which  for  the  time  became  the  financial  center  of  the 
world.  Money  exchange  was  furnished  us  cheaper  here  than  London  could  give. 
The  quiver  that  went  through  the  commercial  world  in  Britain  arrested  commerce 
at  many  points.  New  York  was  secure  beyond  the  zone  of  disturbance;  there  was 
no  war  rumor  which  affected  the  Republic.  Great  Britain  was  within  the  zone  and 
her  business  was  disturbed. 

“Should  we  undertake  to  hold  the  Philippines  we  immediately  place  the  whole 
Republic  within  the  zone  of  wars  and  rumors  of  wars,  and  the  rumor  of  war,  it 
must  be  remembered,  is  in  itself  destructive  to  commerce.  It  was  only  rumors  of 
war  that  threw  us  from  London  back  to  New  York. 

“If  Secretary' Gage  is  not  satisfied  with  the  commercial  expansion  which  this 
country  is  enjoying  what  will  satisfy  this  man?  I have  seen  nothing  like  it  in  my 
lifetime,  nor  have  I read  of  anything  comparable  to  it. 

“Without  distant  possessions,  the  Republic,  solid,  compact,  safe  from  the  zone 
of  war  disturbance,  has  captured  the  world’s  markets  for  many  products,  and  only 
needs  a continuance  of  peaceful  conditions  to  have  the  industrial  world  at  its  feet. 
Our  exports  now  exceed  the  exports  of  Great  Britain.  WThat  does  Secretary  Gage 
mean  by  talking  of  commercial  expansion  to  come,  when  the  question  to-day  is,  how 
shall  we  meet  the  commercial  expansion  crowding  upon  us? 

“If  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  time  to  spare  let  me  suggest  that  he  can 
use  it  to  better  advantage  studying  how  to  give  to  our  exporters  suitable  steamship 
lines  to  carry  away  the  traffic  that  is  offered.  This  is  the  one  great  want  of  the 
United  States  in  the  way  of  commercial  expansion,  not  the  management  of  bar- 
barous regions  involving  race  troubles  far  exceeding  those  we  have  at  home. 

“There  is  another  point  that  Secretary  Gage  fortunately  has  to  consider.  I 
should  like  to  ask  the  Administration  one  question  which  the  President  and  Cabinet 
must  soon  think  of. 

“Are  the  Philippines  to  be  considered  part  of  the  American  Republic,  as  Porto 
Rico  is,  and  are  we  to  keep  them  for  ourselves  as  we  have  Porto  Rico,  excluding  the 
world  from  equal  trade  rights  with  them? 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


51? 

“Suppose  President  McKinley  says  'Yes,  I have  always  stood  for  American 
labor;  I am  its  great  champion;  I am  a protectionist  to  the  cored 

“I  begin  to  grow  doubtful  about  the  President  having  convictions  upon  any 
subject;  but  if  he  has  a conviction  it  is  this,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  an  American 
President  to  take  care  of  American  labor.  Well,  he  will  have  done  so  when  he  an- 
nounces that  he  is  going  to  obey  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  although 
in  these  days  the  Constitution  seems  to  be,  as  Tim  Campbell  once  said  to  President 
Cleveland,  ‘a  small  thing  to  stand  between  friends.’ 

“But  suppose  the  President  is  true  to  the  Constitution  and  his  oath  to  support 
it,  then  there  is  free  trade  between  all  parts  of  the  United  States  and  the  Philip- 
pines as  there  is  to  Porto  Rico — he  has  stood  true  there — but  there  is  a high  tariff 
between  the  trade  of  all  other  nations  and  the  Philippines. 

“I  believe  the  President  will  be  driven  to  hold  this  position.  What  ensues? 
War!  Britain  is  our  best  friend  to-day,  but  only  upon  condition  that  we  keep  'open 
door’  for  her  in  the  Philippines  and  in  all  other  of  our  distant  possessions. 

“The  London  Times  has  already  given  a strong  hint  upon  this  subject  in  re- 
ferring to  the  President’s  bottling  up  Porto  Rico. 

“Let  the  President  listen  to  this  from  the  London  Times  editorial:  'English- 
men have  seen  with  ungrudging  satisfaction  the  entrance  of  America  on  the  path 
of  imperial  expansion  which  they  have  themselves  trodden  with  such  conspicuous 
success.  But  it  must  be  confessed  that  a considerable  strain  is  put  upon  our  sym- 
pathy by  such  blunders  as  the  order  regulating  the  trade  of  Porto  Rico,  which  our 
correspondent  cites  and  which  reads  as  if  it  were  borrowed  from  our  own  navigation 
acts  which  the  Americans  themselves  found  so  oppressive.’ 

“The  most  sensitive  chord  of  Britain  is  its  foreign  trade;  upon  that  it  depends. 
Let  the  President  of  the  United  States  once  show  that  the  American  system  is  to  be 
extended  to  the  Philippines,  and  that  Secretary  Gage  had  some  foundation  for  his 
idea  of  'commercial  expansion’  for  the  advantage  of  American  labor,  and  it  will  not 
be  necessary  for  Britain  openly  to  intervene. 

“France,  Germany  and  Russia,  as  is  well  known,  are  opposed  to  America  enter- 
ing upon  possessions  in  the  far  East.  Those  nations  combined  drove  J apan  out  of 
Corea;  they  will  drive  the  United  States  out  of  the  Philippines,  always  provided 
Britain  agrees  to  do  what  she  did  with  Japan — occupy  a neutral  position. 

“But  I go  further  than  this.  She  will  require  the  United  States  to  agree  to 
keep  the  'open  door,’  as  she  required  Germany  to  do.  Of  course,  Germany  has 
agreed  to  keep  the  open  door  in  her  Eastern  possessions.  She  wouldn’t  have  any 


518 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


if  she  had  not.  Neither  will  the  United  States,  for  let  it  be  noted  that  70  per  cent 
of  the  total  trade  of  the  Philippines  is  to-day  British. 

“I  have  spoken  of  European  nations,  but  there  is  a nation  quite  near  the  Phil- 
ippines with  which  the  United  States  would  find  it  most  difficult  to  deal  at  so  great 
a distance,  for,  remember  it  is  a question  of  naval  strength.  Here  is  what  the  min- 
ister of  Japan  said  the  other  day: 

“ ‘Every  year  its  trade  with  the  Philippines  has  increased  until  now  it  has  be- 
come of  very  respectable  proportions.  Naturally  my  Government  is  interested  in 
seeing  that  this  trade  shall  continue,  and  as  it  firmly  believes  the  ports  of  the  is- 
lands will  be  freely  opened  to  Japan  if  the  United  States  governs  the  islands,  it 
would  rather  see  America  gain  control  than  any  other  nation.’ 

“I  was  consulted  last  week  in  regard  to  taking  an  offer  of  60,000  tons  of  steel 
plates  for  delivery  in  Western  Australia.  My  feeling  was  that  we  should  wait  re- 
sults. Let  us  see  whether  we  do  not  get  into  trouble  in  regard  to  the  ‘open  door’ 
or  the  ‘closed  door’  in  the  Philippines.  If  we  do,  of  course  there  is  no  delivery  in 
Western  Australia  possible  to  the  extent  of  60,000  tons  of  steel  to  be  made  by  Amer- 
ican labor.  Mr.  Gage’s  commercial  expansion  is  hindered.  This  steel  may  not  be 
made  in  the  United  States.  So  much  for  imperialism  and  its  foreign  complica- 
tions. 

“Suppose,  however,  President  McKinley,  in  order  to  hold  the  Philippines  at  all, 
has  to  grant  the  ‘open  door,’  where  will  Secretary  Gage  and  his  commercial  expan- 
sion stand  then?  What  will  labor  in  the  Uni’ted  States  say  to  the  recreant  Presi- 
dent? What  compensation  is  it  to  have? 

“What  justification  can  be  pleaded  for  paying  twenty  or  forty  millions  for  the 
Philippines,  and  for  sacrificing  the  blood  of  our  soldiers  and  the  lives  of  our  civil 
servants  involved  in  this  acquisition,  if  no  advantage  accrues?  What  answer  will 
he  make  to  the  people  upon  whom  he  imposes  additional  taxation? 

“I  think  I know  what  the  laboring  masses  of  the  United  States  will  say  to 
him  and  to  any  government  that  throws  upon  the  country  such  sacrifices  of  life  and 
such  burdens,  only  to  open  its  costly  acquisitions  to  the  nations  of  the  world. 

“If  it  be  fair  competition  with  other  nations  that  we  require  for  commercial 
expansion,  we  are  certain  of  that  already,  because  Britain  will  never  permit  the  open 
door  in  the  far  East  to  be  closed. 

“President  Gompers,  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  is  on  the  right 
track.  He  denounces  the  policy  of  bringing  the  Republic  into  the  zone  of  Euro- 
pean strife  in  the  far  East.  He  will  win,  and  it  only  needs  a few  large  employers 


jTFAMERS  WAiTlNO  AT  KANTARA 


VIEW  OF  LANDING  AT  PORT  5AtD 


-v% 


LNTRAfL  TO  SUEZ  (ANAL 


famm 


VIEW  Of  PORT  SAID  HARBOR 


VIEWS  ALONG-  THE  SUEZ  CANAL. 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


521 


of  labor  to  speak  to  their  people  to  carry  the  entire  laboring  people  of  the  Union 
against  the  President’s  supposed  treachery  to  the  cause  of  American  labor. 

“Let  the  President  take  either  horn  of  the  dilemma  and  his  policy  of  what  he 
himself  has  called  ‘criminal  aggression’  fails.  Let  him  open  the  door  to  the  world 
and  he  antagonizes  American  labor.  Let  him  consider  the  Philippines  part  of  the 
United  States,  and  therefore  entitled  under  the  Constitution  to  free  trade  with, 
as  part  of,  the  United  States,  and  its  door  closed  except  through  the  high  tariff  to 
all  other  nations,  and  he  antagonizes  the  whole  of  Europe  and  has  war  upon  his 
hands  to  a certainty — this  time  no  weak  Spain  to  deal  with,  but  the  overwhelming 
naval  power  of  Europe. 

“Be  of  good  cheer!  The  American  people  have  always  decided  rightly  in  great 
crises.  The  imperialistic  policy  has  not  been  properly  discussed,  because  the  posi- 
tion of  the  President  and  the  Government  is  not  yet  known,  but  the  President  has 
to  come  forward  and  decide  the  question  I have  indicated. 

“This  will  be  the  death  blow  of  imperialism  either  way  he  decides. 

“The  Republic  will  escape  the  threatened  danger  and  hold  fast  to  the  policy  of 
‘the  Fathers,’  w'hich  has  made  it  the  most  prosperous  nation  the  world  ever  saw 
and  brought  the  industrial  supremacy  of  the  world  within  its  grasp  under  the  aegis 
if  peace  and  security — the  one  industrial  nation  free  from  the  unceasing  danger  of 
vars  and  rumors  of  wars  which  keep  every  shipyard,  every  armor  plant,  every  gun 
factory  in  the  world  busy  night  and  day,  Saturdays  and  Sundays,  preparing  engines 
l:or  the  coming  struggle  between  the  nations  of  Europe.” 

Mr.  Carnegie  had  predicted  that  the  President  would  be  forced  to  meet  the 
juestion  of  “the  open  door”  or  “the  closed  door,”  and  he  commented: 

“From  the  President’s  record  as  the  champion  of  American  products  of  the  soil 
tnd  the  mine  and  of  American  labor,  I supposed  that  he  would  not  yield  to  the 
lictation  of  our  foreign  rivals  without  hesitation.  One  was  justified  in  thinking 
hat  an  American  President  would  not  sacrifice  American  interests  without  hesi- 
lating,  but  it  seems  the  President  never  hesitated  a moment. 

“From  one  point  of  view  he  cannot  be  blamed.  There  was  no  use  in  his  at- 
empting  to  oppose  the  giving  of  the  ‘open  door’  to  the  foreigner,  because  refusal 
aeant  that  he  had  to  meet  the  combined  fleets  of  Japan,  Russia,  Germany,  France, 
nd  last,  but  not  least,  Great  Britain,  and  this  the  wildest  expansionist,  unless 
■'holly  bereft  of  reason,  would  not  for  a moment  consider.  He  had  to  concede  to 
ther  nations  the  markets  of  his  new  ill-starred  possession.  To  such  national  hu- 
miliations imperialism  inevitably  leads. 

“In  this  morning’s  papers  we  are  correctly  told  by  the  Secretary  of  the  State 


r,9.2 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


that  the  ‘open  door’  does  not  mean  free  trade,  that  the  Philippines  will  have  then 
tariff,  and  that  all  products  entering  the  ports  will  be  required  to  pay  the  same  du- 
ties, whether  these  be  products  of  American  soil  or  labor,  or  of  the  low-priced  labor 
of  Europe,  India,  Australia,  or  the  Argentine;  hut  the  Secretary  of  State  is  also 
reported  to  have  said  that  this  places  all  nations  upon  an  equality.  Here  he  has  made 
a pardonable  mistake,  since  he  has  no  experience  of  commerce. 

“The  manufacturer  of  Germany,  France  or  Britain,  the  farmer  of  Australia  and 
of  the  Baltic  provinces  of  Russia  and  of  the  Argentine,  reach  the  Philippines  at 
about  one-half  the  freight  cost  that  the  American  farmer  has  to  pay  upon  his 
products  or  the  American  manufacturer  upon  manufactured  articles.  The  distance 
to  Manila  from  the  Atlantic  seaboard  is,  say,  14,000  miles  (via  Cape);  from  Europe 
only,  say,  9,000;  12,000  from  New  York  (via  Europe,  which  is  the  shortest  way); 
from  Australasia  only  about  one-half  the  distance  of  that  from  San  Francisco,  say 
3,500  miles,  against  7,000;  from  India  only  4,000,  from  Argentina  not  much  further 
than  from  San  Francisco. 

“Therefore,  when  President  McKinley  agreed  that  the  products  of  Europe  and 
the  agricultural  products  of  Australia  and  Argentina  and  India  should  reach  the 
Philippines  and  pay  only  the-  same  tariff  as  products  of  the  soil  and  the  mine  of  his 
own  country,  he  closed  the  door  effectually  upon  American  commercial  expansion 
in  the  Philippines. 

“American  products  stood  upon  an  equality  with  those  of  foreign  nations  un- 
der Spanish  authority,  except  that  Spain  was  favored  against  all,  and  here  are  the 
import  figures  for  the  last  year  of  Philippine  trade  (1896)  for  which  figures  are 
available: 


“From  Great  Britain  and  British  Colonies,  15  per  cent. . . .£1,420,800 

From  Spain,  13  per  cent 284,310 

From  all  other  nations,  22  per  cent 480,890 


Total  imports  £2,186,000 


or,  say,  $10,500,000.  The  United  States  sent  only  $146,000  worth,  a sum  too  small 
for  the  Statesman’s  Year  Book  to  specify  separately. 

“Under  the  President’s  concession  of  the  ‘open  door’  such  will  be  about  the 
United  States’  proportion  in  future.  Conditions  are  not  changed,  except  as  to 
Spain’s  paltry  13  per  cent. 

“The  trade  of  the  Philippines  cannot  be  American,  but  let  no  one  blame  the 
President,  because  if  his  imperialism  was  not  to  suffer  shipwreck  he  had  to  throw 
away  the  markets  of  his  new  possessions. 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


523 


“It  is  interesting  to  consider  whether  the  President  or  Secretary  of  State  or  any 
member  of  his  Cabinet  knew  that  landing  American  products  either  of  the  farm  or 
of  the  mine  in  Manila  upon  equal  terms  with  the  agricultural  products  of  Australia, 
India,  Argentina,  or  of  the  manufactures  of  Europe,  simply  meant  that  American 
grain,  flour,  provisions,  American  cotton  and  woolen  goods,  American  iron  and 
steel,  were  at  so  serious  a disadvantage,  owing  to  the  greater  distance,  that  they  were 
practically  excluded  from  the  new  possessions  for  which  the  American  people  are 
to  pay. 

“My  answer  is  that  I do  not  believe  that  one  of  them  ever  thought  of  this  fatal 
fact  of  distance.  The  men  in  Washington  to-day  are  so  immersed  in  problems  which 
have  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  prosperity  of  their  own  country  that  they  have 
no  time  to  consider  subjects  hearing  upon  it.  They  have  eaten  of  the  insane  root 
of  territorial  expansion  in  distant  continents;  they  are  dreaming  dreams,  chasing 
'phantoms,  and  in  one  stroke  of  the  pen  the  President  of  the  United  States  has 
innocently  given  over  the  trade  of  the  Philippines  to  foreign  nations.  I do  not  be- 
lieve that  he  ever  thought  of  distance. 

“America  stands  in  regard  to  the  trade  of  the  Philippines  exactly  as  she  stood 
when  they  were  under  the  dominion  of  Spain,  except  that  the  13  per  cent  of  Spain 
was  favored.  She  was  then  on  an  equality  with  other  foreign  nations,  hut  what  has 
the  Republic  now  to  shoulder  by  this  hasty  act  of  the  President  which  she  had  not 
before? 

“First — She  pays  $20,000,000  for  the  privilege  of  getting  what  she  had  better 
have  paid  a thousand  millions  to  be  without. 

“Second — The  President  is  to  ask  Congress  for  an  addition  to  the  army  one  and 
one-half  times  bigger  than  the  entire  army  that  was  necessary  before  he  left  the 
path  of  the  fathers  and  plunged  the  ship  of  state  into  this  sea  of  troubles. 

“Third — The  President  is  to  ask  Congress  for  a tremendous  addition  to  our 
navy,  which  will  cost  more  than  $20,000,000  every  year.  The  increased  army  will 
cost  probably  as  much. 

“The  President  will  get  his  ships  of  war,  but  he  wall  not  get  his  regular  soldiers. 
The  work  which  he  wishes  them  to  do  is  not  that  which  the  regidar  soldier  of  the 
United  States  has  hitherto  agreed  to  do.  The  regular  soldier  will  now  have  to  leave 
his  country  to  suppress  the  aspirations  of  people  for  independence. 

“Perhaps  the  President  of  the  United  States  will  order  the  American  soldier 
to  shoot  down  men  whose  only  crime  is  that  they  fight  for  the  independence  of 
their  country,  which  the  American  has  been  brought  up  to  believe  a prize  worthy 
of  all  sacrifice.  Recruits  cannot  be  had  for  the  regular  army  to-day.  The  pay  of 


524 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


the  army  must  be  raised.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  the  additional  burdens  which  the 
President  must  finally  place  upon  the  American  people  will  not  amount  to  less  than 
$100,000,000  per  annum,  all  of  this  required  because  the  country  will  have  to  main- 
tain a great  army  and  a navy  equal  to  those  of  European  powers,  in  order  to  defend 
worthless  foreign  possessions  from  which  no  benefit  can  now  be  reaped,  American 
products  having  been  effectually  excluded. 

“Now  as  to  how  this  hundred  millions  is  to  be  raised.  Fortunately  we  are  not 
left  in  doubt.  The  President’s  spokesman  and  manager,  Senator  Hanna,  has  de- 
clared that  the  tea  and  coffee  of  the  workingman,  now  free,  are  to  be  taxed.  There 
is  not  a dinner  pail  that  is  not  to  be  laid  under  contribution;  labor  is  to  bear  the 
burden.  There  is  scarcely  a farmer,  nor  a farm-hand  employed  by  the  farmer,  nor 
a wage-earner  of  any  kind,  who  does  not  use  tea  or  coffee,  these  necessaries  of  life, 
and  there  is  not  one  upon  whose  hard-won  earnings  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  through  Senator  Hanna,  does  not  propose  to  levy  a tax  to  support  his  wild 
un-American  schemes. 

“The  question  now  is,  what  is  to  be  the  response  of  the  farmers  and  the  farm 
laborers  and  the  workingmen,  the  men  of  the  dinner  pails,  to  this  extraordinary  pro- 
gramme? If  the  President  or  any  of  his  supporters  can  show  that  he  is  going  to 
promote  their  interests  in  any  way  by  his  bargain  for  the  Philippines,  let  him 
speak. 

“I  have  shown  that  as  far  as  the  Philippines  are  concerned  he  has  placed  the 
United  States  at  a fatal  disadvantage  compared  with  our  foreign  rivals.  Can  any 
one  gainsay  this?  Is  it  not  so?  Here  is  the  broad  point  for  the  President  or  any 
of  his  supporters  to  grapple  with: 

“Can  American  products  of  the  farm  or  of  the  mine  reach  the  Philippines  at 
anything  approaching  the  cost  of  transportation  of  the  agricultural  products  of 
Australia,  Argentina  or  Russia,  or  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain,  Germany  or 
France,  having  thousands  of  miles  further  to  go? 

“If  yes,  then  the  American  is  not  disadvantaged,  but  he  has  even  then  no  ad- 
vantage for  all  his  taxes.  He  had  the  open  door  before,  except  in  competition  with 
Spain. 

“If  not,  then  the  President  has  handicapped  the  agricultural  and  manufac- 
turing interests  of  his  country,  and  given  to  the  foreigner  the  trade  of  the  Philip- 


pines. 

“Thus  the  claims  of  the  imperialists  that  foreign  acquisitions  extend  our  com- 
merce with  the  Philippines  is  groundless.  Let  us  hear  no  more  of  it.  They  must 
confine  themselves  to  ‘Humanity,’  with  a big  H,  for  business  reasons  there  are  none. 


YNDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


525 


“The  President  is  confronted  with  another  grave  problem  in  his  new  and 
thorny  path.  One  of  the  ablest  men  of  the  United  States  is  Secretary  Wilson,  of 
the  Department  of  Agriculture,  a member  of  his  Cabinet.  No  one  who  has  followed 
his  writings  and  kept  advised  of  his  successes  as  I have  can  fail  to  be  deeply  inter- 
ested in  his  work  and  in  his  man.  He  has  told  the  nation  that  it  can  grow  all  the 
sugar  it  requires;  he  encourages  us  to  believe  that  we  shall  be  able  to  grow  all  the 
flax  for  our  linen.  He  is  deeply  interested  in  the  growth  of  tobacco  within  our  own 
domain. 

“Now,  to  admit  the  sugar  of  Hawaii,  as  the  President  has  decided  we  must 
continue  to  do  (Hawaii  having  become  United  States  territory),  and  to  go  forward 
with  the  same  policy  and  admit  sugar  and  tobacco  from  Porto  Rico,  which  is  United 
States  territory,  like  Hawaii,  and  to  annex  Cuba  and  admit  its  sugar  and  tobacco, 
and  to  admit  the  hemp  of  Manila,  would  destroy  the  patriotic  labors  of  Secretary 
Wilson. 

“I  have  no  warrant  for  saying  so,  but  I believe  he  would  resign  his  office  in  the 
Cabinet  the  moment  the  President  of  the  United  States  attempted  to  admit  one 
pound  of  sugar  or  tobacco  free  from  Porto  Rico  or  hemp  from  the  Philippines.  The 
opposition  of  Secretary  Wilson  to  this  fatal  course  would  be  sufficient;  he  would 
never  have  to  resign  from  the  Cabinet  on  that  issue,  simply  because  the  farming 
States,  which  make  the  President,  would  revolt.  They  will  not  be  trifled  with  on 
this  point,  neither  would  the  people  of  the  United  States,  as  a whole,  approve  of 
the  beet-sugar  industry  being  stricken  down  at  this  moment. 

“We  are  soon  to  see  the  President  of  the  United  States  proclaim,  as  he  can — 
as  long  as  he  is  military  dictator — that  not  a pound  of  hemp  from  Manila,  not  a 
pound  of  sugar  or  tobacco  from  Porto  Rico,  will  ever  enter  the  United  States  with- 
out paying  the  same  duties  as  sugar  or  tobacco  or  hemp  from  foreign  countries.  He 
is  going  to  attempt  to  keep  the  American  tariffs  against  the  products  of  Cuba,  Porto 
Rico  and  the  Philippines,  notwithstanding  his  desire  for  their  ‘civilization,’  for  their 
benefit,’  notwithstanding  ‘Humanity.’ 

“What  a spectacle  for  Americans!  But  the  interests  of  the  poor  Filipinos,  of 
;he  poor  Porto  Ricans,  are  of  little  moment  when  the  votes  of  the  farmers  of  the 
United  States  are  in  jeopardy.  Such  are  the  fruits  of  the  new  policy. 

“We  are  getting  into  a maze  of  knotty  problems.  Products  of  Hawaii  and  of 
■ill  other  portions  of  the  United  States  are  exchanged  free  of  duties  under  the  con- 
stitutional provision  which  establishes  free  trade  with  our  dominions,  but  the 
uoduets  of  Porto  Rico,  which  the  President  has  recognized  as  American  territory 
rad  held  their  trade  for  American  ships  as  coast  trade,  are  to  be  denied  what 


52G 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION 


Hawaii  has — as  far  as  its  exports  to  the  United  States  are  concerned.  But  Amer- 
ican products  to  Porto  Rico  are  to  he  under  the  Constitution  and  free.  The  Phil- 
ippines, on  the  other  hand,  are  to  have  neither  their  exports  nor  imports  to  or  from 
the  United  States  under  the  Constitution. 

“This  is  a staggering  state  of  affairs,  but  then  let  us  remember  the  President 
as  War  Lord  is  quite  within  his  constitutional  rights  to  ‘make  ducks  and  drakes’ 
with  the  Constitution  in  war  time.  No  one  can  question  his  authority;  there  is 
no  usurpation  of  power,  but  one  cannot  hut  marvel  at  the  ‘admired  disorder’  of 
his  regulations.  Ah,  Mr.  President,  little  did  you  know  what  leaving  the  teaching 
of  the  fathers  meant  when  you  rashly  abandoned  it  and  entered  upon  your  new 
and  thorny  path. 

“What  would  you  not  give  to  get  back  again  to  the  true  American  ideas? 
It  is  not  yet  too  late  if  you  only  knew  your  power  over  the  masses  of  the  people, 
but  you  have  to  speak  out  in  language  to  be  ‘understood  of  the  common  people’ 
in  your  next  message  to  Congress,  or  the  imperialistic  craze  may  sweep  you  to  your 
political  ruin. 

“I  must  pause  as  I write  to  pay  tribute  to  the  many  virtues  of  the  President. 
Some  mutual  friends  have  suggested  that  I went  too  far  when  I said  that  I began 
to  doubt  whether  he  had  convictions  upon  any  subject.  Let  me  say  to  these 
that  I was  not  speaking  of  the  private  character  of  Mr.  McKinley.  I had  his  official 
acts  as  President  in  view,  and  who  will  pretend  that  as  President  he  has  stood  to 
his  official  convictions. 

“These  very  friends  urge  that  he  was  opposed  to  the  war  with  Spain,  for 
instance,  until  a noisy  gang  dragged  him  into  it.  This  is  what  all  his  supporters 
are  saying,  and  it  is  no  doubt  true  and  creditable  to  him  as  a good,  gentle  man, 
but  when  it  becomes  our  duty  to  call  a public  officer  to  account  for  his  acts  and 
view  him  as  history  will  place  him — instead  of  this  being  a public  virtue  it  was 
a national  crime. 

“Assuming,  as  his  friends  claim,  that  he  -was  not  satisfied  that  wTar  was  required, 
his  duty  as  President  was  to  exhaust  the  powers  which  were  vested  in  him  by 
the  Constitution  and  which  he  could  not  rightfully  evade.  He  should  have  stood  ! 
out  like  a man  and  exercised  his  po"wer  of  veto  as  other  Presidents  have  done,  as 
General  Grant  did  in  a memorable  case.  Then,  if  Congress  had  passed  the  act; 
over  his  veto  he  would  have  been  clear  in  his  great  office — his  soul  uncharged 
with  the  blood  spent  and  the  thousands  of  lives  sacrificed  in  unhealthy  camps. 

“It  was  this  official  act  and  another  which  could  be  named  which  I had  in 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


527 


view  when  I spoke  of  "convictions/  not  the  private  acts  of  the  individual  Mr. 
McKinley,  which  do  not  concern  us. 

"‘Representatives  and  Senators,  on  the  other  hand,  who  thought  in  their 
consciences  that  war  was  necessary,  are  not  responsible  for  results.  These  acted 
as  officials  should  act  always — in  obedience  to  what  is  right  as  they  see  it. 

""But  if  any  words  of  mine  bear  the  interpretation  that  I was  speaking  of 
anything  except  the  acts  of  the  President  in  his  official  capacity,  I express  unfeigned 
regret  and  publicly  apologize  for  them, 

""I  never  approached  a President  of  the  United  States  without  being  awecl, 
nor  did  I do  so  this  week,  when  I was  honored  by  being  accorded  an  interview  with 
President  McKinley. 

‘I  speak  against  his  policy  as  President  in  the  strongest  terms,  and  denounce 
it,  but  well  do  I know  the  man  as  one  of  the  best  intentioned  and  purest  living 
men — a model  of  every  virtue — 


""  "The  kindest  man; 

The  best  conditioned  and  unwearied  spirit 
In  doing  courtesies/ 

""I  have  known  Mr.  McKinley  most  of  my  political  life.  I have  always  been 
his  friend,  but  never  so  much  his  friend  as  I am  to-day,  when  I tell  him  the 
truth  as  I see  it.  Would  that  he  had  more  such  friends,  for  many  of  those  about 
him  only  whisper  their  dissent  from  his  policy  behind  his  back.  Every  man  of 
position  who  feels  his  country  endangered  should  write  to  the  President. 

“This  much  the  President  knows:  he  has  one  friend  who  speaks  boldly  to 
him  face  to  face,  one  who  has  no  favor  to  ask  and  fears  nothing  save  his  own 
self-reproach. 

""When  called  upon  to  consider  the  public  safety  let  it  never  be  forgotten, 
however,  that  some  of  the  direst  evils  that  ever  fell  upon  nations  have  come  from 
the  best  of  men  in  all  the  domestic  virtues,  but  men  irresolute  of  purpose.  Had 
President  Buchanan  been  a President  Jackson  we  should  have  been  saved  the  Civil 
War.  The  President  is  too  modest,  and  fails,  as  I think,  to  rate  either  his  high  office 
or  himself  at  true  value. 

""So  much  for  the  President  as  a man  and  as  a public  official,  the  one  sacred 
from  criticism,  the  other  not,  for  public  officials’  acts  or  policies  are  the  property 
of  the  people.  We  fail  in  our  duty  if  we  do  not  arraign  him  when  we  believe 
his  acts  or  his  policy  are  against  our  country’s  good.  I do  not  intend  to  fail  in  the 
performance  of  this  duty. 

""I  did  not  fail  In  this  duty  to  President  Grant,  with  whose  friendship  I was 


528 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


honored,  or  to  the  country,  when  he  proposed  the  annexation  of  San  Domingo, 
which  was  not  ‘criminal  aggression’  upon  his  part,  for  its  people  desired  annexation. 

“I  have  done  with  President  McKinley  just  as  I did  with  President  Grant — 
opposed  and  denounced  his  policy.  General  Grant  remained  my  friend  notwith- 
standing to  the  end,  and  I his  friend. 

“President  McKinley  may  also,  or  may  not,  hut  I shall  remain  his  well-wisher 
and  friend  as  a man,  and  a stanch  one,  although  I see  in  his  policy  as  President 
nothing  but  disaster  for  our  country,  and  have  told  him  so,  and  intend  to  keep 
on  telling  him  so  until  the  issue  is  settled  beyond  the  reach  of  discussion. 

“To  resume  the  discussion,  it  is  not  for  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  decide,  when  he  becomes  once  again  a constitutional  ruler,  whether  he  can  or 
cannot  deprive  any  citizen  of  the  United  States  of  the  right  which  the  Con- 
stitution gives  him  to  send  his  products  to  any  territory  over  which  the  flag  holds 
sway,  free  of  all  tariffs  within  the  broad  domain  of  the  Republic.  This  is  a con- 
stitutional right  which  even  Congress  cannot  impair. 

“This  question  is  to  be  decided  by  the  highest  and  most  august  tribunal  of  the 
world,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  composed  of  nine  able,  pure  men, 
who  hold  office  for  life,  independent  of  President,  of  Congress  or  of  a popular  vote, 
a court  which  has  just  struck  down  the  greatest  combination  of  capital  that  the 
world  ever  saw,  a combination  of  the  railway  interests  of  this  country — a court 
which  will  not  hesitate  to  apply  the  fundamental  principles  which  underlie  our 
Government,  and  uphold  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  citizen  from  the  attack 
of  either  President  or  Congress.  Therein  lies  the  safety  of  the  Republic. 

“Whether  the  dictum  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  to  debar  me 
from  sending  steel  made  by  the  highest-priced  labor  in  the  world  to  all  American 
territory  and  prevent  me  from  bringing  back  from  the  Philippines  in  the  same 
ship  the  hemp  of  Manila,  free  of  all  tariffs,  as  I can  do  to  Hawaii,  is  to  be 
decided  by  the  Supreme  Court,  and  only  by  it. 

“If  it  is  so  decreed  I shall  bow  without  a murmur,  as  every  loyal  citizen  of 
the  United  States  should  bow  to  that  tribunal,  but  we  bow  not  to  the  President 
except  when  he  is  war  lord,  commander-in-chief,  whose  request  to  me  to  sail  for 
the  Philippines  to-morrow,  or  to  any  place  in  the  world,  to  perform  services  to 
the  Republic,  I consider  myself  bound  to  obey,  as  a soldier  would  obey  his  superior, 
but  whose  commands  in  the  days  of  peace  I will  question  and  take  to  a higher  court 
if  I think  he  attempts  to  rob  me  of  a constitutional  right.  This  is  the  birthright 
of  every  American  citizen. 

“I  have  laid  a matter  for  serious  consideration  before  the  farmers  and  their 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


529 


workingmen,  and  before  the  wage-earners  of  the  country.  Their  products  cannot 
reach  the  Philippines  under  the  President’s  action.  Two  thousand  to  five  thousand 
additional  miles  of  transportation  rule  them  out  in  competition  with  the  agri- 
cultural products  of  the  Argentine  Republic,  of  India,  of  Russia,  and  with  the 
manufacturers  of  Britain,  France  and  Germany. 

“The  open  door  to  the  foreigner  means  the  ‘closed  door’  to  the  United  States. 

“Strange  day’s  work  this  for  an  American  President,  who  against  the  commerce 
destroyers  of  his  country  should 

“ ‘Have  barred  the  door,  not  borne  the  knife  himself.’ 

“Mr.  Murat  Halstead,  speaking  at  Homestead,  Pa.,  said  the  Philippines  will 
be  to  the  United  States  what  India  is  to  England.’  This  is  what  I believe  they 
will  be,  but  does  Mr.  Halstead  know  what  India  is  to  England? 

“Perhaps  he  has  never  been  to  India — I have.  I have  met  the  Indians  who 
speak  English — who  have  spoken  to  me  freely,  because  I was  an  American.  What 
does  education  make  of  Indians?  Incipient  rebels!  They  have  taken  to  heart 
Washington  and  our  struggle  for  independence;  they  speak  most  of  Cromwell,  and 
of  Bolivar,  Wallace  and  Tell. 

“England  in  India  stands  to-day  upon  a volcano.  She  has  to  keep  60,000 
British  troops  there  to  hold  the  people  in  subjection.  She  does  not  trust  one 
gun  in  the  hands  of  native  troops.  They  can  have  muskets,  but  the  artillery  is 
all  held  by  the  British  regiments.  England  has  been  in  India  for  nearly  200 
years — this  is  the  condition  she  is  still  in  to-day.  Of  all  the  perils  of  England, 
that  of  India  is  the  greatest. 

“There  is  scarcely  a statesman  of  Britain  who  does  not  wish  privately,  ‘Would 
that  we  were  safely  out  cf  India!’  More  than  one  of  them  has  said  so  to  me. 
What  does  India  do  for  England?  Ask  the  desolate  homes  that  I have  known 
in  Britain.  The  late  war  against  the  Afridis  plunged  many  thousands  of  homes 
of  England  in  mourning.  The  greatest  weakness  that  England  possesses  to-day  is 
India.  "Were  it  not  for  India  she  would  not  fear  Russia. 

“India  is  the  curse  of  Britain  and  the  Philippines  will  be  the  curse  of  the 
United  States.  If  you  teach  suppressed  people  at  all  you  make  them  rebels. 
Education  is  fatal  to  the  government  of  a superior  race.  The  slaveholders  under- 
stood this — in  order  to  maintain  slavery  the  slave  could  not  be  taught  to  read.  The 
Declaration  of  Independence  will  make  every  ambitious  Filipino  a dissatisfied, 
subject. 

“I  thank  Mr.  Halstead  for  teaching  me  that  phrase.  I could  not  ask  for 


ANDREW  CARNEGIE  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


anything  better.  The  Philippines  are  to  be  to  the  United  States  what  India  is 
to  Britain.  Agreed. 

“I  hope  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  heard  what  Mr.  Halstead  has 
said,  and  that  it  will  induce  him  to  look  into  the  question  of  India  and  England. 
Upon  this  text  I stake  the  whole  issue — only  let  the  Americans  learn  what  India 
is  to  Britain  and  the  President’s  policy  is  doomed.  Thanks  again.  Friend  Hal- 
stead. 


CHAPTER  III. 


SENATOR  CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  Distinguished  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  and 
Member  of  the  Peace  Commission  Declares  His  Position — The  American 
People  Have  Made  an  Immeasurable  Advance  Within  a Year — The  Presi- 
dent’s Good  Work — The  Story  of  the  Making  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace — 
No  Warning  that  Americans  Claimed  Too  Much — Filipinos  Not  Ready  for 
Sovereignty  Over  Civilized  People — Historical  Antecedents  of  Expansion — 
The  Question  What  We  Shall  Do  with  the  Philippine  Archipelago  Not  Yet 
Upon  Us — It  Will  Be  Fair  and  Honorable. 

Senator  Cushman  K.  Davis  ripon  the  question  of  American  policy  towards 
the  Philippines,  speaking  with  the  weight  of  authority  of  the  chairman  of  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  and  that  of  Peace  Commissioner  in 
preparation  at  Paris  of  the  treaty  with  Spain,  said: 

“The  American  people  and  humanity  within  the  last  twelve  months  have 
advanced  an  immeasurable  distance,  never  to  recede.  Nations,  like  individuals, 
do  not  shape  their  own  destinies.  The  personal  experience  of  every  individual 
man  teaches  him  that  events  in  the  earlier  part  of  his  life  which  seemed  incon- 
siderable to  him  have  deflected  the  entire  intended  course  of  his  destiny,  as  marked 
by  him,  and  sometimes  moved  him  to  higher  altitudes  of  performance  than  he 
had  ever  dreamed  possible.  And  it  is  so  of  nations.  Although  we  may  plan  wisely 
by  constitutional  requirements,  by  statutory  enactments,  by  party  policy,  there 
come — whether  by  Providence  or  the  evolutionary  processes — interventions  in  the 
affairs  of  nations,  by  that  divinity  that  shapes  the  ends  thereof,  hew  them  how  we 
will. 

“As  I said,  we  have  passed  an  eventful  twelve  months,  and  you  will  pardon  me 
if  I say  here — not  in  the  spirit  of  partisanship,  but  in  just  tribute  to  a conspicu- 
ous public  character  who  has  largely  guided  these  momentous  events — that  I 
regard  President  McKinley,  from  the  complete  equilibrium  of  his  character,  from 
his  attentive  observation  of  the  dictates  of  that  majestic  public  opinion  by  which 
the  results  of  all  American  issues  are  finally  determined,  by  his  firmness  when  a 
course  of  action  has  been  resolved  upon,  by  his  observance  of  the  restrictions  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  as  a character  altogether  unique  among  American 
Presidents.  I do  not  believe  that  in  all  the  long  and  illustrious  rule  of  the  men 
who  have  filled  that  exalted  chair  there  has  been  any  man  who  has  gone  through 

531 


532 


SENATOR  CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS  FOR  EXPANSION. 


processes  and  situations  of  more  difficulty,  testing  alike  the  judgment  and  the 
conscience,  with  more  success  and  greater  acceptability  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  than  President  McKinley. 

“The  results  of  the  war  were  sudden  and  spectacular.  No  war  was  ever  so 
shortly  ended;  no  war  was  ever  marked  with  such  total  annihilation  of  one  of  the 
opposing  forces.  And,  finally,  the  time  came  when  Spain  was  obliged  to  sue  for 
peace,  and  the  result  was  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  empowered  and 
appointed  five  citizens  to  proceed  to  Paris  to  endeavor  to  negotiate  a final  treaty 
with  that  monarchy.  All  of  the  members  of  that  commission,  excepting  one,  were 
men  of  no  diplomatic  experience  whatever.  They  had  nothing  to  guide  them  but 
what  they  esteemed  to  he  a plain  and  clear  conception  of  the  interests  of  this 
country,  and  of  the  duties  of  this  victorious  Nation  toward  the  general  cause  of 
humanity.  The  one  exception — and  I deem  it  entirely  proper  to  mention  it  here — 
the  one  exception  of  the  man  who  possessed  diplomatic  experience  was  Mr.  White- 
law  Reid,  who  had  had  great  and  considerable  experience  in  that  way,  and  whose 
counsels  in  that  respect  and  whose  ability  in  all  other  respects  were  of  the  greatest 
assistance  to  us. 

“The  members  of  the  Spanish  Commission  were  men  of  great  experience,  men 
who  had  occupied  high  diplomatic  and  judicial  and  military  positions  in  their  own 
country,  and,  in  short,  the  best  ability  of  Spain  had  been  sent  to  confront  the 
American  Commissioners. 

“Of  course,  the  terms  of  the  treaty  up  to  a certain  point  were  plainly  laid  down 
by  the  protocol,  which  had  been  entered  into  between  Spain  and  the  United  States 
in  August  last.  They  were  the  relinquishment  of  the  sovereignty  of  Cuba;  the 
cession  of  Porto  Rico  from  the  other  West  India  islands,  and  the  occupation  of  the 
city,  bay,  and  harbor  of  Manila  until  the  control  and  disposition  and  government 
of  the  Philippine  Islands  should  have  been  disposed  of  by  a treaty  of  peace. 

“The  first  point  of  conflict  that  we  encountered  was  the  insistence  of  the 
Spanish  commissioners  that  with  the  relinquishment  of  the  sovereignty  of  Cuba 
to  be  made  to  the  United  States,  which  amounted  to  a cession,  should  go  an  assump- 
tion by  the  United  States,  and  from  her  to  Cuba,  whenever  she  should  be  estab- 
lished as  a government,  of  the  entire  so-called  colonial  debt  of  Cuba. 

“That  debt  amounted  to  $700,000,000.  Of  course  we  rejected  the  proposition 
and  we  would  have  rejected  it  if  that  debt  had  been  700  cents.  I had  the  honor 
myself  of  making  an  answer  to  a very  able  argument  of  Senor  Montero  Rios  that, 
as  a matter  of  international  law  of  course  there  should  be  an  apportionment  of 
the  debt,  a prorating  of  the  matter  by  some  scale,  which  was  easy  to  adopt.  He 


SENATOR  CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS  FOR  EXPANSION. 


533 


cited  many  instances  where  such  an  adjustment  of  the  colonial  debt  had  been  made, 
and  from  that  he  endeavored  to  exhaust  the  matters  of  special  convention  into  a 
matter  of  general  international  law.  To  that  we  made  one  answer,  that  it  was  not 
a principle  in  international  law,  that  the  true  principle  was  that  whenever  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  original  empire  remained  as  in  the  case  of  Spain,  where  any  nation 
or  people  had  risen  in  the  assertion  of  their  liberties  and  had  achieved  them  either 
independently  or  by  the  aid  of  another  power,  that  the  mother  country  took  entire 
burden  of  the  debt,  especially  when  a large  part  of  it  was  created  in  an  effort  to 
subjugate  and  subdue  that  colony  which  had  attempted  to  gain  its  independence. 

“We  adopted  articles  for  the  relinquishment  of  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  and 
of  the  cession  of  Porto  Rico,  and  then  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of  other  minor 
matters.  Finally  wre  submitted  our  proposition  for  the  cession  pure  and  simple  of 
the  Philippine  archipelago,  and  then  after  a solid  five  weeks  the  Spanish  commis- 
sioners wheeled  around  and  reoccupied  the  position  as  to  the  assumption  of  the 
colonial  debt,  which  we  had  supposed  they  had  abandoned,  and  said  to  us  in  a not 
entirely  diplomatic  manner,  that  it  might  as  well  he  understood,  and  they  did  not 
want  to  repeat  it  again,  that  any  proposition  for  peace  which  did  not  involve  the 
assumption  of  the  proper  proportion  of  the  colonial  debt  would  thwart  the  negotia- 
tions. 

“Thereupon,  after  some  consultation,  the  American  commissioners,  tired  of 
this  wheeling  and  whirling  from  one  point  to  another,  laid  down  to  the  Spanish 
commissioners  an  ultimatum  for  the  relinquishment  of  Cuba  without  the  debt,  for 
he  cession  of  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine  Islands  and  gave  them  a period  of 
fight  days  to  answer  with  a prospect  of  the  suspension  of  negotiations,  if  a favor- 
ible  auswer  was  not  forthcoming  at  the  end  of  that  time.  At  the  end  of  eight  days 
he  Spanish  commissioners  acquiesced. 

“The  proceedings  after  that  were  matter  of  incident  and  mere  form,  and  the 
esult  was  that  on  December  10,  1898,  a treaty  was  concluded  and  signed  at  Paris, 
bout  7 o’clock  in  the  evening,  which,  although  perhaps  it  does  not  become  me  to 
ay,  yet  I will  say  it,  was  the  most  complete  diplomatic  triumph  ever  received  in 
he  annals  of  international  negotiation. 

“For  all  the  time  that  we  had  been  in  Paris  no  word  whatever  of  admonition 
ame  from  sea  or  shore  that  the  American  negotiators  were  claiming  too  much  for 
heir  country,  that  one  single  thing  that  they  had  asked  was  in  excess  of  the  just 
equirements  of  the  situation,  and  I will  say,  for  one,  that  I was  greatly  surprised  to 
;nd  after  we  returned  here  that  there  was  a class  of  people  in  this  country — phe- 


534 


SENATOR  CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS  FOR  EXPANSION. 


nomena  in  the  museum  of  humanity — who  were  emaciated  with  surplus,  who  grew 
lean  upon  enough  and  grew  fat  upon  a deficit. 

“It  was  at  first  thought  that  it  would  be  sufficient  to  take  the  island  of  Luzon, 
but  the  best  military  and  naval  authorities,  Admiral  Dewey,  General  Merritt,  Com- 
mander Bradbury,  laid  the  situation  before  us  from  a military,  naval  and  strategic 
point  of  view,  which  made  it  perfectly  obvious  that  we  must  either  take  the  entire 
archipelago  or  abandon  it  entirely;  that  the  relations  of  those  islands  to  each  other 
were  such  that  the  acquisition  of  one,  with  a hostile  power  or  a foreign  power  of 
whatever  character  holding  the  others,  would  only  reproduce  the  conditions  of  Cuba 
as  against  the  United  States  and  create  a perpetual  sore  in  the  waters  of  the  East. 
We  were  bound,  in  view  of  the  astounding  development  which  the  Chinese  sover- 
eignty has  been  subject  to,  to  have  a sufficient  naval  station  in  those  waters.  Who 
in  this  audience  would  have  expected  that  we  would  have  left  the  Philippines  or 
any  portion  of  those  islands  to  the  ineffable  and  indescribable  atrocities  of  Spain? 
When  Dewey  set  the  stars  of  that  flag  amongst  the  antipodal  glories  of  the  East, 
he  imposed  upon  the  American  people  a responsibility  which  we  cannot  avoid,  and 
so,  considering  conditions  to  which  I will  advert  more  fully  in  a few  moments,  it 
was  decided  that  we  should  demand,  and  we  did  demand  and  receive,  the  cession  of 
the  entire  archipelago  of  the  Philippines. 

“It  is  not  a question  of  what  we  shall  do  in  the  future.  We  are  already  com- 
mitted to  the  situation.  We  cannot  put  it  aside  or  avoid  it  if  we  would.  We  cannot 
escape  the  responsibility  which  events,  evolution,  or  Providence  has  imposed  upon 
us.  Will  any  American  citizen,  under  present  conditions,  advocate  that  Dewey 
shall  sail  away  from  the  harbor  of  Manila?  That  our  troops  shall  vacate  that  is- 
land? That  we,  with  an  armed  force  of  insurrection  arrayed  against  the  boys  in 
blue  and  the  American  flag,  who  went  there  as  their  friends,  shall  in  the  face  of 
the  civilized  world,  like  cowards  in  the  night,  evacuate  those  waters,  and  remit  the 
Philippines  to  internal  anarchy  or  foreign  dismemberment?  What  would  be  the 
result?  The  Filipinos  are  not  in  a present  condition  to  govern  themselves  and  es- 
tablish that  independent  republic  of  which  fond  theorists  dream.  I think  no  man 
in  this  audience  who  has  read  the  current  journals  will  for  a moment  question  that 
they  are  not.  We  cannot  endure,  in  view  of  our  past  and  coming  interests  in  the 
Orient,  that  the  Philippines  shall  be  dismembered  by  foreign  powers,  as  they  will 
be  the  minute  the  United  States  removes  itself  from  that  situation,  and,  above  all 
things,  my  fellow  citizens,  although  they  appear  perhaps  dimly  before  us  now,  yet 
I believe  there  is  a profound  conviction  in  the  minds  of  the  American  people  that 
part  of  all  this  force  which  has  pushed  us  there  and  established  us  there  is  an  im- 


SENATOR  CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS  FOR  EXPANSION. 


535 


petus  which  tells  for  civilization,  for  a better  Christianity,  and  that  the  United 
States  as  the  great  evangelist  of  the  world  is  bound  to  play  a leading  part  in  those 
waters  and  in  those  islands. 

“I  would  treat  the  Filipinos  in  this  way,  considering  their  present  condition 
and  their  inconsiderate  actions,  stimulated,  I believe,  by  inconsiderate  advice  from 
the  United  States,  I would  treat  them  with  the  hand  of  paternal  affection,  whenever 
possible,  and  by  the  hand  of  paternal  chastisement  whenever  necessary.  And  when 
the  time  should  come  by  the  handling  and  development  of  the  people,  little  by  little, 
they  could  be  admitted  to  local  autonomy,  which  I would  grant  to  the  fullest  ex- 
tent wherever  possible.  I would  adopt  toward  them  the  same  course  that  Great 
Britain  has  adopted  toward  her  civilized  colonies,  and  I would  rejoice  that  in  the 
process  of  time  an  island  republic  could  he  established  there  in  the  Philippines 
against  the  island  empire  of  Japan.  But,  until  that  time  shall  come,  the  interest, 
the  honor,  the  security  of  the  American  people  demand  that  we  shall  hold  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands,  not  only  under  our  protection  but  under  our  rule. 

“To  me  the  acquisition  of  the  Philippine  archipelago  is  not  a mere  gratification 
of  lust  or  pride  of  conquest.  Let  us  all  endeavor  to  look  a little  beyond  day  after 
to-morrow  as  to  these  things.  Let  us  mark  certain  great  tendencies  proceeding 
with  all  the  force  and  regularity,  and  sometimes  with  the  slowness  of  a great  geo- 
logical process,  and  see  what  is  meant  by  that  which  is  transpiring  on  the  surface 
of  human  affairs  within  the  last  fifty  years,  and,  fellow  citizens,  the  tendency — shall 
1 call  it  of  humanity,  or  shall  I call  it  by  the  forces  which  move  the  human  race 
toward  the  Chinese  Orient — the  Pacific  East.  Everything  has  been  subdivisioned. 
France  has  acquired  Madagascar.  The  great  centers  of  activity  are  upon  the  east 
coast  of  Asia.  Russia  is  constructing  across  Siberia  that  great  trans-continental 
railroad  which  was  foretold  200  years  ago.  By  the  treaty  of  1896  Russia  has  ob- 
tained practical  control  of  Chinese  Manchuria,  an  area  as  large  as  Texas,  and  con- 
taining twenty  million  people.  She  has  obtained  Port  Arthur,  always  open,  for  a 
terminus  of  a railroad  instead  of  Vladivostock,  frozen  four  months  in  the  year. 
France  has  seized  Siam,  Annam,  Cambodia,  and  Cochin  China.  Germany  has  made 
a compensatory  seizure.  I am  not  in  favor  of  the  dismemberment  of  that  great 
empire,  an  empire  which  was  old  when  Alexander  watered  his  steed  in  the  River 
Incus,  an  empire  which  has  within  itself  the  greatest  experiences  of  the  human 
race.  I am  in  favor  of  retaining  the  integrity  of  that  empire,  and  let  it  be  acces- 
sible to  the  civilized  world  of  commerce.  Accordingly,  I say  and  think  that  it  would 
' safeguard  the  business  of  the  world  in  those  waters  for  fifty  years,  if  Great  Britain 


536 


SENATOR  CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS  FOR  EXPANSION. 


and  Japan  and  the  United  States  should  declare  with  their  united  power  that  there 
should  be  no  dismemberment  of  that  immemorial  empire. 

“There  are  other  reasons.  The  American  peace  commissioners  were  taught 
all  too  painfully  while  we  were  in  Paris  that  we  had  not  a friend  on  the  continent 
of  Europe — not  a friend.  That  treaty  was  made  under  the  most  adverse  conditions 
of  public  sentiment  so  far  as  continental  Europe  was  concerned.  Our  diplomatic 
relations  with  Germany  and  France,  and  all  of  the  other  nations,  while  now  en- 
tirely satisfactory — and  exaggerated  in  the  public  press,  especially  in  regard  to  our 
relations  with  Germany — yet  considering  their  aggressions  upon  the  coast  of  China, 
their  intentions  regarding  the  dismemberment  of  the  vast  empire,  the  enormous 
military  force,  and  those  millions  of  fatalists — of  men  who  fight  without  regard 
to  death,  under  the  dominion  of  a foreign  power,  within  thirty  years  could  be  made 
immensely  dangerous  to  the  United  States. 

“I  don’t  want  to  see  my  country  beceme  the  China  of  the  West.  In  these  days, 
when  space  has  been  annihilated  by  steam,  I don’t  view  with  complacency  and  with- 
out apprehension  the  destiny  of  the  great  empire  or  empires  of  dismembered  China, 
ready  to  descend  upon  the  Western  coast  of  the  United  States.  It  was  to  obviate 
that  that  I advocated  so  earnestly  the  acquisition  of  Hawaii.  It  is  to  forestall  that 
that  I am  willing  and  anxious  to  see  some  of  our  lands  well  fortified  and  made  a 
base  of  defense  and  naval  operations.  Perhaps  these  things  may  be  speculative,  but 
they  are  well  enough  to  think  on. 

“But  above  all  things,  for  present  considerations  I am  immensely  interested 
that  this  country  shall  have  its  share  of  the  trade  of  that  great  empire.  We  ex- 
ported over  $1,200,000,000  last  year.  Our  competitors  for  the  markets  of  the  world 
are  eager,  anxious,  unscrupulous  sometimes.  The  empire  of  China,  with  its  400,- 
000,000  of  people,  one-third  of  the  human  race,  if  opened  to  the  instrumentalities 
of  modern  civilization,  is  an  event,  in  my  opinion,  quite,  if  not  more,  pretentious 
and  important  than  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus,  and  it  is  my  desire  and 
hope  and  expectation,  and  it  is  that  to  which  my  humble  labors  have  been  and  will 
be  directed  to  secure  for  this  Government  and  its  people,  for  its  manufacturers  of 

1 

Chicago,  Pittsburg,  Philadelphia,  St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis  their  share  in  that 
trade. 

“California,  Washington  and  Oregon  have  not  2,000,000  of  people  to-day.  I 
want  to  see  the  commercial  progress  of  that  country  go  on  until  there  are  20,000,000 
people  there,  the  anchor  of  our  security  as  a result  of  commerce  in  those  waters, 
and  I do  honestly  and  sincerely  believe  from  all  I have  studied  and  read  and  thought 
on  that  subject  that  the  retention  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  their  adjustment  to 


SENATOR  CUSHMAN  K.  DAVIS  FOR  EXPANSION. 


539 


iur  relations,  is  a necessary  and  indispensable  step  in  the  advancement  of  the  great 
deas  to  which  I have  so  imperfectly  alluded. 

“And  now,  in  the  matter  of  our  foreign  relations,  and  as  to  what  affects  our 
xterior  interests,  we  are  all  one — one  in  interest.  We  may  not  be  one  in  opinion, 
iut  we  certainly  ought  to  be  one  in  a sincere  and  honest  conclusion.  Surely  in  the 
eart  of  no  man  there  can  enter  in  the  various  diversities  of  opinion  which  involve 
uch  a subject  any  desire,  hope,  or  thought  that  does  not  conduce  to  the  interest 
f his  country.  We  all  differ;  we  have  different  shades  of  opinion  upon  all  ques- 
ions,  contingent  and  future.  The  question  of  what  we  shall  do  with  the  Philippine 
rchipelago  is  not  yet  upon  us.  We  are  actually  now  in  the  possession  of  all  those 
lands.  We  own  them,  or  shall  own  them  when  Spain  ratifies  the  treaty  of  ces- 
ion,  and  the  question  is,  shall  we  decide  at  once?  Must  we  say  now  and  at  once 
rat  the  territory  for  which  we  have  paid  $20,000,000,  for  which  American  blood 
as  been  shed,  and  may  be  being  shed  to-night  or  to-day,  for  it  is  regardless  of  party 
;rife,  stand  with  united  front,  confronting  every  opposition?  And  it  is  well  that 
; is  so,  and  so,  my  friends — partisan  as  I am — if  anything  that  I shall  say  to-night 
rail  bear  the  least  tinge  of  partisan  complexion,  I beg  you  to  believe  that  it  is  not 
n that  account,  but  that  because  in  the  broad  scope  of  American  citizenship  and 
.merican  faith  I believe  that  what  I shall  say  is  coincident  with  all  considerations 
f national  dignity  and  honor.” 


CHAPTER  IV. 


COL.  W.  J.  BRYAN. 

Astonished  that  Any  American  Citizen  Would  Uphold  the  Doctrine  of  Gainii 
Land  by  Conquest — He  Could  Have  Told  McKinley  to  Take  Care  Not 
Confide  in  Public  Opinion  Formed  at  the  Rear  of  a Car — Imperialis 
Wanted  to  Exercise  Sovereignty  Over  an  Alien  Race — Self-Governmei 
Was  Gained  in  the  School  of  Government — No  Excuse  for  a Colonial  Polit 
— Mr.  Gage  the  Key-Hole  of  the  Administration — The  Colonial  Polit 
Rested  on  Vicarious  Enjoyment — A Call  for  the  Ancient  Law-Giver  c 
Sinai — Against  a Larger  Army — Imperialists  Confuse  Their  Beatitudes- 
Not  Profitable  to  Buy  a Lawsuit — Muffle  the  Liberty  Bell — Give  Me  Liberi 
or  Give  Me  Death. 

Col.  W.  J.  Bryan,  whose  candidacy  for  the  Presidency  in  1896  was  an  episoi 
in  our  political  history  of  vast,  various  and  memorable  conspicuity,  says: 

“It  is  astonishing  that  any  man  living  in  this  age  of  the  world,  living  in  tl 
United  States,  should  uphold  the  doctrine  of  securing  land  by  conquest. 

“J efferson  was  against  it  long  years  ago.  Blaine  was  against  it  in  1890.  Ai 
a year  ago  last  December  the  President  of  the  United  States  sent  a message  to  Coi 
gress,  and  in  that  message  he  said: 

“ ‘I  speak  not  of  forcible  annexation,  because  that  is  not  to  be  thought  of;  ui 
der  our  code  of  morality  that  would  be  criminal  aggression.’  That  was  only  a ye: 
ago;  I stand  to-day  where  McKinley  stood  a year  ago,  and  where  he  must  go  ba( 
if  the  American  people  support  him.  My  friends,  there  is  a great  moral  questic 
involved,  declared  so  by  your  President;  a code  of  morality  is  in  question,  and  a 
cording  to  that  code,  forcible  annexation  is  criminal  aggression. 

“President  McKinley  said  he  learned  the  sentiment  of  the  people  on  this  que 
tion  during  his  trip  through  the  West  last  fall.  You  cannot  find  out  the  sentimei 
of  the  people  on  a great  question  by  just  going  through  the  country  and  gatherii 
it  up.  If  he  had  asked  me  I could  have  told  him  how  careful  he  ought  to  be  aboi 
estimating  the  sentiment  of  the  people  from  the  rear  of  a car.  If  he  will  put  h 
ear  to  the  ground  he  will  find  that  the  people  are  declaring  that  the  long  establish* 
principles  of  our  Government  are  still  good,  and  that  we  do  not  have  to  borrow  01 
foreign  policies  or  our  financial  policies  from  alien  countries.” 

The  Colonel  remains  true  to  his  Chicago  platform,  saying  it  “was  good  wht 
it  was  adopted;  it  grows  better  with  age.  It  was  strong  in  1896;  it  is  strong 

540 


COL.  W.  J.  BRYAN. 


541 


now.  The  Democratic  party  could  not  ignore  the  issues  raised  by  the  war.  It  must 
speak  out  against  militarism  now  or  forever  hold  its  peace.  A large  standing  army 
is  not  only  an  expense  to  the  people,  hut  it  is  a menace  to  the  nation,  and  the 
Democratic  party  will  he  a unit  in  opposing  it. 

“A  word  in  regard  to  imperialism.  Those  who  advocate  the  annexation  of  the 
Philippines  call  themselves  expansionists,  hut  they  are  really  imperialists.  The 
word  expansion  would  describe  the  acquisition  of  territory  to  be  populated  by  homo- 
geneous people  and  to  he  carved  into  states  like  those  now  in  existence.  An  empire 
suggests  variety  in  race  and  diversity  in  government.  The  imperialists  do  not  de- 
sire to  clothe  the  Filipinos  with  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  American  citizen- 
ship; they  want  to  exercise  sovereignty  over  an  alien  race,  and  they  expect  to  rule 
the  new  subjects  upon  a theory  entirely  at  variance  with  constitutional  government. 
Victoria  is  Queen  of  Great  Britain  and  Empress  of  India;  shall  we  change  the  title 
of  our  Executive  and  call  him  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  Emperor  of 
the  Philippines? 

“The  Democratic  party  stood  for  the  money  of  the  Constitution  in  1896;  it 
stands  for  the  government  of  the  Constitution  now.  It  opposed  an  English  -finan- 
cial policy  in  1896;  it  opposes  an  English  colonial  policy  now.  Those  who  in  1896 
were  in  favor  of  turning  the  American  people  over  to  the  greed  of  foreign  financiers 
and  domestic  trusts  may  now  be  willing  to  turn  the  Filipinos  over  to  the  tender 
mercies  of  military  governors  and  carpetbag  officials: 

“Those  who  in  1896  thought  the  people  of  the  United  States  too  weak  to  attend 
to  their  own  business  may  now  think  them  strong  enough  to  attend  to  the  business 
of  remote  and  alien  races,  but  those  who  in  1896  fought  for  independence  for  the 
American  people  will  not  now  withhold  independence  from  those  who  desire  it  else- 
where. 

“We  are  told  that  the  Filipinos  are  no:  capable  of  self-government;  that  has 
a familiar  ring.  Only  two  years  ago  I heard  the  no  argument  made  against  a 
very  respectable  minority  of  the  people  of  this  country.  The  money-lenders,  who 
coerced  their  employes,  did  it  upon  that  theory;  the  employers  who  coerced  their 
employes  did  it  for  the  same  reason.  Self-government  increases  with  participation 
in  government.  The  Filipinos  are  not  far  enough  advanced  to  share  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  hut  they  are  competent  to  govern  them- 
selves. It  is  not  fair  to  compare  them  with  our  own  citizens,  because  the  American 
people  have  been  educating  themselves  in  the  science  of  government  for  nearly 
three  centuries,  and,  while  we  have  much  to  learn,  we  have  already  made  great  im- 
provement. The  Filipinos  will  not  establish  a perfect  government,  but  they  will 


542 


COL.  W.  J.  BRYAN. 


establish  a government  as  nearly  perfect  as  they  are  competent  to  enjoy,  and  the 
United  States  can  protect  them  from  molestation  from  without. 

“Give  the  Filipinos  time  and  opportunity  and,  while  they  never  will  catch  up 
with  us,  unless  we  cease  to  improve,  yet  they  may  some  day  stand  where  we  stand 
now. 

“What  excuse  can  be  given  for  the  adoption  of  a colonial  policy?  Secretary 
Gage  disclosed  the  secret  in  Iris  Savannah  speech.  I think  we  might  be  justified  in 
calling  Mr.  Gage  the  keyhole  of  the  administration,  because  we  look  through  him  I 
to  learn  what  is  going  on  within  the  executive  council  chamber.  He  suggested  that 
‘philanthropy  and  5 per  cent’  would  go  hand  in  hand  in  the  new  venture.  These 
are  the  two  arguments  which  are  always^  used  in  favor  of  conquest.  Philanthropy | 
and  5 per  cent.  The  one  chloroforms  the  conscience  of  the  conquerer  and  the  other 
picks  the  pocket  of  the  conquered. 

“Some  say  that  philanthropy  demands  that  we  govern  the  Filipinos  for  their 
own  good,  while  others  assert  that  we  must  hold  the  islands  because  of  the  pecuniary 
profit  to  be  derived  from  them.  I deny  the  soundness  of  both  arguments.  Forcible 
annexation  will  not  only  be  criminal  aggression  (to  borrow  Mr.  McKinley’s  language 
of  a year  ago),  but  it  will  cost  more  than  it  is  worth  and  the  whole  people  will  pay 
the  cost  while  a few  will  reap  all  the  benefits. 

“Still  weaker  is  the  argument  based  upon  religious  duty.  The  Christian  reli- 
gion rests  upon  the  doctrine  of  vicarious  suffering  and  atonement;  the  colonial  pol- 
icy rests  upon  the  doctrine  of  vicarious  enjoyment. 

“When  the  desire  to  steal  becomes  uncontrollable  in  an  individual  he  is  de- 
clared to  be  a kleptomaniac  and  is  sent  to  an  asylum;  when  the  desire  to  grab  land 
becomes  uncontrollable  in  a nation  we  are  told  that  the  ‘currents  of  destiny  are' 
flowing  through  the  hearts  of  men’  and  that  the  American  people  are  entering  upon 
their  manifest  mission.  j 

“Shame  upon  a logic  which  locks  up  the  petty  offender  and  enthrones  grand 
larceny!  Have  the  people  returned  to  the  worship  of  the  golden  calf?  Have  they, 
made  unto  themselves  a new  commandment  consistent  with  the  spirit  of  conquest 
and  the  lust  for  empire?  Is  ‘Thou  shalt  not  steal  upon  a small  scale’  to  be  substi- 
tuted for  the  law  of  Moses?  | 

“Awake,  oh,  ancient  lawgiver,  awake!  Break  forth  from  thine  unmarked  sep- 
ulcher and  speed  thee  back  to  the  cloud-crowned  summit  of  Mount  Sinai,  commune 
once  more  with  the  God  of  our  fathers  and  proclaim  again  the  words  engraven  upon 
the  tables  of  stone — the  law  that  was,  the  law  that  is  to-day — the  law  that  neither 
individual  nor  nation  can  violate  with  impunity.” 


COL.  W.  J.  BRYAN. 


543 


He  called  attention  to  the  President’s  recommendation  of  a larger  army  and  in- 
sisted that  the  army  should  be  divided  into  two  branches — the  army  for  domestic 
use  in  the  United  States,  which  he  said  did  not  need  to  be  increased,  and  the  army 
of  occupation,  which  is  temporarily  necessary  for  use  outside  of  the  United  States. 
He  said  that  the  army  of  occupation  should  be  recruited  at  once,  in  order  to  relieve 
the  volunteers,  but  that  the  term  of  service  should  be  short,  because  the  nation’s 
policy  is  not  yet  settled.  He  suggested  that  the  demand  for  an  increase  in  the  army 
might  be  considered  as  the  first  fruit  of  that  victory  to  which  the  Republicans 
pointed  with  so  much  pride  last  November. 

Turning  to  the  question  of  annexation,  he  insisted  that  the  nation  has  not  yet 
lecided  what  to  do  with  the  Philippine  Islands.  He  spoke  in  part  as  follows: 

“The  sentiment  of  the  people  upon  any  great  question  must  be  measured  dur- 
ng  the  days  of  deliberation  and  not  during  the  hours  of  excitement.  A good  man 
vill  sometimes  be  engaged  in  a fight,  but  it  is  not  reasonable  to  expect  a judicial 
tpinion  from  him  until  he  has  had  time  to  wash  the  blood  off  his  face.  I have  seen 
l herd  of  mild-eyed,  gentle  kine  transformed  into  infuriated  beasts  by  the  sight 
md  scent  of  blood,  and  I have  seen  the  same  animals  quiet  and  peaceful  again  in  a 
ew  hours.  We  have  much  of  the  animal  in  us  still,  in  spite  of  our  civilizing  pro- 
:esses.  It  is  not  unnatural  that  our  people  should  be  more  sanguinary  immediately 
fter  a battle  than  they  were  before,  but  it  is  only  a question  of  time  when  reflec- 
ion  will  restore  the  conditions  which  existed  before  this  nation  became  engaged 
a the  war  with  Spain.  When  men  are  excited  they  talk  about  what  they  can  do; 
/hen  they  are  calm  they  talk  about  what  they  ought  to  do. 

“If  the  President  rightly  interpreted  the  feelings  of  the  people  when  they 
/ere  intoxicated  by  a military  triumph,  we  shall  appeal  from  ‘Philip  drunk  to  Philip 
ober.’  The  forcible  annexation  of  the  Philippine  Islands  would  violate  a principle 
f the  great  public  law  so  deeply  imbedded  in  the  American  mind  that  until  a 
ear  ago  no  public  man  would  have  suggested  it.  It  is  difficult  to  overestimate  the 
xfluence  which  such  a change  in  our  national  policy  would  produce  on  the  c-harac- 
sr  of  our  people.  Our  opponents  ask,  is  our  nation  not  great  enough  to  do  what 
Ingland,  Germany  and  Holland  are  doing?  They  inquire,  Can  we  not  govern  colo- 
ies  as  well  as  they? 

“Whether  we  can  govern  colonies  as  well  as  other  countries  can  is  not  material; 
jie  real  question  is  whether  we  can,  in  one  hemisphere,  develop  the  theory  that  gov- 
rnments  derive  their  just  powrer  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,  and  at  the  same 
me  inaugurate,  support  and  defend  in  the  other  hemisphere  a government  which 
erives  its  authority  entirely  from  superior  force.  And,  if  these  two  ideas  of  govern- 


544 


COL.  W.  J.  BRYAN. 


ment  cannot  live  together,  which  one  shall  we  choose?  To  defend  forcible  annexa- 
tion on  the  ground  that  we  are  carrying  out  a religious  duty  is  worse  than  absurd. 

“The  Bible  teaches  us  that  it  is  more  blessed  to  give  than  receive,  while  the 
colonial  policy  is  based  upon  the  doctrine  that  it  is  more  blessed  to  take  than  to 
leave.  I am  afraid  that  the  imperialists  have  confused  their  beatitudes.  I once 
heard  of  a man  who  mixed  up  the  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan  with  the  parable 
of  the  sower,  and  in  attempting  to  repeat  the  former  said:  ‘A  man  went  from 

Jerusalem  to  Jericho,  and  as  he  went  he  fell  among  thorns  and  the  thorns  sprang  up 
and  choked  him.’ 

“We  entered  the  Spanish  war  as  peacemakers.  Imperialists  have  an  indistinct 
recollection  that  a blessing  has  been  promised  to  the  peacemakers,  and  also  to  the 
meek,  but  their  desire  for  more  territory  has  perverted  their  memories  so  that  as 
they  recall  the  former  it  reads:  ‘Blessed  are  the  peacemakers,  for  they  shall  inherit 
the  earth.’  Annexation  cannot  be  defended  upon  the  ground  that  we  shall  find  a 
pecuniary  profit  in  the  policy.  The  advantage  which  may  come  to  a few  individ- 
uals who  hold  the  offices  or  who  secure  valuable  franchises  cannot  properly  be 
weighed  against  the  money  expended  in  governing  the  Philippines,  because  the 
money  expended  will  be  paid  by  those  who  pay  the  taxes.  We  are  not  yet  in  position 
to  determine  whether  the  people  of  the  United  States  as  a whole  will  bring  back 
from  the  Philippines  as  much  as  they  send  there. 

“There  is  an  old  saying  that  it  is  not  profitable  to  buy  a lawsuit.  Our  nation 
may  learn  by  experience  that  it  is  not  wise  to  purchase  the  right  to  conquer  a people. 
Spain,  under  compulsion,  gives  us  a quit  claim  to  the  Philippines  in  return  for 
$20,000,000,  but  she  does  not  agree  to  warrant  and  defend  our  title  as  against  the 
Filipinos.  To  buy  land  is  one  thing;  to  buy  people  is  another.  Land  is  inanimate 
and  makes  no  resistance  to  a transfer  of  title;  the  people  are  animate,  and  some- 
times desire  a voice  in  their  own  affairs.  But  whether,  measured  by  dollars  and 
cents,  the  conquest  of  the  Philippines  would  prove  profitable  or  expensive,  it  will 
certainly  prove  embarrassing  to  those  who  still  hold  to  the  doctrine  which  under- 
lies a republic. 

“Military  rule  is  antagonistic  to  our  theory  of  government.  The  arguments 
which  are  used  to  defend  it  in  the  Philippines  may  be  used  to  excuse  it  in  the 
United  States.  Under  military  rule  much  must  be  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  mil- 
itary governor,  and  this  can  only  be  justified  upon  the  theory  that  the  governor 
knows  more  than  the  people  whom  he  governs,  is  better  acquainted  with  their  needs 
than  they  are  themselves,  is  entirely  in  sympathy  with  them  and  is  thoroughly 
honest  and  unselfish  in  his  desire  to  do  them  good.  Such  a combination  of  wisdom, 


COL.  W.  J.  BRYAN. 


545 


tegrity  and  love  is  difficult  to  find,  and  the  Republican  party  will  enter  upon  a 
ird  task  when  it  starts  out  to  select  suitable  military  governors  for  our  remote 
>ssessions.  Even  if  the  party  has  absolute  confidence  in  its  great  political  man- 
ner, Senator  Hanna,  it  must  remember  that  the  people  of  Ohio  have  compelled  him 
serve  in  the  United  States  Senate  and  that  inferior  men  must  be  entrusted  with 
e distribution  of  justice  and  benevolence  among  the  nation’s  dark-skinned  subjects 
the  Pacific. 

“If  we  enter  upon  a colonial  policy  we  must  expect  to  hear  the  command  ‘Si- 
nce!’ issuing  with  increasing  emphasis  from  the  imperialists.  When  the  discussion 
fundamental  principles  is  attempted  in  the  United  States,  if  a member  of  Con- 
I ess  attempts  to  criticise  any  injustice  perpetrated  by  a government  official  against 
: helpless  people  he  will  be  warned  to  keep  silent  unless  his  criticism  encourages 
instance  to  American  authority  in  the  Orient.  If  an  orator  of  the  Fourth  of  July 
ire  to  speak  of  inalienable  rights  or  refers  with  commendation  to  the  manner  in 
uich  our  forefathers  resisted  taxation  without  representation,  he  will  he  warned 
i keep  silent  lest  his  utterances  excite  rebellion  among  distant  subjects.  If  we 
;opt  a colonial  policy  and  pursue  the  course  which  excited  the  revolution  of  177G 
i,  must  muffle  the  tones  of  the  old  Liberty  Bell  and  commune  in  whispers  when  we 
] aise  the  patriotism  of  our  forefathers. 

“We  cannot  afford  to  destroy  the  Declaration  of  Independence;  we  cannot  af- 
ird  to  erase  from  our  constitutions,  state  and  national,  the  bill  of  rights;  we  have 
it  time  to  examine  the  libraries  of  the  nation  and  purge  them  of  the  essays,  the 
seeches  and  the  hooks  that  defend  the  doctrine  that  law  is  the  crystallization  of 
] blic  opinion,  rather  than  an  emanation  from  physical  power. 

“But  even  if  we  could  destroy  every  vestige  of  the  laws  which  are  the  outgrowth 
the  immortal  law  penned  by  Jefferson;  if  we  could  obliterate  every  written  word 
tit  has  been  inspired  by  the  idea  that  this  is  ‘a  government  of  the  people,  by  the 
]ople  and  for  the  people,’  we  could  not  tear  from  the  heart  of  the  human  race  the 
ipe  which  the  American  Republic  has  planted  there.  The  impassioned  appeal, 
: ive  me  liberty  or  give  me  death,’  still  echoes  around  the  world.  In  the  future, 
sin  the  past,  the  desire  to  be  free  will  be  stronger  than  the  desire  to  enjoy  a mere 
lysical  existence.  The  conflict  between  right  and  might  will  continue  here  and 
eirywhere  until  a day  is  reached  when  the  love  of  money  will  no  longer  sear  the 
itional  conscience  and  hypocrisy  no  longer  hide  the  hideous  features  of  avarice 
1 rind  the  mask  of  philanthropy.” 


CHAPTER  V. 


HENRY  WATTERSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  Drift  of  the  Country — The  United  American  People — Always  the  Sam 
Though  Divided — The  Labels  on  the  Bottles — An  Anti-Expansion  Part 
Would  Be  a Foredoomed  Failure — Wm.  McKinley  and  Joseph  Wheeler- 
Tropical  Vegetation  in  the  White  House — Eighty  Million  of  People  Cannc 
Be  Passive — How  Stands  the  Debate  Between  the  Friends  and  Foes  c 
Expansion? 

Mr.  Watterson  sends  out,  when  he  discusses  a broad  question,  discursive  flashe 
and  pours  poetry  around  his  arguments.  He  early  and  eloquently  plead  with  h 
partisan  friends  to  become  Expansionists  and  drop  traditions  that  had  not  led  1 
triumph.  He  tabes  occasion  to  say  ‘That  of  all  men  of  the  century  that  is  so  swift 
passing  from  us,  Prince  Bismarck  seemed  most  to  have  had  his  way;  yet  it  w: 
Prince  Bismarck — who,  whatever  else  he  was,  or  was  not,  showed  himself  alwa; 
the  frankest  of  mortals — big  enough  to  disdain  subterfuge — to  scorn  secrets — it  wi 
Bismarck  who  many  times  has  told  us  how  small,  how  helpless  the  strongest  ma 
becomes  upon  the  stormy  ocean  of  great  affairs;  what  a stave  to  chance;  what 
creature  of  circumstance. 

“Among  the  leaders  of  the  nineteenth  century — after  Napoleon,  who  belongs 
to  the  eighteenth — there  were  but  three  who  can  be  fairly  described  as  nation-mal 
ers.  Cavour,  Lincoln  and  Bismarck.  They  were  each  possessed  of  the  essenti 
stuff  of  which  nation-makers  are  made;  infinite  resources,  backed  by  imaginatio 
courage  and  tact.  Each,  as  it  were,  wore  his  nationality  next  his  bones.  Eac 
suited  his  action  to  the  moment,  his  word  to  the  action.  Each,  in  his  public  ente 
prises  was  the  child  of  good  fortune.  When  we  reflect  upon  the  obstacles  that  eac 
encountered  and  overcame  it  seems  that  from  the  first  God  meant  Italia  Rident 
and  shaped  the  German  empire,  and  ordained  that  the  Southern  Confederacy  shoui 
die  and  that  the  American  Union  should  live. 

“It  has  required  nearly  thirty-four  years,  and  a foreign  war,  to  bring  the  who 
people  of  the  United  States  to  a full  realization  of  the  simple  truth  that  we  ar 
and  always  have  been,  the  same  people.  The  South  fought  a good  fight.  But 
could  not  by  any  possibility  succeed.  The  resistless  trend  of  modern  thought  w; 
set  against  slavery,  and  the  South — -whatever  else  it  stood  for — stood  for  slaver 
The  Southern  Confederacy  was  wiped  out  in  blood  and  flame.  But  that  was  a 

546 


HENRY  WATTERSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


547 


that  was  wiped  out.  Even  the  Republican  President  of  the  United  States — a Union 
soldier — presumably  in  times  past  a sectionalist — certainly  a most  adroit  politician 
— has  had  the  sagacity — to  say  nothing  of  the  generosity,  of  which  he  has  given  no 
one  reason  to  account  him  lacking — to  concede  the  South  its  graves;  and  thanks 

I be  to  God  for  that,  as  thanks  to  him,  for  there  was  a time  when  it  seemed  that  even 
these  would  be  denied  us. 

“Now  that  we  have  come  to  be  one  people  in  the  fancy  that  we  have  always 
been  in  the  fact— that  Mother  Hoar  and  Uncle  Vest  have  clasped  hands  over  the 
Treaty  of  Peace,  and  Cousin  Ben  Tillman  and  Cousin  Bill  Chandler  have  quit  look- 
ing cross-eyed  across  the  Senate  chamber — we  have  reached  another  parting  of  the 
ways;  for  some  of  us  are  for  expansion,  and  some  of  us  are  against  expansion,  and 
which' is  right  and  which  is  wrong? 

“Clark  Howell  tells  us  that  this  is  a very  serious  question,  and  Clark  Howell 
is  right.  Tt  kinder  splits  things  up,’  as  Whitcomb  Riley  would  say.  It  divides  par- 
ties. The  poor  empty  bottles,  some  with  and  some  without  stoppers,  stand  round 
in  sore  perplexity.  They  do  not  know  just  what  to  do.  They  are  disembodied  spir- 

Iits  lost  in  the  dark.  They  can  not  read  their  own  labels.  What  is  that  big  bottle, 
labeled  ‘Democracy,’  and  filled  by  Grover  Cleveland — what  is  that  big  bottle  to  do 
when  it  stumbles  against  a long,  slim  bottle,  labeled  ‘Democracy,’  but  filled  with  the 
same  fluid,  by  William  Jennings  Bryan?  And  what  are  these  two  bottles  to  do  when 
they  stumble  against  a third  bottle  labeled  ‘Democracy,’  and  filled  by  J ohn  P.  Alt- 
geld,  but  filled  with  quite  another  kind  of  fluid? 

“Since  the  National  Democratic  Convention  of  1856,  which  nominated  James 
Buchanan  and  John  C.  Breckinridge,  for  President  and  Vice  President,  and  placed 
them  upon  a platform  of  progressive  free  trade  and  national  expansion — and  won 
the  election— the  Democratic  party  has  been  largely  an  aggregation  in  opposition. 
It  was  so  in  1864,  when  it  put  a war  candidate  on  a peace  platform;  in  1868,  when 
it  put  a hard-money  candidate  on  a soft-money  platform;  and  thence  onward  in  ’72 
and  ’80;  and  it  is  so  at  this  moment,  with  an  equal  number  of  opposing  factions 
and  rival  leaders,  agreed  upon  nothing  except  the  label  ‘Democracy,’  and  a weak, 
time-serving,  irresolute  and  insincere  opposition  to  what  somebody  tells  it  is  the 
policy  of  the  Republican  administration.  Sometimes  a smart  pretension  may  serve 
a party  through  a campaign  or  two;  but  the  Democratic  party,  as  it  is  at  present 
organized,  is  not  even  a smart  pretension;  because  it  pretends  one  thing  in  the  East 
and  another  thing  in  the  West,  and  is  neither  thing  in  the  South.  In  states,  like 
Kentucky,  where  it  is  supposed  to  have  a safe  majority,  the  machine  does  as  it 
pleases,  and  tells  the  voters,  all  too  willing  and  subservient,  to  help  themselves; 


548 


HENRY  WATTERSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


but  in  Illinois  and  Indiana — only  just  across  the  river  and  next  door— it  feels  the 
need  of  prudence  and — wanting  all  the  votes  it  can  get — it  is  not  so  ill-mannered 
and  cock-sure.  In  Iowa  it  has  resolved  to  drop  silver  altogether.  How  long  can  a 
party  last  locally  that  is  so  out  of  line  generally? 

“The  leaders  who  made  the  revolution  of  1896  were  able  to  poll  six  and  a half 
million  of  votes  for  their  Presidential  ticket.  That  was  certainly  an  encouraging 
manifest.  But  it  was  the  showing  of  the  entire  opposition  elements  in  the  United 
States,  organized  under  the  style  and  title  of  an  old,  historic  party;  at  a time  of 
great  popular  discontent;  led  by  a clean,  attractive  young  Democrat,  improvised  by 
a set  of  worn-out  and  played-out  political  hacks.  Ten  years  hence  we  may  be  coin- 
ing silver  dollars  by  the  cart-load  to  circulate  in  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  Manila.  Ex- 
pansion, indeed,  is  the  one  hope,  the  only  hope,  of  free  silver.  Yet  here  is  Mr. 
Bryan — an  upright,  patriotic  man — setting  his  face  against  the  single  contingency 
that  can  make  any  realization  of  his  financial  theories  feasible. 

“What  are  thoughtful  men — wherefrom  the  preponderating  influence  upon 
the  nation  is  in  the  long  run  derived — to  think  of  all  this?  What  can  be  more 
grotesque  than  Grover  Cleveland  and  Andrew  Carnegie  joining  hands  with  William 
Jennings  Bryan  across  the  wide  gulf  of  the  impossible — when  it  is  too  late — merely 
making  the  re-election  of  William  McKinley  doubly  sure?  How  on  earth  can  any 
reasonable  man  expect  to  elect  Bryan  and  to  beat  McKinley  on  an  anti-expansion, 
16  to  1,  hard  times  platform,  with  expansion  already  accomplished  and  with  boom- 
ing times — the  incident  of  expansion — already  at  hand?  It  can  not  be  done. 

“Look  at  the  personnel  of  the  Democratic  organization.  There  is  the  chair- 
man of  the  National  Democratic  Committee,  Senator  Jones,  of  Arkansas.  He  is 
as  good  and  as  true  a man  as  lives;  honorable,  virtuous,  brave  and  poor.  There  is 
Senator  Daniel,  of  Virginia;  a gentleman  and  a scholar — a man  of  genius — with 
the  fatal  gift  of  eloquence — who,  in  these  dreadful  and  venal  affairs,  is  as  helpless 
as  a child.  There  is  Senator  Vest;  a might-have-been,  albeit  a veteran  Senator, 
abounding  in  talents  of  many  kinds;  as  was  recently  said  in  these  columns,  ‘a  poet, 
like  Lamar,  without  the  sagacity  of  Lamar/'  Vest,  Daniel  and  Jones  are  Democratic 
leaders  in  the  Senate;  types  of  the  old  order,  each  representing  a constituency  apart 
from  the  moving  centers  of  life  and  light.  We  are  being  constantly  told  that,  as 
Democrats,  we  can  follow  them  anywhere.  But  shall  Democrats  follow  them  to  de- 
struction? That  is  where  they  will  be  leading  their  followers  if  they  expect  in  1900 
to  duplicate  the  campaign  of  1896. 

“What  are  the  rank  and  file  of  Democrats  to  do  about  a set  of  conditions  which 
are  equally  disagreeable  and  obvious?  Are  they  going  to  make  the  campaign  of 


HENRY  WATTERSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


549 


1900  a last-ditch  affair,  like  the  effort  of  the  Whigs  to  elect  Fillmore  in  1856,  or  of 
the  Federals  to  beat  Jefferson  in  1800?  Or,  are  they  going  to  drop,  these  follies, 
and — as  there  is  no  real  issue  to  divide  parties  except  the  offices — are  they  going 
to  try  to  elect  a President?  Expansion  is  a fact;  shall  Democrats  accept  it  and, 
formulating  a policy  based  upon  it,  drop  all  else? 

“Even  now  the  Republican  leaders,  who  rarely  fail  to  take  time  by  the  fore- 
lock and  who  never  let  go  their  grip  upon  the  shore-line,  are  planning  to  make 
their  campaign  of  1900  on  the  broad  principle  of  National  Unification  and  Expan- 
sion. They  are  not  going  to  handicap  themselves  with  any  ancient  platform  rub- 
bish. High  tariff  is  no  longer  wanted  by  the  manufacturers  for  whom  it  was  in- 
vented. The  bloody  shirt,  having  served  its  turn,  has  gone  to  the  old  clothes  bas- 
ket. The  President  knows  his  business.  At  the  opportune  moment  we  shall  see 
William  McKinley  and  J oseph  Wheeler  march  down  to  the  footlights,  hand  in  hand, 
the  flag  above  them— beneath  them  emblazoned  on  a strip  of  red,  white  and  blue, 
‘The  land  we  love  from  eend  to  eend,’  or  words  to  that  effect,  and  then  what?  What 
are  the  Democrats  going  to  do  about  it?  How  are  they  going  to  meet  it? 

“Their  only  hope  is  for  a new  shuffle,  cut  and  deal  of  the  political  pasteboards. 
Every  card  in  the  greasy  pack  they  have  been  playing  with  has  been  thumbed, 
crimped  and  dog-eared  to  death.  Every  card  is  a marked  card.  They  might  as 
well  play  with  hands  spread  upon  the  table,  face  up,  as  to  hope  to  win  with  such 
cards.  But,  if  they  can  send  the  fools  to  the  rear,  and  get  their  level-headed  men 
together,  it  is  not  too  late  for  them  to  lay  the  foundations  for  a campaign  having 
at  least  some  tangible  chance  of  success  before  it. 

“There  are  yet  nearly  two  years  of  uncertain  ground  for  the  McKinley  admin- 
istration to  get  over,  including  a short  and  a long  session  of  Congress,  and,  if  the 
Democrats  be  wise,  they  may  greatly  profit  thereby.  But  not  in  the  way  of  factious 
criticism.  Nor  in  the  way  of  blind,  undiscriminating  opposition.  To  deal  in  such 
child’s  play  is  simply  to  throw  themselves  out  of  court.  They  must  in  good  faith 
accept  the  inevitable;  they  must  stand  by  the  army  and  the  navy;  the  honor  of 
the  nation  and  the  sanctity  of  the  flag,  holding  the  powers  that  be  rigidly  respon- 
sible for  a wise  and  just  disposition  of  the  vast  trust  which  has  newly  come  to  us. 
There  must  be  no  quibbling  about  constitutional  technicalities  where  the  right  of 
the  Government  to  acquire  territory  is  involved;  but  construing  it  as  a Heaven-sent 
responsibility,  they  must  take  the  ground  that  this  territory  shall  be  governed  only 
upon  Democratic  principles,  looking  to  one  of  two  ultimate  conclusions;  either 
annexation  as  States  of  the  Union,  or  independent  Republics,  under  American  pro- 
tection. 


550 


HENRY  WATTERSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


“If  there  be  saving  grace  enough  left  in  Democratic  councils,  these  general 
lines  will  embrace  the  future  policy  of  the  party.  If  not,  the  party  will  die  the  death 
of  the  unrighteous.  If  not,  we  shall  see  it  frazzle  out  in  1900  as  the  Federals  frazzled 
out  in  1800,  leaving  William  McKinley  and  those  of  the  Ohio  dynasty  who  come 
after  him,  like  their  Virginia  predecessors,  to  have  it  all  to  themselves,  with  not 
enough  of  opposition  to  make  a division  of  parties,  or  to  disturb  the  otium  cum 
dignitate  of  the  Executive  office,  or  wither  the  tropic  vegetation  of  the  White 
House. 

“The  world  moves,  and  it  is  moving  toward  the  Orient.  Europe  finds  a vent 
in  Africa;  America  cannot  afford  to  be  indifferent  to  Asia.  The  sea-front  of  hu- 
man activity  may  within  the  coming  century  be  transferred  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific.  We  must  prepare  to  take  our  place  in  the  procession  of  the  nations. 
The  lion  has  not  yet  lain  down  with  the  lamb;  and,  until  he  does  so,  mutton  is 
good  to  eat.  The  millennium  has  not  yet  made  its  advent;  and  until  it  does  that 
arbitration  only  stands  which  is  effected  by  the  sword. 

“The  danger  of  militarism  and  the  martial  spirit  need  not  be  gainsaid.  It  is  a 
danger  we  must  risk.  But  let  us  hope  that  mankind  has  made  progress  in  arts  as 
well  as  in  arms;  that  America  in  the  dawn  of  the  twentieth  of  the  centuries  is  not 
as  Rome  in  the  zenith  of  the  first;  and  that,  forewarned  against  imperialism,  we 
shall  be  able  to  attend  to  Cassar  when  we  get  to  him. 

“In  a word,  eighty  millions  of  people  cannot  be  passive;  they  cannot  escape 
the  world’s  movement;  and,  sufficiently  admonished  by  the  isolation  of  China  and 
its  consequences,  the  people  of  the  United  States  prefer  to  follow  the  lead  and  ex- 
ample of  England.  The  die  was  cast  when  Dewey  raised  the  Stars  and  Stripes  on 
the  other  side  of  a world  never  too  large  and  all  too  narrowing,  and,  for  weal  or 
woe, — rallying  under  the  banners  alike  of  Christianity  and  Republicanism, — Amer- 
ica is  embarked  upon  the  shoreless  ocean  of  modern  civilization,  carrying  in  her 
own  ships  her  own  ideas  and  wares,  marked,  quoted  and  signed  to  the  furthermost 
ends  of  the  earth. 

“Thus  stands  the  debate  between  the  friends  and  the  foes  of  national  expan- 
sion. Which  will  vindicate  the  wisdom  of  its  forecast  it  is  for  time  to  discover. 
The  right  and  the  wrong  of  the  argument  belong  to  the  hereafter,  but  that  the  vic- 
tory of  circumstance  lies  'with  the  advocates  of  the  new  departure  in  national  policy, 
and  that  as  composite  parts  of  the  great  Republic,  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philip- 
pines are  already  assured,  must  be  quite  obvious  to  the  careful  student  of  historic 
parallels  and  prevailing  tendencies. 

“I  know  that  the  simple  American,  who  loves  his  country  and  is  loyal  to  its 


HENRY  WATTERSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


551 


best  traditions,  can  only  look  npon  these  changes  with  dismay.  To  him  they  seem 
but  chaos  come  again.  But  such  is  the  life  of  man.  It  is  the  destiny  of  nations. 

“To  those  of  little  faith  I would  say,  be  of  good  hope  still!  Sursum  corda! 
Thus  far  the  public  has  survived  every  danger  which  has  in  times  past  assailed  the 
governments  of  the  world;  the  struggle  for  existence;  the  foreign  invasion;  the 
disputed  succession;  geographic  friction;  civil  strife;  and  it  is  now  stronger  than 
ever  it  was,  its  faith  renewed,  its  credit  intact,  and  its  primacy  known  of  all  men. 
Let  us  believe  that  the  untoward,  events  of  the  war  with  Spain  were  brought  about 
for  some  allwise  purpose  by  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  Lien,  and  that  that  hand  which 
has  led  American  manhood  through  every  emergency  to  the  one  goal  of  the  Amer- 
ican Union  has  in  store  for  that  Union  even  greater  uses  and  glory  than  irradiated 
the  dreams  and  blessed  the  prayers  of  the  God-fearing  men  who  gave  it  life.” 


CHAPTER  VI. 


CARL  SCHURZ  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 

Is  It  Our  Policy  that  the  Filipinos  Shall  Be  Subjects  or  Citizens? — The  Specifica- 
tions of  the  New  Departure  We  Are  Taking — We  Are  Cultivating  a Passion 
for  Conquest — The  Friendship  of  England  Is  Good  to  Have,  Not  to  Need — 
The  New  Policy  Demands  a Great  Standing  Army — If  We  Have  Rescued 
the  Unhappy  Daughters  of  Spain  from  Tyranny  We  Need  Not  Marry 
the  Girls. 

Mr.  Schurz  wanted  to  know  before  the  treaty  with  Spain  was  ratified  by  the 
American  Senate  whether  the  Filipinos  were  to  he  subjects  or  citizens.  The  Span- 
ish war  was  declared  and  after  a few  vigorous  blows  the  feeble  enemy  was  helpless 
at  our  feet. 

“The  whole  scene  seemed  to  have  suddenly  changed.  According  to  the  solemn 
proclamation  of  our  Government,  the  war  had  been  undertaken  solely  for  the  liber- 
ation of  Cuba,  as  a war  of  humanity  and  not  of  conquest.  But  our  easy  victories 
had  put  conquest  within  our  reach,  and  when  our  arms  occupied  foreign  territory, 
a loud  demand  arose  that,  pledge  or  no  pledge  to  the  contrary,  the  conquests  should 
be  kept,  even  the  Philippines  on  the  other  side  of  the  globe,  and  that  as  to  Cuba 
herself,  independence  would  be  only  a provisional  formality.  Why  not?  was  the  cry. 
Has  not  the  career  of  the  republic  almost  from  its  very  beginning  been  one  of  terri- 
torial expansion?  Has  it  not  acquired  Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas,  the  vast  countries 
that  came  to  us  through  the  Mexican  war,  and  Alaska,  and  has  it  not  digested  them 
well?  Were  not  those  acquisitions  much  larger  than  those  now  in  contemplation? 
If  the  Republic  could  digest  the  old,  why  not  the  new?  What  is  the  difference? 

“Only  look  with  an  unclouded  eye,  and  you  will  soon  discover  differences 
enough  warning  you  to  beware.  There  are  five  of  decisive  importance: 

“1.  All  the  former  acquisitions  were  on  this  continent,  and,  excepting  Alaska, 
contiguous  to  our  borders. 

“2.  They  were  situated,  not  in  the  tropical,  but  in  the  temperate  zone,  where 
Democratic  institutions  thrive,  and  where  our  people  could  migrate  in  mass. 

“3.  They  were  but  very  thinly  peopled — in  fact,  without  any  population  that 
would  have  been  in  the  way  of  new  settlements. 

“4.  They  could  be  organized  as  territories  in  the  usual  manner,  with  the  ex- 
pectation that  they  would  presently  come  into  the  Union  as  self-governing  states 
with  populations  substantially  homogeneous  to  our  own. 

“5.  They  did  not  require  a material  increase  of  our  army  and  navy,  either 

552 


CARL  SCHT7RZ  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


553 


for  their  subjection  to  our  rule  or  for  their  defense  against  any  probable  foreign  at- 
tack by  their  being  in  our  possession. 

“Even  of  our  far-away  Alaska  it  can  be  said  that,  although  at  present  a pos- 
session of  doubtful  value,  it  is  at  least  mainly  on  this  continent,  and  may  at  some 
future  time,  when  the  inhabitants  of  the  British  possessions  happily  wish  to  unite 
with  us,  be  within  our  uninterrupted  boundaries. 

“Compare  now  with  our  old  acquisitions  as  to  all  these  important  points  those 
at  present  in  view. 

“They  are  not  continental,  not  contiguous  to  our  present  domain,  but  beyond 
seas,  the  Philippines  many  thousand  miles  distant  from  our  coast.  They  are  all 
situated  in  the  tropics,  where  people  of  the  northern  races,  such  as  Anglo-Saxons, 
or,  generally  speaking,  people  of  Germanic  blood,  have  never  migrated  in  mass  to 
stay,  and  they  are  more  or  less  densely  populated,  parts  of  them  as  densely  as  Massa- 
chusetts— their  populations  consisting  almost  exclusively  of  races  to  whom  the  trop- 
ical climate  is  congenial — Spanish  Creoles  mixed  with  negroes  in  the  West  Indies 
and  Malays,  Tagals,  Filipinos,  Chinese,  Japanese,  Nigritos  and  various  more  or  less 
barbarous  tribes  in  the  Philippines. 

“When  the  question  is  asked  whether  we  may  hope  to  adapt  those  countries 
and  populations  to  our  system  of  government,  the  advocates  of  annexation  answer 
cheerily  that  when  they  belong  to  us  we  shall  soon  ‘Americanize’  them.  This  may 
mean  that  Americans  in  sufficiently  large  numbers  will  migrate  there  to  determine 
the  character  of  those  populations  so  as  to  assimilate  them  to  our  own. 

“If  we  take  these  new  regions,  we  shall  be  well  entangled  in  that  contest  for 
territorial  aggrandizement  which  distracts  other  nations  and  drives  them  far  beyond 
their  original  design.  So  it  will  be  inevitably  with  us.  We  shall  want  new  con- 
quests to  protect  that  which  we  already  possess.  The  greed  of  speculators  working 
upon  our  government  will  push  us  from  one  point  to  another,  and  we  shall  have 
new  conflicts  upon  our  hands,  almost  without  knowing  how  we  got  into  them.  It 
has  always  been  so  under  such  circumstances  and  always  will  be.  This  means  more 
and  more  soldiers,  ships  and  guns. 

“A  singular  delusion  has  taken  hold  of  the  minds  of  otherwise  clear-headed 
men.  It  is  that  our  new  friendship  with  England  will  serve  firmly  to  secure  the 
world’s  peace.  Nobody  can  hail  that  friendly  feeling  between  the  two  nations  more 
warmly  than  I do,  and  I fervently  hope  it  will  last.  But  I am  profoundly  convinced 
that  if  this  friendship  results  in  the  two  countries  setting  out  to  grasp  ‘for  the 
Anglo-Saxon,’  as  the  phrase  is,  whatever  of  the  earth  may  be  attainable — if  they 
hunt  in  couple,  they  will  surely  fall  out  about  the  game,  and  the  first  serious  quar- 


554 


CARL  SCHURZ  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


rel,  or  at  least  one  of  the  first,  we  shall  have,  will  be  with  Great  Britain.  And  as 
family  feuds  are  the  bitterest,  that  feud  will  be  apt  to  become  one  of  the  most  de- 
plorable in  its  consequences. 

“No  nation  is,  or  ought  to  be,  unselfish.  England,  in  her  friendly  feeling  to- 
ward us,  is  not  inspired  by  mere  sentimental  benevolence.  The  anxious  wish  of 
many  Englishmen  that  we  should  take  the  Philippines  is  not  free  from  the  consid- 
eration that  if  we  do  so  we  shall  for  a long  time  depend  on  British  friendship  to 
maintain  our  position  on  that  field  of  rivalry  and  that  Britain  will  derive  ample 
profit  from  our  dependence  on  her. 

“This  is  plain.  If  Englishmen  think  so  we  have  no  fault  to  find  with  them. 
But  it  would  be  extremely  foolish  on  our  part  to  close  our  eyes  to  the  fact.  British 
friendship  is  a good  thing  to  have,  but  perhaps  not  so  good  a thing  to  need.  If 
we  are  wise  we  shall  not  put  ourselves  in  a situation  in  which  we  shall  need  it.  Brit- 
ish statesmanship  has  sometimes  shown  great  skill  in  making  other  nations  fight  its 
battles.  This  is  very  admirable  from  its  point  of  view,  but  it  is  not  so  pleasant  for 
the  nations  so  used. 

“We  are  already  told  that  we  shall  need  a regular  army  of  at  least  100,000  men, 
three-fourths  of  whom  are  to  serve  in  our  new  'possessions.’  The  question  is  wheth- 
er this  necessity  is  to  be  only  temporary  or  permanent.  Look  at  the  cost.  Last  year 
the  support  of  the  army  proper  required  about  $23,000,000.  It  is  computed  that 
taking  the  increased  costliness  of  the  service  in  the  tropics  into  account,  the  army 
under  the  new  dispensation  will  require  about  $150,000,000,  that  is,  $127,000,000 
a year  more.  It  is  aiso  officially  admitted  that  the  possession  of  the  Philippines 
would  render  indispensable  a much  larger  increase  of  the  navy  than  would  other- 
wise be  necessary,  costing  untold  millions  for  the  building  and  equipment  of  ships, 
and  untold  millions  every  year  for  their  maintenance  and  for  the  increased  number 
of  officers  and  men.  What  we  shall  have  to  spend  for  fortifications  and  the  like  can- 
not now  be  computed.  But  there  is  a burden  upon  us  which  in  like  weight  no 
other  nation  has  to  bear.  To-day,  thirty-three  years  after  the  Civil  War,  we  have 
a pension  roll  of  very  nearly  1,000,000  names.  And  still  they  come.  We  paid  to 
pensioners  over  $145,000,000  last  year,  a sum  larger  than  the  annual  cost  of  the 
whole  military  peace  establishment  of  the  German  empire,  including  its  pension  roll. 
Our  recent  Spanish  war  will,  according  to  a moderate  estimate,  add  at  least  $20,- 
000,000  to  our  annual  pension  payments.  But  if  we  send  troops  to  the  tropics  and 
keep  them  there  we  must  look  for  a steady  stream  of  pensioners  from  that  quarter, 
for  in  the  tropics  soldiers  are  'used  up’  very  fast,  even  if  they  have  no  campaigning 
to  do. 


OFFICIAL  RESIDENCE  OF  DE  LESSEPS  AT  COLON,  COLOMBIA. 


COFFEE-CORING  ESTABLISHMENT  AT  SAN  JOSE,  COSTA  RICA. 


CARL  SCHURZ  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


557 


ask  in  all  candor,  taking  President  McKinley  at  his  word,  will  the  forcible 
annexation  of  the  Philippines  by  our  code  of  morals  not  be  criminal  aggression — a 
self-confessed  crime?  I ask  further,  if  the  Cubans,  as  Congress  declared,  are  and 
of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent,  can  anybody  tell  me  why  the  Porto 
Ricans  and  the  Filipinos  ought  not  of  right  to  be  free  and  independent?  Can  you 
sincerely  recognize  the  right  to  freedom  and  independence  of  one  and  refuse  the 
same  right  to  another  in  the  same  situation,  and  then  take  his  land?  Would  not 
that  be  double  dealing  of  the  most  shameful  sort? 

“Here  are  our  official  reports  before  us,  telling  us  that  of  late  years  our  export 
trade  has  grown  enormously,  not  only  of  farm  products,  but  of  the  products  of  our 
manufacturing  industries;  in  fact,  that  ‘our  sales  of  manufactured  goods  have  con- 
tinued to  extend  with  a facility  and  promptitude  of  results  which  have  excited  the 
serious  concern  of  countries  that  for  generations  had  not  only  controlled  their  home 
markets,  but  had  practically  monopolized  certain  hues  of  trade  in  other  lands.’ 

“That  our  victories  have  devolved  upon  us  certain  duties  as  to  the  people  of  the 
conquered  islands  I readily  admit.  But  are  they  the  only  duties  we  have  to  per- 
form, or  have  they  suddenly  become  paramount  to  all  other  duties?  I deny  it.  I 
deny  that  the  duties  we  owe  to  the  Cubans  and  the  Porto  Ricans  and  the  Filipinos 
and  the  Tagals  of  the  Asiatic  islands  absolve  us  from  our  duties  to  the  75,000,000 
of  our  own  people  and  to  their  posterity.  I deny  that  they  oblige  us  to  destroy  the 
moral  credit  of  our  own  republic  by  turning  this  loudly  heralded  war  of  liberation 
and  humanity  into  a land-grabbing  game  and  an  act  of  criminal  aggression.  I deny 
that  they  compel  us  to  aggravate  our  race  troubles,  to  bring  upon  us  the  constant 
danger  of  war  and  to  subject  our  people  to  the  galling  burden  of  increasing  arma- 
ments. If  we  have  rescued  those  unfortunate  daughters  of  Spain,  the  colonies,  from 
the  tyranny  of  their  cruel  father,  I deny  that  we  are  therefore  in  honor  bound  to 
marry  any  of  the  girls  or  to  take  them  all  into  our  household,  where  they  may  dis- 
turb and  demoralize  our  whole  family.  I deny  that  the  liberation  of  those  Spanish 
dependencies  morally  constrains  us  to  do  anything  that  would  put  our  highest  mis- 
sion to  solve  the  great  problem  of  democratic  government  in  jeopardy  or  that  would 
otherwise  endanger  the  vital  interests  of  the  Republic.  Whatever  our  duties  to  them 
may  be,  our  duties  to  our  own  country  and  people  stand  first,  and  from  this  stand- 
point we  have,  as  sane  men  and  patriotic  citizens,  to  regard  our  obligation  to  take 
care  of  the  future  of  those  islands  and  their  people.” 


CHAPTER  VII. 


MURAT  HALSTEAD  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Expansion  Is  the  Doctrine  of  the  Fathers — There  Was  Not  a Tenth  of  the  Territory 
We  Now  Possess  in  the  Thirteen  Colonies  When  Jefferson  Wrote  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence — Andrew  Jackson  Was  an  Expansionist — So  Was 
Wm.  II.  Seward — Admiral  Dewey  Is  the  Author  of  Our  Philippine  Policy — 
Andrew  Carnegie  and  British  India — Should  England  Give  Up  Gibraltar, 
Egypt  and  India? — If  So,  Why  Not  Ireland,  Scotland  and  Wales? — Aguin- 
aldo’s  Exile  with  a Certified  Check — Senator  Hoar’s  Forgetfulness  of  the 
Essential  Facts  in  the  Philippine  Situation — The  American  Army  Have 
Fought  in  Self-Defense,  and  in  the  Vindication  of  the  Faith  and  Honor 
Pledged  in  the  Final  Article  of  the  Capitulation  of  the  Spaniards  in  Manila. 

The  footsteps  of  the  fathers  of  the  Republic  from  the  time  the  French  floated 
the  Mississippi  and  St.  Lawrence  rivers  pointed  West  and  South — expanding  the 
area  of  the  English  settlements — and  this  early  manifestation  of  destiny  continued 
to  the  Southern  and  Western  lands  of  the  continent,  when  the  British  in  their  turn 
sailed  with  the  gulf  stream  to  Halifax  and  beyond. 

When  a boy  George  Washington  visited  the  Bermudas  with  his  elder  brother, 
who  served  with  Admiral  Vernon  in  the  West  Indies,  and,  returning  to  Virginia, 
began  to  explore  the  Ohio  country  before  he  was  21  years  of  age  upon  a mission 
to  oust  the  French,  and  was  expanding  his  landed  possessions  in  that  direction  as 
long  as  he  lived.  Thus  is  linked  in  the  life  of  the  Father  of  his  Country  the  West 
Indies  and  the  lands  beyond  the  Alleghenies,  to  which  in  his  crowded  and  busy  life 
he  found  time  to  pay  six  visits. 

John  Adams  sturdily  refused  a proposition  to  give  up  the  Ohio,  Wabash  and 
Illinois  country  to  the  English,  as  Canada  was  given,  rather  than  go  on  with  the 
sorrowful  hardships  of  warfare — though  even  Benjamin  Franklin  favored  yielding 
to  the  pretensions  of  England  in  the  Northwest  for  the  sake  of  peace — but  Franklin 
was  old  and  weary,  and  this  episode  has  been  forgiven  in  forgetfulness.  Fortunately, 
George  Rogers  Clark,  born  in  the  same  country  with  Jefferson,  had  a friend  in  Gov- 
ernor Patrick  Henry  and  was  authorized  by  him  to  raise  men,  and  given  a lot  of 
paper  money  to  undertake  a secret  expedition  which  was  to  dispossess  the  English 
at  Vincennes  and  Kaskaskia,  and  he  did  it  with  surprisingly  stinted  means,  and 
Clark,  “the  Hannibal  of  the  West,”  in  spite  of  failures,  mistakes  and  sorrows,  is  a 
name  written  on  the  roll  of  the  immortals. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  the  father,  as  the  records  show,  of  both  the  Republican  and 

_558 


MUKAT  HALSTEAD  FOE  EXPANSION. 


559 


Democratic  parties,  surpassed  in  glorious  achievement  the  authorship  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence,  in  purchasing  twice  the  amount  of  land  we  got  from 
England  by  the  concessions  of  the  treaty  with  her  when  she  surrendered  her  thir- 
teen colonies  to  self-government.  We  began  in  1783  with  827,844  square  miles. 
Without  counting  our  recent  acquisitions  of  islands  our  area  is  3,603,884  square 
miles.  Jefferson’s  purchase  was  1,171,931  square  miles.  Thus  the  greater  glory  of 
Jefferson  came  from  a conscious  violation  of  his  own  interpretation  of  the  Consti- 
tution in  buying  land  from  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  who  had  no  title  to  it,  save  that 
he  had  taken  it  red-handed  and  high-handed  from  Spain,  whose  abuse  of  her  colo- 
nies made  it  a public  virtue  to  capture  them,  and  England  was  getting  ready  to  spoil 
the  spoiler.  Notwithstanding  the  violation  of  the  Constitution  and  the  deficiency 
of  the  land  title,  the  bargain  stuck  and  was  one  of  the  greatest  events  in  the  making 
of  our  nation. 

Andrew  Jackson  confirmed  the  purchase  with  a quit-claim  deed — the  battle  of 
New  Orleans,  fought  after  the  treaty  had  been  signed — a precedent  to  be  cited  in 
the  case  of  the  Philippines,  along  with  Kaskaskia  and  Vincennes,  if  any  of  the 
monarchs  want  to  see  our  papers  for  real  estate  holdings.  We  shall  adhere,  certainly, 
to  our  precedents  and  principles. 

It  is  strange  that  in  the  second  third  of  the  first  century  of  the  Eepublic  the 
greater  political  leaders  of  that  era  should  have  lost  the  lesson  of  the  Jeffersonian 
expansion.  Webster  and  Clay  faltered  on  the  high  road  when  America  moved  on, 
and  we  gained  Texas  by  annexation;  and  New  Mexico,  Colorado  (in  part),  Arizona 
and  California  by  the  sword.  It  was  Andrew  Jackson’s  influence  in  his  last  days 
that  overwhelmingly  carried  the  acceptance  of  imperial  Texas,  and  James  Iv.  Polk 
and  Andrew  Johnson  (I  have  just  named  the  three  Tennessee  Presidents)  gave  us 
our  Pacific  front,  with  the  aid  of  an  Oregon  missionary — including  Golden-gated 
and  golden-walled  California  and  Alaska,  crowded  with  riches  in  reserve,  and  the 
Aleutian  Islands. 

In  the  latter  third  of  our  first  century  there  was  an  evidence  of  a broadening 
of  statesmanship  in  recognizing  the  destiny  of  the  country,  that — instead  of  crumb- 
ling through  Civil  War  and  consenting  to  weakness  because  the  brethren  of  the 
several  states  shed  each  other’s  blood — grew  strong  in  warfare  and  became  a majestic 
nation.  William  H.  Seward  and  Charles  Sumner  joined  hands  with  Andrew  John- 
son in  securing  the  magnificent  bargain  with  Russia  that  gave  us  footing  on  the 
shores  of  the  Bering  Sea  and  to  our  flag  in  the  summer  days — from  sunrise  in 
Maine  to  sunset  on  our  archipelago  in  the  shadow  of  Siberia — six  additional  hours 
of  sunshine. 


5G0 


MUEAT  HALSTEAD  FOE  EXPANSION. 


The  paths  by  which  the  fathers  marked  out  this  country  for  greatness  pre- 
vented the  continent  from  dismemberment  in  European  and  Spanish-American 
fashion.  The  footsteps  of  the  nation  builders  are  there.  Benignant  Providence, 
sound  statesmanship,  history,  tradition,  the  instructed  judgment  of  Americanism, 
are  not  failing  to  guide  our  footsteps  aright.  The  name  of  William  H.  Seward  be- 
longs in  the  roll  of  honor  of  the  promoters  of  American  expansion,  because  in  his 
maturity  he  outgrew  the  leaders  he  followed  in  his  youth  and  closed  with  Eussia, 
when  her  good-will  offering  of  Alaska  came,  and,  going  further,  sought  to  pur- 
chase the  Danish  Islands  in  the  West  Indies  and  to  include  Iceland  and  Greenland. 
With  this  object,  he  had  compiled  in  1868  a report  of  the  resources  of  Iceland  and 
Greenland,  but  public  opinion  then  regarded  his  ideas  as  romantic. 

Shall  we  permit  to  go  unchallenged  the  feebleness  of  the  folly  that  especially 
opposes  the  acquisition  of  islands  because  they  are  surrounded  by  water,  and  say  that 
we  never  did  such  a thing  as  cross  salt  water  to  get  to  land  until  in  the  annexation 
of  Hawaii?  Why,  we  must  put  to  sea  to  find  a free  road  to  Alaska;  and  it  is  worth 
remembering  that  the  art  of  navigation  is  so  far  perfected  that  the  seas  are  the 
cheapest  roads  on  the  globe  and  are  open  to  endless  competition.  Salt  water  does 
not  damage  land,  and  with  all  our  experience  in  the  policy  of  expansion  we  have 
never  added  an  acre  to  our  national  domain  that  was  not  good  for  us.  It  is  not  likely 
that  we  shall  do  so. 

We  keep  the  Philippines  because  we  must.  We  have  destroyed  the  Spanish 
Government  there  and  are  responsible  to  civilization  for  the  result.  How  can  an 
American  think  seriously  of  yielding  to  any  power  the  fruits  of  Dewey’s  victory? 
When  he  destroyed  the  Spanish  fleet,  according  to  orders  issued  on  the  first  day  of 
the  war  with  Spain,  he  did  not  abandon  the  scene  of  his  conquest,  but,  animated 
by  the  spirit  of  the  fathers,  he  followed  their  footsteps  and  held  on  to  the  great 
prize  he  had  won. 

It  should  be  understood  that  the  policy  of  Admiral  Dewey  in  remaining  at 
Manila  has  been  determined  by  the  necessities  of  his  situation.  He  has  been  con- 
strained to  hold  the  fruits  of  his  victory,  to  ask  for  re-enforcements  to  serve  on  land 
and  sea.  Of  course,  they  have  been  sent  to  him.  The  American  Admiral  who  won 
the  glorious  popularity  that  commands  the  unanimous  vote  of  Congress  in  his 
honor,  in  spite  of  all  the  grumbling  about  the  McKinley  administration,  wants,  and 
must  have,  if  we  are  true  to  ourselves  and  decent  in  treatment  to  those  who  serve 
us  beyond  the  seas,  the  superior  physical  force  in  the  waters  of  the  Philippines!  We 
have  there  an  army  of  20,000  men.  Shall  we  allow  the  basis  of  operations  upon 
which  they  rest — from  which  they  must  receive  their  supplies  of  ammunition,  and, 


MURAT  HALSTEAD  FOR  EXPANSION. 


561 


largely,  their  rations — to  fall  into  unfriendly  hands?  The  Admiral  had  no  home  in 
the  Oriental  ocean  but  the  one  he  had  conquered  and  there  was  no  place  to  go  if  he 
left  it.  He  was  like  the  man  in  Colonel  Robert  Ingersoll’s  story  who  couldn’t  go 
anywhere  else  because  “every  other  place  was  shut  up.”  If  the  Admiral  left  Manila 
bay  he  must  have  proceeded  to  a coal  station,  and  thence  to  another  coal  station, 
and  so  on,  getting  only  enough  coal  at  a time  to  take  him  where  he  could  do  the 
same  thing  before  moving  on.  Those  who  are  against  the  policy  of  the  administra- 
tion condemn  and  would  betray  our  famous  Admiral  and  degrade,  so  far  as  their 
influence  could  do  it,  the  American  army  at  Manila,  which  is  fighting,  not  against 
liberty,  for  imputation  to  that  effect,  no  matter  where  or  from  whom  it  comes,  is 
false  and  a shame.  The  army  is  fighting  for  the  higher — that  is,  American — civili- 
zation, religious  liberty  and  our  national  rights  under  international  law.  Those  who 
are  fighting  the  American  army  are  doing  it  under  the  false  pretenses  of  a dema- 
gogue, who  is  neither  soldier,  leader,  nor  statesman,  and  never  appealed  to  any  frac- 
tion of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines  larger  than  one-half  of  1 per  cent  of  the 
people.  These  desperadoes  and  their  mob  would  not  wait  for  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty  with  Spain.  They  are  now  legally  Spaniards,  as  they  are  firebugs, 
ingrates,  assassins,  and,  politically,  aiding  a preposterous  intrigue.  So  far  as  this 
is  not  a fanaticism  of  superstition,  it  is  craziness.  In  this  country  the  Tegalo  party, 
whether  composed  of  capitalists  gone  mad  or  political  adventurers  on  a false  scent, 
seeking  a new  departure,  or  taking  ground  against  our  national  advancement  and 
glory  (and  are  examples  of  a disease  of  opposition),  will  get  their  reward  in  the 
public  contempt.  If  we  could  imagine  their  success  to  be  possible,  it  could  only  be 
accomplished  by  the  defeat  of  the  American  army  of  Philippine  occupation. 

It  does  not  follow  that  if  we  conquer  islands,  drive  out  Spaniards  or  other  op- 
pressors, and  spread  the  flag  that  is  our  popular  and  national  symbol  over  people 
who  are  strangers,  that  we  shall  of  necessity  go  on  multiplying  States.  We  must 
safeguard  Americanism,  and  the  effective  way  to  do  it  is  to  stand  firm  on  the  bed- 
rock principle  that  we  want  more  territory  for  the  great  hereafter  of  our  country, 
but  not  more  States,  now  or  soon.  Certainly  we  can  hold  territory  as  territory  for- 
ever. Contact  with  us  and  our  institutions  will  Americanize  our  possessions. 

We  have  a graver  question  at  home  than  we  can  find  abroad.  It  is  most  diffi- 
cult, because  imbedded  in  the  structure  of  the  States.  We  made  the  radical  mistake 
of  adding  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution  when  the  effect  is  to  obscure 
the  fourteenth,  which  was  the  firm  ground  to  stand  upon,  and  both  are  practically 
destroyed. 

There  will  not  be,  and  should  not  be,  manhood  suffrage  in  the  sense  of  indis- 


562 


MURAT  HALSTEAD  FOR  EXPANSION. 


eriminate  male  suffrage  in  Porto  Rico,  Cuba,  Hawaii  or  the  Philippines,  until  some 
time  has  passed  and  there  are  many  changes.  Immediate  manhood  suffrage  in  our 
new  possessions  is  as  impracticable,  as  impossible,  as  the  re-establishment  of  Amer- 
ican slavery  in  the  States.  The  alleged  insurgent  governments  in  Cuba  and  Luzon 
must  be  brushed  aside,  for  they  are  not  of  the  people.  We  do  not  want  a govern- 
ment of  Cuban  bondholders  or  any  exclusive  prerogatives  in  the  hands  of  the 
Tagalo  tribe  of  Malays. 

Americans  will  work  wonders  in  the  tropical  islands,  as  on  the  North  American 
continent.  We  shall  overcome  insurgents  in  the  Indias,  West  and  East,  by  the  irre- 
sistible attraction  of  gravitation  of  the  overshadowing  power  of  the  mighty  Republic 
that  is  too  great  to  be  longer  overlooked  by  others  and  would  shirk  duties  by  over- 
looking herself. 

I have  read  with  care  what  Mr.  Carnegie  says.  He  would  belittle  the  British 
Empire  as  he  would  restrict  the  American  Republic.  Perhaps  he  can  afford  it,  but 
he  is  not  in  touch  with  the  people  of  either  country. 

He  would  eliminate  India,  and  the  logic  of  that  would  be  the  abandonment 
of  the  colonial  system  that  makes  England  matchless. 

If  England  gives  up  India,  Egypt  goes,  of  course,  and  Malta  and  Gibraltar,  all 
the  British  possessions  in  Africa  and  in  the  West  Indies.  With  them  would  go 
Hongkong  and  all  the  vast  interests  in  the  commerce  of  China.  With  these  Canada 
would  go  and  Bermuda.  Then  the  Jersey  Islands,  Ireland,  Wales  and  Scotland 
would  go,  also  New  Zealand,  and  the  Australian  continent  depart  in  peace.  Now, 
England  is  a great  European,  African,  American,  Asiatic,  Australian  power. 

Mr.  Carnegie’s  policy  would  strip  her  of  her  dominions  and  give  her  the  rank 
of  Holland  and  Denmark. 

If  the  policy  he  would  impose  upon  the  United  States  had  been  the  policy  of 
the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  it  would  have  made  a small,  snug,  neat  republic 
on  the  Atlantic  slope,  leaving  the  cotton  States,  the  Ohio  country,  the  whole 
continent  from  the  Alleghenies  to  the  Pacific,  to  the  British,  French  and  Spaniards. 

George  Washington,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Andrew  Jackson,  James  K.  Polk, 
Andrew  Johnson,  Charles  Sumner  and  William  H.  Seward  were  American  expan- 
sionists. They  were  good  enough  Americans  for  me.  William  McKinley  and  his 
cabinet  are  the  same  sort  of  Americans.  They  are  walking  in  the  paths  blazed 
and  trodden  by  the  forefathers.  They  are  providing  the  generations  to  come  with 
land.  There  is  nothing  better  for  the  people  than  good  land.  Mr.  Carnegie  does 
not  seem  to  have  heard  of  the  States  of  California,  Washington  and  Oregon. 
He  does  not  contemplate  our  front  on  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He  is  taking  a narrow 


MURAT  HALSTEAD  FOR  EXPANSION. 


563 


view — one  that  is  neither  American  nor  English;  one  that  is  unworthy  of  regard 
by  the  English-speaking  people.  He  seems  to  think  the  dragon  of  free  trade  will 
enter  upon  ns  through  that  open  door  and  devour  us.  The  last  time  I studied  an 
utterance  by  Mr.  Carnegie  on  an  economic  question  he  had  ceased  to  he  a pro- 
tectionist, and  was  willing  to  chance  it  with  free  trade  so  far  as  his  product  of 
steel  was  concerned.  I do  not  ask  him  to  he  consistent,  but  he  will  upset  his 
cart  if  he  makes  a turn  in  the  road  on  an  acute  angle. 

When  Dewey  got  his  orders  to  destroy  the  Spanish  fleet,  Aguinaldo  was  in  exile, 
having  retired  with  a certified  check  for  440,000  Mexican  dollars,  taken  by 
requisition  from  a Manila  bank  that  never  has  seen  and  never  will  see  a dollar 
of  the  money.  That  certified  check  for  the  proceeds  of  the  bank  robbery  wafted 
away  to  Hongkong  Aguinaldo  and  thirty- two  of  his  “compatriots.”  The  Filipino 
war  against  Spain  was  started  in  his  absence,  and  he  was  dug  up  by  the  American 
consuls  at  Singapore,  Manila,  and  Hongkong  and  was  in  Hongkong  when  the 
Spanish  fleet  was  destroyed,  making  his  appearance  soon  afterward  at  Cavite. 
He  has  lived  in  comfortable  quarters,  far  from  scenes  of  strife,  ever  since,  and 
no  one  except  those  belonging  to  his  military  gang  has  ever  voted  for  him  for 
anything. 

Our  men  in  public  life  who  have  taken  upon  themselves  to  recognize  the 
Filipino  assassins  in  the  thickets  firing  upon  our  soldiers — and  Senator  Hoar,  with 
his  great  ability  and  always  admirable  command  of  phrases,  is  especially  con- 
spicuous— have  omitted  to  provide  themselves  with  the  essential  information  in  the 
case.  Let  us  run  over  the  facts  that  utterly  overthrow  all  the  gilded  structures 
of  Senator  Hoar’s  vivid  eloquence.  Admiral  Dewey  was  ordered  to  destroy  the 
Spanish  Philippine  fleet,  and  did  it,  and  then  he  had  to  stay  at  Manila  or  abandon 
the  Asiatic  coast  and  our  commerce  to  the  gunboats  of  the  Spaniards  that  were 
not  within  the  range  of  our  destroyers.  Aguinaldo  returned  from  exile  and  got 
the  prestige  of  American  victory.  He  was  not  at  any  time  besieging  Manila,  but 
skirmishing  in  the  high  grass,  and  never  could  have  taken  the  city.  He  wanted 
to  make  conditions  about  allowing  American  troops  to  land — demanded  to  know 
their  object.  He  never  consulted  the  people  of  the  Philippines.  He  raised  a 
swarm  of  semi-savages,  whose  passion  was  for  plunder  and  revenge.  They  had 
to  be  put  out  of  their  alleged  trenches  before  General  Greene  could  get  at  the 
Spaniards.  The  American  army,  when  the  American  fleet  had  broken  the  Spanish 
defense  by  the  sea,  that  was  the  key  to  Manila,  took  the  town,  and  the  Spanish 
army  capitulated,  “the  faith  and  honor  of  the  American  army”  being  pledged 
to  preserve  the  lives  and  property  of  citizens,  to  protect  them  from  the  heedless 


564 


MURAT  HALSTEAD  FOR  EXPANSION. 


barbaric  occupancy  of  the  Aguinaldo  horde.  In  case  the  Americans  abandoned  the 
conquest  the  terms  of  the  Spanish  surrender  were  that  their  arms  should  be 
returned — their  rifles  and  cartridges.  Ten  thousand  Spaniards  were  not  to  be 
turned  over  for  Malay  butchery.  We  would  have  been  dishonored  if  that  had 
been  done.  The  Spaniards,  if  they  had  held  Manila,  and  they  could  have  done 
it  as  against  the  natives,  would  have  re-enforced  the  troops  in  Manila.  Admiral 
Dewey  was  disposed  to  make  the  best  of  Aguinaldo  and  his  “compatriots,”  but 
they  soon  displayed  themselves  as  threatening  pretenders,  malignant  so  far  as  we 
were  concerned.  The  reason  Aguinaldo  assigned  for  returning  with  the  permis- 
sion of  Admiral  Dewey  to  the  Isle  of  Luzon  was  to  prevent  the  Filipinos  from 
making  common  cause  with  Spain  to  repel  the  invaders — that  is,  the  deliverers  of 
the  Filipinos — and  he  tried  to  prevent  our  men  from  being  supplied  with  wholesome 
food  and  water.  The  conduct  of  those  who  usurp  the  authority  of  the  Philippine 
people  and  have  dared  to  menace  Americans  trying  in  vain  to  preserve  the  peace, 
was  most  irritating,  aggressive  and  vicious  long  before  they  frantically  rushed 
upon  our  lines,  believing  they  could  destroy  the  army  of  occupation  and  the  city 
too.  This  was  the  full  exhibition  of  the  character  of  these  “people.”  It  was  a 
disclosure,  not  of  intelligent  purposes,  but  of  the  murderous  instincts  of  ambi- 
tious barbarians.  The  venerable  Senator  from  Massachusetts  has  bestowed  upon 
rhem,  to  assail  the  policy  of  his  country  thus  far  of  necessity  in  the  severest  and 
most  searching  sense  of  the  word,  virtues  they  do  not  possess  or  comprehend. 


CHAPTER  Yin. 


MR.  DOLLIYER  OF  IOWA  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Room  for  All  Sorts  of  Speeches,  but  Only  One  Course  of  Action — The  President 
Did  Not  Take  Initial  Responsibility  of  Disturbing  the  Peace — Dr.  Park- 
hurst’s  Boomerang  Criticism — Cheap  Newspapers  Full  of  Malice — Americans 
on  Blanco’s  Platform — Our  Experience  with  Acquired  Territory — Andrew 
Jackson’s  Territorial  Policy — Two  Mourners  in  a Palace  Over  the  Collapse 
of  the  Republic — Bryan’s  Pitched  Battle  with  American  History — Not 
Canned  Freedom,  but*  Liberty  on  the  Half  Shell — A Tribute  to  General 
Wheeler — In  “The  Fear  of  God  and  Nothing  Else,”  as  Bismarck  Said, 
Take  Up  Duty. 

Mr.  Dolliver  of  Iowa  referred  to  the  “proposed  retreat  of  the  nation  of  America” 
and  to  the  “desultory  firing  on  the  Government  from  behind  the  barricades  of 
banquet  tables,”  and  said: 

“While  there  is  room  for  everybody’s  speeches,  there  is  room  only  for  a single 
course  of  action.  They  alone  who  must  put  their  judgment  to  the  final  test  of  per- 
formance have  need  to  he  definite  and  coherent  in  their  opinions,  and  it  begins 
to  look  as  if  the  speechmakers  had  taken  advantage  of  the  fact  that,  while 
everything  can  be  said,  only  one  thing  can  at  last  be  done. 

“In  this  respect  the  position  of  the  President  differs  from  that  of  the  states- 
men at  large.  They  are  at  liberty  to  exhort,  to  rave  and  scold  and  jest.  He 
must  act. 

“As  for  those  who  deliberately  inflamed  the  passions  of  the  hour,  teaching  the 
American  people  to  despise  the  resources  of  diplomacy  and  to  visit  our  State 
Department  with  contempt;  for  those  especially  who  boast  that  ‘they  took  the 
Republican  party,’  if  I may  recall  the  glowing  language  of  my  amiable  friend 
from  Missouri,  ffiy  the  scruff  of  the  neck’  and  dragged  it  into  the  declaration  of 
war;  for  these  men  now  to  multiply  the  national  difficulties  by  the  devices  of  a 
reckless  partisan  agitation  indicates  at  least  that  we  still  have  a level  of  politics 
in  the  United  States  which  has  a good  deal  to  learn  about  the  ethics,  if  not  about 
the  etiquette,  of  statesmanship  and  patriotism. 

“No  one  who  has  followed  with  even  a casual  attention  the  history  of  the 
past  year  can  doubt  that  the  troubles  which  now  lie  in  our  path  come  in  a straight 
line  from  the  original  act  by  which  the  nation  accepted  the  alternative  of  war. 

The  blood  that  has  been  shed,  the  treasure  that  has  been  expended,  the  victories 

565 


566 


ME.  DOLLIVER  OF  IOWA  FOE  EXPANSION. 


that  have  been  won,  the  scattered  territories  that  have  fallen  from  the  feeble 
possession  of  the  Spanish  Crown — all  these  are  only  a part  of  the  context  of  the 
original  resolution  of  April  29,  1898. 

“It  is  historically  certain  that  the  initial  responsibility  for  disturbing  the 
peace  of  the  country  does  not  lie  with  the  President,  but  with  the  Congress,  and 
beyond  the  Congress,  with  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Our  intervention 
against  Spain  was  a national  act  in  the  most  perfect  sense.  The  President  is 
accused  of  slavishly  following  public  opinion  without  regard  to  duty,  not  to  speak 
of  the  lighter  offense  of  finding  out  what  the  people  of  the  United  States 
think  before  he  acts.  Dr.  Parkhurst,  a famous  clergyman  of  New  York,  derided 
the  President  because  ‘he  had  put  his  ear  to  the  ground  in  order  to  catch  the 
reverberations  that  roll  in  from  the  wild  West.’  If  the  gentleman  from  Indiana, 
by  what  he  said  here  to-day,  meant  to  insult  the  Chief  Magistrate,  as  Dr.  Park- 
hurst  aimed  to  wound  the  sensibilities  of  a portion  of  our  common  country,  he 
unintentionally  paid  to  William  McKinley  while  he  lives  a tribute  which  his- 
torians have  lovingly  laid  upon  the  grave  of  Abraham  Lincoln — that  in  times  of 
peril,  of  doubt,  and  of  uncertainty  he  was  great  enough  to  stand  by  the  side  of 
the  humble  millions  of  his  countrymen  and  to  go  forward  in  their  strength  in 
the  discharge  of  his  official  duties.  The  President  cannot  be  accused,  without  a 
profligate  distortion  of  the  truth,  of  any  delinquency  or  hesitation  in  executing 
the  express  will  and  purpose  of  the  nation.  No  voice  of  any  respectability  has  yet 
been  raised  in  such  an  accusation  against  him.  It  is  true  that  as  victory  came 
in  sight  an  organized  conspiracy  of  scandal  and  detraction  was  set  on  foot,  with 
partisan  motives,  to  cover  an  administrative  department  of  the  Government  with 
disgrace. 

“Cheap  newspapers  have  filled  the  world  with  the  inventions  of  malice,  and 
cheap  politicians  have  pushed  their  way  in  among  the  mourners  at  every  soldier’s 
grave  to  poison  broken  hearts  with  suspicion  and  hatred  against  the  Government 
in  order  to  reproach  an  administration  which  under  unusual  trials  has  led  the 
American  people,  with  losses  comparatively  insignificant,  into  a victory  rich  and 
splendid  in  the  fruits  of  liberty. 

“General  Blanco,  leaving  Havana,  in  his  farewell  proclamation,  the  last  of 
a series  of  grotesque  state  papers  more  harmless  than  Spanish  artillery,  uttered 
a complaint,  not  the  platform  of  the  Anti-Imperialistic  League,  that  the  United 
States  was  a fraud  because  under  cover  of  liberating  Cuba  we  bombarded  Porto 
Eico  and  invaded  the  Isle  of  Luzon.  Who  is  willing  to  blot  from  our  history 
the  immortal  story  of  that  morning  at  Cavite  when,  under  frowning  batteries 


MR.  DOLLIVER  OF  IOWA  FOR  EXPANSION. 


567 


and  in  the  midst  of  the  unknown  perils  of  the  strange  waters,  American  sailors, 
with  the  easy  confidence  of  skill  and  bearing  won  for  our  arms  a victory  without 
precedent  in  the  legends  and  traditions  of  the  sea?  Are  we  going  to  expunge 
the  record  of  the  thanks  of  Congress  to  the  officers  and  seamen  of  the 
Asiatic  fleet?  We  have  presented  its  Admiral  with  a sword.  Are  we  going  to 
hand  it  to  him  with  an  expression  of  regret,  couched  in  the  language  of  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana,  that  we  did  not  have  sense  enough  to  order  him  to 
depart  headlong  from  the  Philippine  coasts? 

“Some  men  talk  seriously  of  hauling  the  flag  down  and  others  in  jest  about 
hauling  down  the  President.  But  what  are  you  going  to  do  with  Admiral  George 
Dewey?  He  has  not  attended  any  banquets;  he  has  sent  in  no  complaints  about 
his  bill  of  fare;  he  has  not  disposed  of  his  celebrity  to  the  magazine  editors  for 
cash.  For  nearly  a year,  under  a tropical  sun,  he  has  held  the  forts,  asking  only 
that  we  send  a first-class  statesman  to  help  him  gather  up  the  fruits  of  his  achieve- 
ment. It  may  be  that  all  our  first-class  statesmen  are  too  busy  with  their  consti- 
tutional quibbles,  their  legal  technicalities,  and  their  morbid  affectation  of  superior 
virtues,  and  that  our  statesmen  of  the  second  class  are  too  much  engrossed  with 
the  question  of  embalmed  beef  to  be  of  much  help  to  the  Admiral  as  he  stands 
alone  on  the  bridge  of  his  flagship  waiting  for  the  civil  authority  to  come  to  his 
support.  But  may  we  not  at  least  say  to  him  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  which  issued  the  command  under  which  he  acted  on  the  1st  of  May, 
accepts  the  whole  responsibility  for  his  execution  of  orders?  Can  we  applaud 
him  for  doing  his  duty  while  we  sit  shivering  and  whimpering  before  ours?  What 
is  there  in  the  national  spirit  of  America  that  invites  or  even  tolerates  this  nerve- 
less and  debilitated  attitude  in  the  presence  of  responsibilities  like  these? 

“Do  we  not  rather  dwarf  and  belittle  the  things  which  he  has  done  unless  we 
make  them  part  of  the  future  of  the  Republic?  For  he  has  earned,  if  ever  man 
can  earn  from  his  fellow-man,  the  exultant  salutation  of  the  human  race,  Well  done, 
thou  good  and  faithful  servant  of  mankind. 

“I  have  heard  it  said  that  the  treaty  involves  the  violation  of  our  Constitution 
in  acquiring  these  possessions,  and  of  our  Declaration  of  Independence  in  governing 
them.  But  we  have  the  words  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall  for  it  that  the  power  to 
make  war  and  to  frame  treaties  necessarily  involves  the  power  to  acquire  terri- 
tory, and  that  the  power  to  acquire  territory  implies  the  power  to  govern  and 
control  it.  Nor  are  we  as  a nation  entirely  without  experience  in  the  government 
of  acquired  territory. 


5fi8 


MR.  DOLLIVER  OF  IOWA  FOR  EXPANSION. 


“When  our  Constitution  was  adopted  we  had  on  hand  a vast  territory  belong- 
ing to  the  public  domain,  and  we  managed  to  govern  it  for  a long  period  of  time 
with  scant  reference  to  the  views  of  its  population,  under  a despotism  in  which  the 
constitutional  theory  of  government  had  no  place  whatever. 

“In  1803  we  acquired  the  Territory  of  Louisiana  by  a treaty.  It  was  inhabited 
by  many  nationalities  and  native  tribes,  both  numerous  and  warlike.  We  gov- 
erned it  by  a military  despotism  in  which  the  inhabitants  took  no  part.  It  was 
divided  along  the  thirty-third  parallel  of  latitude  into  two  parts.  That  south  of 
the  line  was  called  Orleans,  and  all  the  rest  described  by  the  general  name  of 
Louisiana.  In  neither  division  were  the  people  in  any  respect  consulted  as  to 
the  method  of  their  government.  The  French  and  the  Spaniards  were  left  without 
voice  in  the  matter  because  they  knew  too  much,  and  the  Indians  were  left  out 
because  they  did  not  know  enough. 

“The  history  of  these  territorial  governments  is  most  instructive,  especially  to 
one  who  is  anxious  to  avoid  visionary  interpretations  of  the  political  creed  of  our 
ancestors.  Not  less  instructive  is  the  record  of  our  territorial  government  of 
Florida,  the  Mexican  cessions,  California,  and  Alaska.  The  Territory  of  Florida 
has  a history  specially  interesting,  because  after  it  was  acquired  by  the  treaty  of 
1819  from  Spain,  President  Monroe  sent  General  Jackson  there  to  govern  it,  with 
powers  limited  by  only  two  conditions,  one  that  he  should  impose  no  new  taxes 
and  the  other  that  he  should  not  make  or  confirm  any  land  grants.  In  all  other 
respects  his  powers  were  unlimited,  and  whatever  he  did,  singularly  enough,  was 
authenticated  in  these  words: 

“ ‘By  Major-General  Andrew  Jackson,  Governor  of  the  Provinces  of  the 
Floridas,  exercising  the  powers  of  the  Captain-General  and'  Intendent  of  the  Island 
of  Cuba  over  the  said  provinces  and  of  the  Governors  of  said  provinces  respect- 
ively.’ 

“It  is  little  wonder  that  Thomas  H.  Benton,  in  his  early  years,  should  have 
been  impressed  ‘with  such  illustrations  of  Congressional  power  over  territories,’ 
and  that  in  his  old  age,  reviewing  his  long  political  association  with  General 
Jackson,  should  have  written  down  the  following  comment  on  our  form  of  Gov- 
ernment as  our  fathers  understood  it: 

“ ‘In  the  United  States,  where  people  are  accustomed  to  the  regular  admin- 
istration of  justice,  the  summary  proceedings  of  General  Jackson  appeared  to  bo 
harsh  and  even  lawless;  but  they  were  all  justified  by  the  Administration  and 
sanctioned  by  the  negative  action  of  Congress.  And  in  Florida,  where  they  took 


MR.  DOLLIYER  OF  IOWA  FOR  EXPANSION. 


569 


place,  and  where  it  was  seen  that  no  wealth  or  power  could  screen  the  oppressor, 
and  that  governors,  judges,  and  rich  merchants  were  laid  by  the  heels  like  common 
offenders,  and  the  protecting  shield  of  law  and  justice  thrown  over  the  humble 
and  helpless — in  this  province,  so  long  a prey  to  oppression  and  corruption,  the 
conduct  of  General  Jackson  appeared  like  an  emanation  of  divine  justice,  greatly 
exalting  the  American  character.  * * * He  constantly  repulsed  the  idea  of  the 
presence  of  the  Constitution  in  the  territory  committed  to  his  charge,  and  in  that 
repulsion  he  was  sustained  by  the  Federal  Executive  Government  at  Washington 
and  by  each  House  of  Congress,  each  of  these  authorities  refusing  to  entertain — as 
breaches  of  the  Constitution — the  complaints  forwarded  against  him  by  those  who 
had  been  militarily  dealt  with  under  his  government.’ 

“Not  long  ago,  in  a palace  in  the  city  of  New  York,  two  men  sat  down  to 
weep  over  the  downfall  of  the  Republic — one  a colonel  of  volunteers,  who  had 
just  escaped  from  the  army,  with  a yell  of  oratorial  triumph,  leaving  behind 
him  a trail  of  interviews  from  Tampa  to  Washington  like  the  borealis  race  that 
flit  ere  you  can  point  their  place.  His  tears  flowed,  if  anything,  a little  more 
freely  than  his  companion’s,  for  this  was  not  the  first  time  he  had  been  called 
upon  to  note  the  collapse  of  free  institutions,  and  his  case  was  all  the  worse  on 
account  of  his  natural  repugnance  to  taking  the  oath  of  office  amid  the  falling 
columns  and  broken  altars  of  the  temple  of  liberty.  The  other  was  an  iron- 
monger who  a few  years  ago,  seeing  the  advantages  of  the  steel  pool,  had  advocated 
the  consolidation  of  England  and  America  into  a trust  to  regulate  the  world’s 
political  business,  each  to  receive  for  its  common  stock  equivalent  shares  of  the 
syndicate,  but  just  now  enlisted  under  the  banner  of  the  Anti-Imperialist  League, 
anxious  to  bring  the  United  States  out  of  the  war  with  Spain,  with  nothing  to 
show  for  the  national  sacrifices  except  a few  well-defined  cases  of  anarchy  in  the 
West  Indies  and  the  borders  of  Asia. 

“The  two  talked  together  earnestly  and  long,  with  no  differences  of  opinion 
and  only  such  occasional  hitches  in  the  conversation  as  inevitably  arise  when  two 
persons,  each  knowing  it  all,  try  to  tell  one  another  something.  At  last  they 
separate,  one  of  them  to  spread  the  alarm  by  word  of  mouth,  the  other  by  stroke 
of  pen;  both  of  them  to  learn  in  time  how  vain  and  impotent  is  the  babble  of 
men  against  the  increasing  purpose  that  runs  through  the  ages. 

“Colonel  Bryan  pitched  his  first  battle  against  American  history  at  Chicago, 
before  a club  that  for  some  inscrutable  reason  was  engaged  in  celebrating  the 
victory  of  New  Orleans.  Speaking  on  the  anniversary  of  that  battle — a battle 
fought  on  soil  which  Jefferson  purchased  from  Napoleon  by  the  military  governor 


570 


MR.  DOLLIVER  OP  IOWA  FOR  EXPANSION. 


who  subsequently  obtained  the  consent  of  the  resident  Spaniards  and  Indian  natives 
to  our  first  government  of  the  provinces  of  the  Floridas — he  lamented  any  further 
growth  of  the  United  States,  demanded  instant  and  unconditional  independence 
for  the  Philippine  tribes,  and  wound  up  by  calling  on  Moses,  who  died  on  an 
expedition  to  exterminate  the  nations  of  Canaan,  to  come  back  from  his  unknown 
grave  and  unite  with  the  Democratic  party  in  its  present  campaign  against  the 
progress  of  civilization. 

“Now,  all  this  would  be  very  thrilling  and  very  satisfactory  if  these  sudden 
apostles  of  lesser  America  would  only  learn  to  speak  the  same  language.  But  the 
very  night  the  Colonel  of  Volunteers  was  in  Chicago  former  Vice-President  Steven- 
son was  in  Omaha,  at  the  same  kind  of  a dinner,  telling  the  Jackson  Club  that 
this  mythical  Philippine  commonwealth  which  we  hear  talked  about,  with  its 
president  and  cabinet  and  congress,  is  in  fact  a scattered  and  helpless  population 
unfit  for  self-government  in  any  sense  of  the  word.  The  same  thread  of  con- 
tradiction seems  to  run  through  the  magazines.  Open  the  North  American  Review. 
On  the  first  page  is  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  exalting  the  Philippine  tribes  to  the 
opportunities  and  privileges  of  a new  republic,  exactly  as  my  friend  from  Indiana 
has  done  this  day,  in  words  which  have  hardly  fallen  below  the  rhapsody  with  which 
the  venerable  ex-Secretary  of  State  has  welcomed  the  guileless  Aguinaldo  into  the 
company  of  George  Washington;  while  a few  pages  over  we  find  Senator  Vest, 
who  has  studied  this  question  about  as  hard  as  my  friend  from  Indiana  has,  even 
if  he  has  not  written  down  his  views  quite  so  fully,  describing  the  people  to 
whom  my  friend  asks  us  to  furnish,  not  canned  freedom,  but  liberty  on  the  half- 
shell— a license  to  do  business  on  their  own  account — as  a piratical  and  half- 
civilized  mass  of  muck-running  barbarians. 

“I  have  never  yet  heard  an  American,  big  or  little,  say  that  we  ought  to 
have  given  these  islands  back  to  Spain,  that  we  ought  to  have  committed  them 
to  the  bloody  hand  of  the  despotism  from  which  we  have  delivered  them;  but  I 
do  not  hesitate  to  say,  measuring  my  words,  that  such  a disposition  of  them  would 
be  merciful  and  benevolent  compared  to  the  policy  of  recognizing  the  petty  tribal 
chieftains  who  are  now  preparing  lawlessness  and  confusion  for  the  islands  of  the 
archipelago;  for  it  is  written  in  the  common  law  that  tyranny  is  to  be  preferred 
rather  than  anarchy,  on  the  ground  that  any  government  in  the  world  is  better 
than  no  government  at  all. 

“I  have  never  heard  anyone  say  that  we  ought  to  divide  these  islands  among 
the  nations  of  the  world,  though  if  the  nations  of  the  world  would  take  them,  the 
time  will  certainly  come  when  we  can  do  that,  if  we  desire.  I deny  that  we  entered 


ME.  DOLLIYEE  OF  IOWA  FOE  EXPANSION. 


m 


upon  the  war  under  leave  of  any  foreign  nation.  I rejoice  in  the  fact  that  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  when  the  world  was  full  of  rumors  about  the 
intervention  of  the  powers,  told  the  ambassadors  assembled  that  the  American 
Government  was  about  to  handle  the  question  for  itself;  and  if  the  Government 
of  Great  Britain  stood  by  ready  to  temper  the  hostile  motives  of  other  powers,  it  is 
only  a new  bond  of  sympathy  between  us  and  the  kindred  people  from  whom  we 
have  derived  our  language,  our  literature,  our  laws,  and  our  institutions. 

“Not  only  do  I deny  that  we  went  into  the  war  by  permission  of  foreign 
nations,  but  I deny  that  we  came  out  of  it  by  the  consent  of  foreign  nations.  On 
the  contrary,  I assert  before  the  House  to-day  that  the  achievements  of  the  past 
year  have  put  foreign  nations  on  their  guard  and  induced  them,  standing  at  a 
respectful  distance,  to  recognize  that  the  United  States  is  able  to  take  care  of 
itself.  We  stand  in  the  arena  of  the  world’s  affairs  dependent  upon  the  counte- 
nance of  no  foreign  power,  hut  appreciative  of  the  good  will  of  all,  with  a prestige 
among  the  nations  which  we  have  never  enjoyed  before  in  our  whole  history  since 
the  foundations  of  civil  liberty  were  laid  on  this  continent  by  our  fathers.” 

Dolliver  referred  to  General  Wheeler,  saying: 

“At  the  time  of  the  attack  upon  Santiago  he  was  sick  and  unable  to  leave 
his  tent,  but  when  he  heard  the  firing  he  got  into  an  ambulance  and  started  for 
the  front.  When  he  met  details  of  men  carrying  the  wounded  to  the  rear  he  told 
the  boys  to  let  the  wounded  ride  and  asked  them  to  get  him  out  of  the  ambu- 
lance and  put  him  upon  his  horse;  and  all  day  long  in  the  firing  line  at  Santiago 
he  kept  the  field,  directing  the  movement  of  his  troops. 

“I  do  not  know  how  it  seems  to  others,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  that  old 
Confederate  General  riding  up  and  down  the  line  at  Santiago  has  become  the 
type  of  a larger  and  better  Americanism  which  has  turned  its  back  upon  all  the 
bitterness  of  the  past  and  opened  its  eyes  to  the  sublime  destiny  of  a reunited 
country.  I have  not  read  the  history  of  the  world  without  perceiving  that  there 
is  in  it  a Providence  higher  and  wiser  than  our  poor  human  guidance.  I accept 
the  philosophy  which  finds  a Power  in  this  universe  which  makes  for  righteous- 
ness; an  Eye  over  all  that  neither  slumbers  nor  sleeps,  an  Arm  made  bare  to  lift 
up  the  helpless  and  despairing  children  of  men.  Let  us  not  doubt  that  amid 
the  vicissitudes  of  the  national  life,  even  when  we  walk  in  the  thick  darkness,  when 
the  judgment  of  the  wise  is  confounded  and  the  foresight  of  the  prudent  made 
afraid,  we  execute  at  last,  in  a poor,  blind  wray,  not  the  clumsy  designs  of  men, 
but  the  inviolable  will  of  God.  To  my  mind  it  does  not  seem  incredible  that  the 
Power  which  is  over  all  the  governments  of  men  is  about  to  take  the  great 


572 


MR.  DOLLIVER  OF  IOWA  FOR  EXPANSION. 


Republic,  united  and  made  strong  in  the  devotion  and  loyalty  of  all  its  people,  and 
use  it  as  an  instrument  in  His  hand  to  enlarge  the  boundaries  of  civilization,  to 
extend  the  frontiers  of  freedom  in  far-off  lands,  and  to  garrison  new  outposts  of 
social  progress  in  the  ends  of  the  earth.  And  if  that  is  our  destiny  and  that  our 
duty,  I for  one  am  in  favor  of  looking  the  future  in  the  face  and  taking  up  that 
duty  ‘in  the  fear  of  God/  as  old  Bismarck  used  to  say,  ‘and  of  nothing  else.’  ” 


SENA.TQE-HENRV-C..  LODOK 


CHAPTER  IX. 


HON.  HENRY  GIBSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Porto  Rico  Is  a Conquest;  Are  We  to  Give  It  Up  on  Moral  Grounds? — There 
Were  Croakers  About  Our  Having  Any  Pacific  Coast — It  Was  Six  Months 
Away — “The  Ashy  Lips  of  Cowards  and  Traitors” — There  Would  Be  Objec- 
tions to  Annexing  Paradise — Do  the  Black  Men  Consent  to  Be  Governed 
in  All  the  States? — Why  Say  “Turkey”  to  the  Yellow  Heathen  and 
“Buzzard”  to  the  Black  Christian? — When  Did  We  Get  the  Consent  of  the 
Indians  to  Govern  Them? — The  Pilgrim  Fathers  Exterminated  the  Natives 
of  Massachusetts — God  Commanded  the  Killing  of  the  Canaanites. 

Hon.  Henry  Gibson  of  Tennessee  says: 

“Porto  Rico  is  a beautiful,  healthful,  and  fertile  island,  within  the  sphere 
of  our  influence  and  on  the  great  waterway  between  the  United  States  and  South 
America.  The  inhabitants  are  anxious  for  annexation,  and  everywhere  welcomed 
the  arrival  of  our  soldiers  with  shouts  of  joyous  salutation. 

“It  is  said  that  we  did  not  go  to  war  for  conquest,  and  we  did  not.  But 
because  we  did  not  go  to  war  shall  we  for  that  reason  abandon  Porto  Rico?  When 
we  engaged  in  the  war  with  Mexico  in  1846  we  did  not  go  into  it  for  conquest; 
our  purpose  was  to  defend  and  protect  Texas. 

“But  when  that  war  ended  we  were  in  possession  not  only  of  Texas,  hut  of 
Utah,  California,  Nevada,  Arizona,  and  New  Mexico.  Now,  what  did  we  do? 
Did  we  say  then  that,  as  we  did  not  go  to  wrar  with  Mexico  for  conquest  we  would 
abandon  Utah,  California,  Nevada,  Arizona,  and  New  Mexico?  No,  we  were  not 
the  imbeciles  then  some  men  want  us  to  be  now.  We  held  on  to  what  we  con- 
quered from  Mexico,  and  we  are  holding  on  to  it  to-day,  although  there  were  men 
then,  as  there  are  men  now,  who  thought  it  was  wicked  and  dangerous  to  acquire 
this  territory,  and  some  predicted  that  God’s  curse  would  fall  upon  us  as  a nation 
if  we  took  this  territory  away  from  Mexico. 

“But  we  took  it,  and  we  took  it  by  force  of  arms,  and  we  hold  it  to-day,  and 
God’s  curse  has  not  yet  fallen  upon  us.  On  the  contrary,  He  seems  to  have  blessed 
us.  Oui  nation  took  a new  start  when  California  became  ours,  and  never  in  the 
history  of  the  world  has  there  been  such  progress  in  territorial  development  as 
there  has  been  since  we  annexed  California.  What  was  then  a wilderness  between 
Missouri  and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  inhabited  by  Indians,  buffaloes,  coyotes,  and 

575 


HON.  HENEY  GIBSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


iH6 

prairie  dogs  is  now  occupied  by  thirteen  States  and  three  Territories  of  oiir  Union, 
containing  8,000,000  inhabitants. 

“Man  proposes,  but  God  disposes.  We  did  not  go  to  war  with  Mexico  to 
acquire  any  territory,  but  we  did  acquire  some,  and  the  territory  thus  acquired 
has  rounded  out  our  domain,  and  been  not  only  a great  blessing  to  us,  but  a 
blessing  to  all  mankind. 

“So  we  did  not  go  to  war  with  Spain  to  acquire  any  territory.  But  again  man 
proposes  while  God  disposes,  and  as  a result  of  this  war  the  beautiful  Island  of 
Porto  Rico  is  in  our  hands.  And  the  question  now  is.  What  shall  we  do  with  it? 
Shall  we  surrender  it  to  Spain,  that  brutal  and  bloody  tyrant  whose  rule  has  been 
the  curse  of  so  many  lands?  To  haul  Porto  Rico  back  to  Spain  would  be  like 
I browing  a rescued  and  bleeding  lamb  back  into  the  jaws  of  the  wolf  whose  fangs 
had  torn  its  flesh,  and  I for  one  will  never  vote  that  way. 

“They  declared  our  Constitution  a rope  of  sand.  They  said  our  Presidents 
would  become  kings,  and  thought  they  saw  a crown  growing  on  Washington’s 
head.  When  Louisiana  was  annexed,  in  1S03,  they  said  that  it  was  so  unconsti- 
tutional as  to  annihilate  the  Constitution  and  destroy  the  Union.  When  the  first 
national  bank  was  chartered  in  1816  they  declared  that  liberty  was  as  good  as 
dead,  and  that  the  money  power  Avould  soon  own  the  country.  When,  in  1845, 
Texas  was  annexed,  they  saw  slavery  triumphant  and  the  Union  as  good  as  dis- 
solved. When,  in  1846,  we  made  war  on  Mexico  in  defense  of  Texas,  men  in 
this  House  declared  that  the  vengeance  of  heaven  was  sure  to  fall  upon  us,  and 
“bloody  graves”  would  be  the  fate  of  those  gallant  Americans  who  with  transcend- 
ent valor  upheld  our  flag  at  Buena  Vista,  and  who  carried  it  in  triumph  from 
Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico  and  floated  it  from  the  topmost  turrets  of  the  mansions  of 
the  Montezumas. 

“When,  in  1848,  we  annexed  California  and  New  Mexico,  these  same  prophets 
of  evil  saw  the  most  gigantic  dangers  looming  up  on  the  Pacific  coast,  3,000  miles 
away,  and  a six  months’  journey  by  sea  or  land,  and  the  result  would  be  the  nation 
would  break  in  two  by  its  own  weight,  the  Rocky  Mountains  being  the  line  of 
division,  unless  England  or  some  other  foreign  nation  took  California  and  Oregon 
away  from  us  by  force  of  arms.  Blood-curdling  and  hair-raising  pictures  of  na- 
tional calamity  were  thrust  before  our  horrified  vision  by  the  old  women  and 
false  prophets  of  those  days  as  the  sure  result  of  the  annexation  of  California. 
It  was  declared  to  be  a wicked  robbery  from  a sister  Republic,  a robbery  wholly 
unnecessary,  as  we  already  had  more  territory  on  the  Pacific  than  we  had  any 
use  for;  that  its  acquisition  would  necessitate  a large  increase  of  our  army  and 


HOST.  HENRY  GIBSON  FOR  EXPAN  ,xON. 


577 


navy,  and  a consequent  increase  of  taxation,  all  of  which  would  fall  on  the  poor 
man;  that  the  $15,000,000  we  paid  Mexico  for  California  was  a reckless  and  uncon- 
stitutional expenditure  for  what,  at  best,  was  a mere  unexplored  waste  of  sand  and 
sagebrush;  and  that  the  sole  object  of  the  annexation  was  the  unholy  extension 
of  African  slavery  and  the  wicked  suppression  of  American  liberty. 

“If  the  gentlemen  who  are  wrinkling  their  brows  and  torturing  their  brains  in 
unsatisfactory  efforts  to  manufacture  insect  thunder  against  the  acquisition  of 
Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  will  only  go  back  to  the  Congressional  debates  on 
the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  in  1803,  and  the  acquisition  of  Texas  and  California 
in  1845  to  1848,  they  will  find  not  only  all  the  little  arguments  their  imagination 
has  brewed  out  of  a sour  digestion,  but  will  find  many  others  of  larger  proportions 
and  more  ponderous  material.  But  they  will  find  all  of  these  arguments,  little 
and  big,  fully  answered,  all  of  their  predictions  falsified  by  subsequent  history,  and 
that,  instead  of  adversity  to  curse  us,  we  got  prosperity  to  bless  us;  instead  of 
slavery  being  extended  it  was  destroyed;  instead  of  California  being  six  months 
off  it  is  now  only  six  days  off,  and  the  1,000-mile-wide  desert  between  California 
and  Missouri  is  blossoming  like  the  rose,  the  seat  of  religion,  learning,  and  wealth, 
and  filled  with  many  populous  and  prosperous  States. 

“I  suppose  there  is  a providence  in  allowing  and  stimulating;  these  prophets  of 
evil,  the  human  ravens  whose  croaks  are  heard  from  the  glittering  spires  of  pros- 
perity and  whose  sable  wings  flit  through  all  banquet  halls,  like  fallen  spirits,  whose 
only  satisfaction  is  to  prophesy  calamity  and  terrify  the  timid. 

“The  fathers  of  our  Republic,  as  they  wrought  on  in  their  grand  endeavor 
to  lay  deep,  wide,  and  strong  the  foundations  of  a nation  that  should  be  to  all 
others  as  the  sun  is  to  the  stars,  heard  day  after  day  the  carpings  of  the  critics, 
the  sneers  of  the  scorners,  the  censures  of  the  wiseacres,  and  the  prophecies  of 
failure  from  the  ashy  lips  of  cowards  and  traitors. 

“If  Bryan  were  President  annexation  and  expansion  and  even  ‘imperialism’ 
would  be  all  right,  and  in  the  next  campaign  we  would  have  a new  and  enlarged 
edition  of  that  ancient  and  oft-repeated  Democratic  claim  that  all  of  the  valuable 
additions  to  our  national  domain  had  been  made  under  Democratic  administra- 
tions, and  we  should  again  have  heard  how  the  Democratic  party  had  ‘enlarged 
the  area  of  freedom’  and  made  another  ‘way  for  liberty.’ 

“The  majority  does  not  mean  the  majority  in  any  one  State  or  section  of  the 
country,  but  the  majority  of  all  the  people  of  all  the  States  and  all  the  sections. 
Here  is  where  the  Federal  Government  got  its  right  to  suppress  the  whisky  rebel- 
lion while  Washington  was  President,  here  is  where  Jackson  got  his  right  to  sup- 


i 


578 


HON.  HENRY  GIBSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


press  nullification  in  South  Carolina,  and  here  is  where  Lincoln  got  his  authority 
for  suppressing  the  Southern  Confederacy.  Washington,  Jackson,  and  Lincoln 
were  simply  executing  the  mandate  of  the  majority  of  all  the  people  of  all  the 
States  and  of  all  the  sections.  And  if  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  are  annexed 
to  the  United  States  and  become  a part  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  they, 
too,  will  be  governed  by  the  majority,  and  if  they  are  the  majority  they  will  govern 
us,  but  if  we  are  the  majority  we  will  govern  them.  And  on  this  commandment 
hang  all  the  law  and  politics  of  the  case. 

“Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  are  these  men  who  deny  the  rights  of  yellow  skins  in 
America  really  anxious  to  defend  the  rights  of  yellow  skins  in  Asia?  Do  the  men 
who  despise  the  negro  in  America  truly  love  the  Filipino  in  Asia?  If  the  Filipinos 
were  as  numerous  in  the  South  as  are  the  negroes,  would  these  gentlemen  who 
now  champion  their  right  to  self-government  be  as  loud-mouthed  in  their  behalf 
as  they  are  to-day?  Do  we  not  know,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  if  the  negroes  were  in 
the  Philippines  and  the  Filipinos  were  here  these  same  advocates  of  self-government 
would  be  caressing  the  negroes  and  oppressing  the  Filipinos? 

“If  Filipinos  attack  our  army,  if  they  attack  our  navy,  we  must  teach  them, 
as  we  teach  all  other  people  under  God’s  skies,  that  that  flag  will  never  be  assailed 
without  defenders.  Having  smote  down  the  lion  of  Spain  we  will  not  submit  to 
insolence  or  ingratitude  on  the  part  of  its  cubs. 

“My  solution  of  the  Philippine  problem  is  this:  If  those  fifty  or  sixty  thousand 
people  out  there  who  are  claiming  to  represent  7,000,000  people  get  a little  too 
fresh,  I would  squelch  them;  I would  turn  enough  grapeshot  and  canister  into 
their  ranks  to  teach  them  that  the  American  army  and  the  American  flag  are 
not  things  to  be  trifled  with,  and  that  they  who  interfere  with  us  do  so  at  their 
peril. 

“But  having  suppressed  these  insurgents  or  having  succeeded  in  causing  them 
to  subside,  we  will  proceed  to  inaugurate  a government  there,  a government  as 
free  and  as  much  their  government  as  they  are  capable  of  having.  If  they  are 
capable  of  a perfectly  free  government,  all  the  better;  I will  rejoice  at  it  and  will 
join  my  hurrahs  with  theirs.  But  until  that  day  comes,  until  a stable  government 
of  their  own  can  be  maintained  in  the  Philippine  Islands — until  that  day  dawns 
we  owe  it  to  mankind,  we  owe  it  to  civilization,  we  owe  it  to  Christianity,  that  the 
Stars  and  Stripes,  the  emblem  at  once  of  liberty  and  security,  shall  float  there  and 
float  supreme. 

“Some  one  asks,  ‘What  will  you  do  with  the  Philippines?  Will  you  admit 
them  as  States  into  the  Union?’  I answer  quickly,  Never,  as  States,  in  our  day. 


HON.  HENRY  GIBSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


579 


We  will  hold  them  as  Territories.  We  will  do  all  we  can  to  civilize  and  Chris- 
tianize them.  We  will  establish  schools  and  churches,  construct  roads,  erect  fac- 
tories, open  mines,  build  telegraphs,  all,  of  course,  at  their  own  expense,  and 
give  them  just  as  much  participation  in  their  own  government  as  they  are  capable 
of.  And  when,  in  the  process  of  evolution,  they  become  capable  of  self-govern- 
ment, we  will  give  them  national  independence,  with  our  blessing  and  good  wishes. 
But,  Mr.  Chairman,  let  us  do  our  duty  in  our  day  and  leave  the  future  to  be  taken 
care  of  by  the  men  of  the  future.  All  wisdom  and  patriotism  will  not  be  buried 
in  our  graves.  The  great  and  good  God,  who  has  cared  for  our  country  in  the 
past  will  raise  up  men  in  the  future  well  able  to  deal  with  the  Philippines  in  a 
manner  suitable  to  our  honor  and  welfare  and  compatible  with  the  course  of 
humanity. 

“Some  men  say,  ‘Of  what  benefit  will  these  island  be  to  us?’  That  question 
was  asked  when  we  annexed  Louisiana;  it  was  asked  when  we  annexed  Florida; 
it  was  asked  when  we  annexed  Texas;  it  was  asked  when  we  annexed  California;  it 
was  asked  when  we  annexed  Alaska,  and  it  will  continue  to  be  asked  by  the  old  fogies 
as  long  as  human  progress  and  national  development  continue.  If  Paradise  could 
be  annexed,  there  would  be  men  who  would  object  unless  they  could  get  a home- 
stead in  it  with  the  tree  of  life  in  the  center. 

“Mr.  Chairman,  that  we  are  a nation  and  that  we  have  a nation’s  powers  and 
a nation’s  rights,  and  intend  to  discharge  a nation’s  responsibilities  and  a nation’s 
duties;  and  let  the  other  nations  of  the  world  take  notice  that  we  demand  a nation’s 
respect. 

“The  Indians  to-day  have  no  voice  in  the  Government;  and  in  the  negro 
States  their  ‘consent’  is  not  only  not  obtained,  but  is  actually  denied.  And  what 
is  most  strange,  the  men  who  pretend  to  be  so  indignant  about  governing  the 
Filipinos  without  their  ‘consent’  are  the  very  men  who  are  most  anxious  to 
govern  the  negroes  without  their  ‘consent!’  Is  an  Asiatic  Filipino  who  lives  10,000 
miles  from  here  entitled  to  any  more  rights  than  an  American  negro  who  lives 
next  door  to  us?  Why  is  it,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  some  of  these  men  who  rave 
so  for  fear  the  Filipinos  will  be  governed  without  their  consent  rave  just  as 
furiously  when  the  negroes  insist  on  not  being  governed  without  their  consent? 

“Why  do  these  professed  champions  of  liberty  insist  on  saying  ‘turkey’  to  the 
Filipinos  and  ‘buzzard’  to  the  negroes?  What  is  sauce  for  the  Philippine  goose 
ought  to  be  sauce  for  the  African  gander.  I can  not  quite  understand  the  hearts 
of  those  men  who  so  dearly  love  the  yellow  Filipino,  whom  they  have  never  seen, 
and  yet  do  not  love  the  yellow  negro,  whom  they  have  seen.  If  the  Filipinos 


580 


HON.  HENRY  GIBSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


are  entitled  to  self-government,  then  the  negroes  are;  and  yet  some  of  these  men 
who  are  pretending  to  be  so  indignant  because  the  savage,  half-naked,  heathen 
Filipino  is  to  be  governed  without  his  consent  are  just  as  indignant  when  a civilized 
Christian  negro  asks  not  to  be  governed  without  his  consent.  Surely  the  charity 
of  these  lovers  of  the  Filipinos  does  not  begin  at  home. 

“As  a matter  of  fact,  Mr.  Chairman,  even  in  our  own  country  government  is  not 
always  based  on  the  ‘consent  of  the  governed.’  What  father  asks  the  ‘consent’  of 
his  children  to  the  government  he  establishes  over  them?  When  and  in  what  is 
the  ‘consent’  of  the  women  of  the  country  obtained,  even  where  they  are  taxed? 
The  ‘consent’  of  the  Indians  has  seldom  been  deemed  necessary,  and  when  necessary 
has  often  been  obtained  by  fraud  or  force. 

“At  every  session  of  Congress  laws  are  passed  that  some  one  or  more  States 
object  to.  At  every  session  of  the  various  State  Legislatures  laws  are  passed  that 
some  counties  do  not  consent  to.  The  consent  of  the  majority  rules,  and  they 
are  the  governors,  while  the  consent  of  the  governed  minority  is  not  only  not 
asked,  but  when  known  is  denied,  and  sometimes  denied  with  contemptuous 
tyranny  and  undeserved  opprobrium. 

“In  the  days  of  nullification  South  Carolina  was  kept  in  the  Union  and  forced 
to  obey  laws  against  her  consent.  Andrew  Jackson  threatened  to  hang  some 
of  the  South  Carolina  nullifiers  because  they  would  not  ‘consent.’ 

“From  1861  to  1865  we  waged  a terrible  war  against  the  Confederate  States 
because  they  would  not  ‘consent’  to  remain  any  longer  in  the  old  Union.  And  after 
the  war  we  disfranchised  them,  so  they  would  be  unable  to  express  their  dissent. 

“We  have  had  several  Presidents  who  failed  to  get  the  ‘consent’  of  a majority 
of  the  voters.  There  are  several  States  in  the  Union  to-day  permanently  governed 
by  a minority  of  their  people,  and  even  in  those  States  where  majority  rule  prevails 
the  minority  are  not  only  governed  with  their  ‘consent,’  but  are  often  governed 
in  spite  of  their  dissent.  Even  here  in  the  city  of  Washington,  right  around 
and  in  sight  of  this  Capitol,  there  are  300,000  intelligent,  cultured,  liberty-loving, 
patriotic  people  governed  without  their  consent,  without  any  voice,  vote,  or  repre- 
sentation whatever,  and  taxed  besides. 

“When  America  was  settled,  was  the  ‘consent’  of  the  Indians  asked  by  our 
forefathers?  Did  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  obtain  the  consent  of  the  Massachusetts 
Indians?  No,  sir;  they  exterminated  them! 

“Where  would  the  United  States  of  America  be  to-day  if  the  first  white  men 
who  landed  on  our  coast  had  sailed  away  because  the  Indians  objected  to  their 
coming?  This  fair  and  gracious  land,  the  wonder  of  the  world,  with  its  70,000,000 


IIOIsT.  HENRY  GIBSON  FOR  EXPANSION. 


581 


of  people,  its  hundreds  of  beautiful  towns  and  cities,  its  millions  of  fertile  fields, 
its  hundreds  of  thousands  of  schools  and  churches;  its  railroads,  telegraphs,  and 
mail  routes;  its  electrical  inventions  and  manufacturing  establishments;  its  mil- 
lions of  happy,  Christian  homes;  its  government — the  best  on  earth  for  man's 
welfare — where  would  all  these  have  been  had  the  ‘consent’  of  the  Indians  been 
necessary  to  the  occupation  of  the  country?  Instead  of  this  magnificent  Capitol 
there  would  be  the  wigwam  of  some  Powhatan;  and  instead  of  these  champions  of 
the  ‘consent  of  the  governed,’  who  from  day  to  day  make  these  walls  weary  of 
reverberation,  we  would  have  a few  Indian  bucks  in  war  paint,  with  feathers  on 
their  heads  and  down  their  backs,  and  scalps  in  their  belts!  And  thus  the  doctrine 
of  the  ‘consent  of  the  governed'  would  have  been  vindicated,  even  though  a con- 
tinent was  thereby  made  the  home  of  heathen  savages! 

“‘Consent  of  the  governed,’  indeed!  The  -world  has  moved  onward  to  civiliza- 
tion and  Christianity  against  the  ‘consent  of  the  governed.’  War  is  the  great 
civilizer.  God  commanded  Moses  and  Joshua  to  exterminate  the  Canaanites. 

“We  have  had  our  Jeremiahs  all  along  the  line,  lamenting  that  the  ruin 
of  our  country  was  just  at  our  doors  unless  their  counsel  was  observed,  but  wc 
are  not  ruined  yet.  Instead  of  being  ruined  we  have  prospered,  prospered  more 
than  any  other  nation  that  ever  existed,  and,  what  is  strange,  the  more  the 
prophecies  of  evil  the  greater  our  prosperity.  And  we  are  still  moving  on  and 
moving  up,  conquering  and  to  conquer.  The  stars  in  their  courses  have  been  fight- 
ing on  our  side,  and  Destiny  has  pronounced  an  irrevocable  decree  in  our  favor. 

“ ‘There  are  great  truths  that  pitch  their  shining  tents 
Outside  our  walls,  and  though  but  dimly  seen 
In  the  gray  dawn  they  will  be  manifest 
When  the  light  widens  into  perfect  day.’  ” 


CHAPTER  X. 


SENATOR  HOAR  AGAINST  EXPANSION. 

This  Is  the  Greatest  Question  Ever  Discussed  by  the  United  States  Senate— 
Almost  the  Greatest  Since  the  Beginning  of  Mankind — Putting  the  Flag 
Up  and  Down — Wanted  Messages  Sent  to  the  Philippines — What  Are  We 
to  Do  with  10,000,000  Souls? — Poor  People  Who  Took  Their  Bows  and 
Arrows — Aguinaldo’s  Masterpieces — Dr.  Johnson  on  Taxation — Trampling 
on  Foreign  People — Filipinos  in  Arms  for  Liberty. 

Senator  Hoar  said  that  no  man  can  justly  charge  him  with  a lack  of  faith 
in  his  countrymen  or  a lack  of  faith  in  the  principles  on  which  the  republic  was 
founded.  He  had  in  the  fullest  measure  that  which  stands  as  the  central  figure 
in  the  mighty  group  which  the  apostle  said  is  forever  to  abide — hope.  He  thanked 
God  that  as  his  eyes  grow  dim  they  look  out  on  a fairer  country,  a better  people, 
a brighter  future. 

It  was  not  his  purpose,  of  course,  to  discuss  the  general  considerations  which 
affect  any  acquisition  of  sovereignty  by  the  American  people  over  the  Philippine 
Islands  which  has  been  or  may  be  proposed. 

He  hoped  not  to  weary  by  reiteration,  but  this  was  the  greatest  question, 

✓ 

this  question  of  power  and  authority  of  our  Constitution  in  this  matter,  he  had 
almost  said,  that  had  been  discussed  among  mankind  from  the  beginning  of  time. 
Certainly  it  is  the  greatest  question  ever  discussed  in  the  Senate  from  the  beginning 
of  the  government. 

Mr.  Hoar  believed  this  country  to  be  a nation — a sovereign  nation.  He  be- 
lieved Congress  possessed  all  the  powers  necessary  to  accomplish  the  great  objects 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution  intended  should  be  accomplished;  denied  that  it 
possessed  the  “astonishing”  and  “extravagant”  powers  under  the  Constitution  which 
Senators  attributed  to  it.  , 

' “We  have  heard  of  limited  monarchies,  constitutional  monarchies,  despotisms 
tempered  by  assassination,  but  the  logic  of  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  makes  a 
pure,  unlimited,  untempered  despotism  without  any  relief  from  assassins. 

“In  general  the  friends  of  what  is  called  imperialism  or  expansion  content 
themselves  with  declaring  that  the  flag  which  is  taken  down  every  night  and  put 
up  again  every  morning  over  the  roof  of  this  Senate  chamber,  where  it  is  in  its 
Tightful  place,  must  never  be  taken  down  where  it  has  once  floated,  whether  that 

582 


SENATOR  HOAR  AGAINST  EXPANSION. 


583 


be  its  rightful  place  or  not — a doctrine  which  is  not  only  without  justification 
in  international  law,  but  if  it  were  implanted  there  would  make  every  war  between 
civilized  and  powerful  nations  a war  of  extermination  or  a war  of  dishonor  to  one 
party  or  the  other.” 

Mr.  Hoar  dwelt  upon  the  large  increase  in  national  expenditure  which  the 
policy  of  expansion  advocated  would  entail,  placing  the  amount  at  $150,000,000 
annually.  He  argued  that  the  adoption  of  expansion  doctrine  would  reduce  wages, 
increase  taxation,  place  an  armed  soldier  on  the  back  of  the  workingman,  and 
by  the  act  of  the  government  every  American’s  dignity  would  be  dishonored 
and  his  manhood  discrowned. 

“The  Monroe  doctrine  is  gone,”  he  said.  “Every  European  nation,  every 
European  alliance,  has  the  right  to  acquire  dominion  in  this  hemisphere  when  we 
acquire  it  in  the  Orient. 

“I  heard  a good  deal  before  the  treaty  was  enacted,  spoken  with  great  earnest- 
ness and  great  vehemence,  about  embarrassing  the  administration  in  the  war. 
It  was  said  we  cannot  declare  the  old  doctrine  of  the  Farewell  Address,  or  the 
old  doctrine  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  or  any  limitations  on  our  con- 
stitutional power,  or  any  expression  of  our  intent,  because  there  are  hostilities 
going  on  between  the  United  States  and  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 
Those  hostilities  are  going  on  now,  and  what  has  become  of  the  scruples  of  the 
majority  in  this  chamber?  They  are  prepared  not  only  to  send  to  the  people  of 
the  Philippine  Islands  what  two  highly  esteemed  members  of  the  Senate,  in 
speeches  which,  I think,  gave  me  more  pain  than  any  other  speeches  I ever  listened 
to  in  the  Senate,  said  they  would  not  do — they  would  not  send  any  message  to 
the  persons  who  had  arms  in  their  hands  taken  up  against  the  United  States. 
But  here  is  a message,  while  those  hostilities  are  still  going  on,  calculated  to  pro- 
voke freemen,  lovers  of  liberty,  men  who  think  as  our  ancestors  thought,  men  who 
think  as  we  have  thought  till  within  six  months,  to  resistance  and  to  hostility 
to  the  death. 

“They  are  simply  resolutions,  when  properly  analyzed,  declaring  in  effect  that 
these  10,000,000  people  have  in  our  judgment  no  constitutional  rights,  no  rights 
to  liberty,  no  rights  even  to  be  heard  in  the  determination  of  their  own  self-govern- 
ment, and  that  they  are  not  to  have  in  the  future  any  right  of  citizenship,  any 
of  the  rights  debated  and  somewhat  misty,  but  still  valuable  and  precious,  which 
men  have  when  they  become  residents  on  territory  of  the  United  States.  They 
are  not  to  be  citizens  here.  They  are  not  to  be  an  integral  part  of  our  territory 
ever.  Then  it  goes  on  to  say,  in  substance,  that  they  are  to  have  nothing  to  do 


584 


SENATOR  HOAR  AGAINST  EXPANSION. 


about  their  own  government  hereafter.  It  is  the  intention  of  the  United  States 
to  make  a government  for  them  ‘suitable  to  the  wants  and  conditions  of  the 
inhabitants  of  said  islands.’  Of  that  we  are  to  judge,  not  they.  That  government 
is  not  to  fit  them  to  govern  themselves  ever  in  the  great  things  which  pertain  to 
a national  life. 

“The  message  which  my  honorable  friend  from  Delaware  will  not  send  to 
the  people  with  arms  in  their  hands  is  a message  of  peace,  of  good  will,  of  liberty. 
But  he  will  send  them  this  message  from  the  Senate:  Never  shall  you  be  made 
citizens;  never  shall  your  territory  be  United  States  territory;  never  shall  you  have 
the  rights  which  dwellers  on  our  territory  enjoy;  never  shall  you  establish  your 
government  for  yourself.  We  will  try  to  fit  you  in  small  matters  and  in  local 
matters  for  self-government;  we  will  try  to  fit  you  to  govern  yourselves  so  far 
as  the  people  of  the  District  of  Columbia  used  to  govern  themselves,  perhaps,  and 
so  far  as  a Territory  may  govern  itself,  perhaps,  but  you  shall  never  have  a part 
or  a share,  not  one  of  the  ten  millions  of  you,  in  your  national  self-government. 

“And  then  what  is  the  United  States  going  to  do  with  10,000,000  human 
souls?  Make  such  disposition  of  them  as  will  best  promote  not  even  their  interests 
alone,  but  ours,  ‘as  will  best  promote  the  interests  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,’  which  they  are  not,  and  as  a caudal  appendage,  the  interests  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  islands. 

“Now,  was  there  ever  on  the  face  of  the  earth  more  infamy,  if  what  the 
people  of  the  United  States  have  said  and  lived  and  declared  in  the  face  of  all 
mankind  be  true,  than  is  to  be  contained  in  that  declaration?  It  is  a declaration 
stripped  of  everything  else  simply  that  the  Louisiana  sugar  planter  shall  not  be 
afraid  of  their  competition  in  the  future,  and  that  to  prevent  that  fear  there  shall 
never  be  a human,  a constitutional,  or  a legal  right  recognized  in  those  10,000,000 
people;  and  that  is  the  wThole  of  it. 

“You  cannot  send  a message  ofjieace,  you  cannot  send  a message  of  hope, 
you  cannot  send  a message  of  pity,  to  those  poor  people  who  have  taken  their 
bows  and  arrows  in  their  hands  and  thrown  themselves  against  the  power  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  dashing  out  their  lives  in  a brave  battle  for  liberty. 
To  send  them  even  a message  of  pity  the  man  who  proposes  it  is  denounced  as  a 
traitor  and  as  unfaithful  to  the  interests  of  his  own  country;  but  for  a message 
of  tyranny,  a message  of  hate,  a message  of  oppression,  a message  of  slaughter, 
these  gentlemen  are  ready  enough. 

“I  want  to  say  a single  word  about  these  people  and  their  chieftain.  I agree 
that  we  have  not  full  information  about  Aguinaldo.  It  may  turn  out  in  his  case, 


SENATOR  HOAR  AGAINST  EXPANSION. 


585 


as  it  has  turned  out  in  the  case  of  so  many  others,  that  he  is  an  unprincipled 
adventurer.  We  know  nothing  about  that.  All  we  know  about  him  is  that  he 
was  accepted  as  an  ally,  and  that  after  everything  that  has  been  said  to  his  dis- 
paragement happened,  after  his  retreat,  after  his  acceptance  of  the  money  of  Spain, 
he  was  recalled  in  honor  and  in  power  by  the  Admiral  and  the  General  of  the 
United  States.  We  know  that  he  had  invested  the  Spaniards  in  the  city  of 
Manila;  we  know  that  of  those  2,000  islands  he  had  won  the  independence  of  every 
one,  save  only  the  city  of  Manila,  and,  perhaps,  one  or  two  other  slight  stations 
held  by  Spain.  We  know  that  there  came  from  him  a provisional  government 
and  constitution  for  a people  engaged  in  a revolution  for  their  own  independence 
the  like  of  which  for  ability  and  fitness  for  the  situation  for  a people  about  to 
enter  upon  self-government  as  soon  as  the  military  necessity  had  gone  by  there 
are  not  ten  men  on  the  face  of  this  planet  who  could  have  improved  upon.  It  is 
a masterpiece  of  constitutional  construction. 

“We  know  that  he  has  addressed  to  this  Senate  a powerful,  temperate,  and 
respectful  communication,  stating  with  admirable  clearness  and  compactness  a 
desire  and  a hope  for  liberty  and  an  appeal  to  the  great  people  of  the  United 
States.  I do  not  see  how  any  American  heart  not  of  stone  can  fail  to  see  that 
the  source  of  that  appeal  is  entitled  to  respect  and  to  honor.  He  has  also  made 
an  application — rejected,  I am  told,  though  the  details  of  that  we  do  not  know — 
simply  for  a hearing. 

“Suppose  it  were  true  that  these  10,000,000  people  seeking  liberty,  knowing 
nothing  of  a foreign  power  but  what  they  have  learned  from  Spain,  10,000  miles 
off  from  the  United  States,  unacquainted  with  our  history,  their  eyes  never  having 
gazed  upon  the  beauty  and  the  glory  of  our  flag,  suppose  they  did  in  their  ignor- 
ance and  in  their  weakness  make  this  brave  and  passionate  attack  upon  the  forces 
of  the  United  States,  they  were,  at  least,  men  willing  to  give  their  lives  for  some- 
thing. Whatever  else  they  did,  they  did  not  flinch  or  run.  We  have  mowed 
them  down  by  the  thousands;  we  have  inflicted  upon  them  that  dread  and  terrible 
penalty;  and  I do  not  agree  with  my  honorable  friends  who  say  that  it  is  unworthy 
of  the  dignity  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  send  those  people  even  a 
message  of  kindness  and  hope  and  sympathy. 

“I  think  the  lives  of  American  soldiers  were  sacrificed  by  the  men,  whoever 
did  it,  who  demanded  of  these  men  their  unconditional  submission  and  would  not 
send  them  a message  such  as  America  has  been  wont  to  send  and  such  as  the 
American  flag  has  been  wont  to  bear  to  the  down-trodden  and  suffering  and 
oppressed  peoples  of  the  earth. 


586 


SENATOR  HOAR  AGAINST  EXPANSION. 


“Others  doubtless  will  do  as  they  please.  I have  in  regard  to  myself,  in 
regard  to  what  I have  said  and  done  and  what  I shall  say  and  do  in  this  business, 
neither  doubt,  hesitation,  nor  misgiving.  I am  satisfied  to  stand  with  the  fathers 
and  the  statesmen  of  the  past  generations,  with  the  men  who  framed  our  liberty 
and  who  founded  our  Constitution. 

“I  happened  accidentally  this  morning,  looking  entirely  for  another  subject, 
to  find  a passage  from  Dr.  Johnson,  in  the  great  argument  in  which  he  assailed 
our  revolutionary  fathers,  entitled  ‘Taxation  no  Tyranny.’  If  I were  to  have  it 
read  at  the  desk  as  a part  of  the  speech  of  the  gentlemen  who  have  been  defending 
this  business  here,  everybody  would  say,  ‘Why,  of  course,  that  was  exactly  what 
they  were  saying;  it  sounds  like  last  week  and  the  week  before  last’ — this  doc- 
trine that  there  can  be  no  limitation  of  sovereignty,  that  a sovereign  can  do  any- 
thing he  pleases,  that  you  are  inferior,  that  a constitutional  republic  or  a limited 
monarchy  is  inferior  to  a despotism  or  a tyranny.  I read  a paragraph  as  follows: 

“ ‘All  government  is  ultimately  and  essentially  absolute,  but  subordinate  socie- 
ties may  have  more  immunities,  or  individuals  greater  liberty,  as  the  operations 
of  government  are  differently  conducted.  An  English  individual  may  by  the 
supreme  authority  be  deprived  of  liberty  for  reasons  of  which  that  authority  is 
the  only  judge.  In  sovereignty  there  are  no  gradations.  There  may  be  limited 
royalty,  there  may  be  limited  consulships,  but  there,  can  be  no  limited  govern- 
ment. There  must  in  every  society  be  some  power  or  other  from  which  there  is 
no  appeal,  which  admits  no  restrictions,  which  pervades  the  whole  mass  of  the  com- 
munity, regulates  and  adjusts  all  subordination,  enacts  laws  or  repeals  them,  erects 
or  annuls  judicatures,  extends  or  contracts  privileges,  exempt  itself  from  question 
or  control,  and  bounded  only  by  physical  necessity.’ 

“That  is  the  doctrine  on  which  this  present  policy  of  ours  stands.  But  John 
Adams  and  George  Washington  and  Patrick  Henry  had  something  to  say  to  the 
contrary.  That  pamphlet  was  published  by  Dr.  Johnson  in  1775  as  ‘An  Answer 
to  the  Resolution  and  Address  of  the  American  Congress,’  and  the  American 
Congress  joined  issue  and  they  answered  to  the  great  moralist  and  philosopher, 
the  tool  and  defender  of  absolute  power,  that  governments  get  their  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed,  and  that  the  only  powers  they  get  are  just  powers, 
and  we  claim  for  our  newly  constituted  governments  the  right  to  do  only  those 
acts  and  things  which  free  and  independent  States  may  of  right  do. 

“Trampling  on  foreign  peoples  or  disposing  of  them  for  our  interests  was  not 
one  of  those  things.  They  declare  that  it  is  the  right  of  any  people  to  institute 
a new  government,  and  to  not  only  ‘organize  its  powers  in  such  form,’  but  ‘to  lay 


SENATOR  HOAR  AGAINST  EXPANSION. 


587 


its  foundation  in  such  principles  as  to  them’ — not  to  anybody  else — 'shall  seem 
most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.’  And  they  declare  that  these 
things  lie  at  the  foundation  of  all  governments,  and  are  of  higher  and  prior 
authority  than  government  itself.  They  put  that  not  only  into  their  own  declara- 
tion, but  into  the  cotemporary  Constitution  of  every  American  State;  and  the 
people  of  Virginia  added  to  it  that  these  rights  are  'the  basis  and  foundation  of 
government,’  and  'that  no  free  government  or  the  blessings  of  liberty  can  he 
preserved  to  any  people  but  by  frequent  recurrence  to  these  fundamental  prin- 
ciples.’ 

"I  wonder  what  sort  of  recurrence  we  are  going  to  make  to  these  principles  this 
year?  Can  any  man  read  them  in  the  Senate  without  being  denounced  as  a traitor? 
Can  any  Senator  read  George  Washington’s  farewell  address  on  his  birthday  with- 
out dropping  his  voice,  or  without  a little  laugh  around  the  chamber  when  he 
repeats  the  counsel  which  for  a hundred  years  we  have  followed?  Will  it  not  be  a 
remarkable  celebration  of  the  Fourth  of  July  if  we  have  these  10,000,000  people 
all  trampled  under  foot,  and  some  of  our  friends  cannot  hear  these  great  sentiments 
of  the  moral  law  as  applied  to  the  conduct  of  the  States  read  again  without  saying, 
'Oh,  that  is  a traitorous  message  you  are  sending  to  men  who  are  in  arms  for  their 
liberty  in  a distant  land’?” 


CHAPTER  XI. 


SENATOR  MASON  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 

“We  Are  Attacking  People  Without  Arms” — “How  Is  the  War  to  Be  Concluded 
Without  the  Extermination  of  Those  Poor  People?” — “We  Refuse  to  Permit 
the  Rebel  Party  Men  to  Speak  to  Us” — “By  What  Authority  Was  Iloilo 
Fired  Upon?” — “I  Say  We  Made  the  Cause  for  War” — “We  Shoot  Them 
Down  and  Burn  Their  Buildings  a la  Weyler” — “How  Long  Shall  Our  Flag 
Remain  Above  an  Unwilling  People?” — The  Whelp  of  a Lion  and  Caesar’s 
Ghost — England  Never  Guilty  of  More  Cruelty — All  Tyrants  Charge  Cutting 
Off  Heads  to  the  Lord — The  Whole  Archipelago  Not  Worth  One  American 
Boy — We  Have  Tasted  Blood. 

The  Senator  thought  the  Juggernaut  car  of  the  American  forces  would  not 
go  much  further  before  the  American  people  would  be  heard  from.  The  Senator 
objected  to  our  capture  of  Iloilo,  and  he  said: 

“If  we  were  conducting  a war  against  Spain,  Great  Britain,  Germany,  or  a*y 
of  the  powers  of  the  earth,  I think  1 know  my  patriotic  duty  as  well  as  do  those 
gentlemen  who  have  scolded  me  in  the  press  and  elsewhere.  It  would  he  the  hour 
of  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  and  I would  stand  by  my  country,  right  or  wrong, 
ready  to  vote  arms,  munitions,  or  furnish  whatever  I had  to  give  in  defense  of  the 
preservation  of  my  country.  But  here  is  a case  where  we  are  attacking  people 
without  arms,  where  we  are  making  war  against  people  who  cannot  defend  them- 
selves, and  who  thirty  days  ago  were  our  allies — a war  that  is  utterly  unwarranted 
by  any  act  of  Congress.  No  declaration  of  war  has  been  made  by  the  war-making 
power,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  against  the  people  of  the  Philippine 
Islands.  I ask  any  lawyer  who  claims  to  know  international  law  whether,  until 
the  completion  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  we  secure  even  the  naked  title  of  sovereignty 
which  Spain  had? 

“It  was  claimed  that  upon  the  completion  of  the  treaty  of  peace  we  should 
receive  the  title  of  sovereignty.  I denied  it.  But  now,  for  the  purposes  of  the 
argument,  suppose  you  have  received  the  title  of  sovereignty  which  Spain  had, 
you  do  not  receive  it  until  the  completion  of  the  treaty;  and  until  the  completion 
of  the  treaty  of  peace  we  have,  under  the  protocol,  only  the  right  to  keep  Manila 
and  its  harbor. 

“How  is  this  war  to  be  closed  except  by  the  extermination  of  those  poor 
people?  Admit,  if  you  like,  that  Aguinaldo  is  dishonest;  admit,  if  you  like,  that 

588 


SENATOR  MASON  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


589 


he  sold  his  country  for  thirty  pieces  of  silver — which  I deny  and  which  the  record 
does  not  prove;  admit  all  you  please,  yet  within  three  days  Aguinaldo  asked  for 
an  opportunity  to  quit,  and  what  is  his  answer?  Take  the  official  report,  which  was 
published  about  February  8,  and  which  stands  uncontradicted,  and  it  shows  that 
Aguinaldo,  ready  to  quit,  asked  for  a conference,  and  General  Otis  declined  to 
recognize  or  answer  the  rebel  chief.  When  is  this  war  to  stop,  when  we  refuse 
even  to  permit  the  rebel  party  to  speak  to  us? 

‘"The  gentlemen  who  favored  the  treaty  and  urged  it  so  strongly  without 
any  vote  on  the  resolutions  said  in  their  speeches  that  when  Spain  ceded  to  us 
the  Philippine  Islands  she  ceded  the  sovereignty;  that  is,  the  right  to  govern. 

“Now,  I am  an  American.  I do  not  believe  you  can  sell  the  right  to  govern 
anybody.  I do  not  believe  you  can  do  in  international  law  that  which  is  abso- 
lutely repugnant  to  and  in  conflict  with  the  theory  of  the  Government,  but  that  we 
had  a right,  and  for  the  purposes  of  the  argument  I said  let  that  pass.  It  is  only 
one  of  many  questions,  and  for  the  purposes  of  the  discussion  which  I am  having 
mow  I say  I will  admit  that  you  bought  the  sovereignty  of  Spain,  I say  that  I 
am  willing  to  admit  that  it  carries  the  right  to  govern,  but  I say  that  until  the 
treaty  is  complete  you  have  no  right  by  the  armies  and  navies  of  your  country 
to  take  possession  of  land  which  has  not  been  ceded  to  you. 

“I  understand  that  now,  to-day,  the  men  who  were  rebels  yesterday  against 
the  United  States  are  rebels  against  Spain,  and  for  legal  necessity  we  must  transfer 
their  rebellion  as  against  the  sovereignty  of  Spain,  in  order  that  we  may  shoot 
them  to  death  and  still  be  within  the  line  of  constitutional  and  international  law. 
Yesterday  they  were  rebels  against  us,  according  to  the  statements,  and  to-day,  in 
order  to  justify  the  burning  of  their  villages,  we  have  transferred  the  legal  status, 
and  they  are  now  rebels  against  Spain  and  we  are  killing  them  because  they  are 
rebels  against  Spain  and  have  broken  the  treaty.  Such  are  the  intricacies  of  inter- 
national law,  if  you  will  permit  the  expression. 

“Distinguished  Senators  who,  upon  this  floor  within  one  week,  have  declared 
them  to  be  traitors  and  rebels  against  us  are  announcing  a new  doctrine  this  morn- 
ing— that  the  Filipinos  are  rebels  against  Spain  or  that  they  are  legally  the  subjects 
of  Spain,  and  as  subjects  of  Spain  have  broken  the  treaty  of  peace.  To  such 
extremities  are  gentlemen  driven.  Men  fighting  for  liberty  never  have  put  such 
a construction  upon  statutes.  It  is  only  that  frame  of  mind  which  sets  out  upon 
a beaten  path,  having  announced  its  intention  of  drifting  away  from  the  lines  laid 
down  by  the  fathers,  drifting  away  from  the  lines  laid  down  by  the  Republican 
party  in  its  last  convention.  With  their  heads  set,  they  say,  Tf  we  do  not  kill 


590 


SENATOR  MASON  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


them,  they  will  have  anarchy  there.  If  we  do  not  burn  their  towns,  they  cannot 
govern  themselves/  By  what  authority  was  Iloilo  fired  upon  by  our  guns?  Have 
we  declared  war  in  this  war-making  body?  Oh,  no. 

“Mr.  President,  we  are  in  war.  We  have  shifted  the  scene  of  action  from  war 
against  Spain  to  war  against  the  insurgents,  who  never  did  us  any  harm.  We 
are  fighting  to-day  men  with  bows  and  arrows  in  their  hands  who  six  months 
ago  were  our  allies.  There  is  no  lawyer  upon  this  floor,  from  the  distinguished 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  but  who  has  admitted  that  they 
became  our  allies.  Now,  let  us  see  whether  some  one  has  made  a mistake;  and 
if  it  is  a mistake,  it  is  a mistake  of  this  Senate  and  of  this  country,  and  we  are 
all  equally  to  blame.  It  is  our  country.  The  Dred  Scott  decision  was  just  as 
much  the  decision  of  Illinois  as  it  was  of  South  Carolina.  Whatever  wrong  a 
nation  does  rests  upon  us  equally  and  alike. 

“At  the  close  of  this  most  holy  war,  when  we  gave  notice  to  the  world  that 
we  unlimbered  our  guns  in  the  cause  of  humanity,  before  the  treaty  of  peace  was 
finally  made,  money  considerations  came  in  and  indemnity  was  talked  of,  as 
though  we  had  played  the  part  of  a good  Samaritan  at  a price,  at  a per  diem; 
and  the  moment  money  came  into  the  peace  treaty,  that  moment  we  descended 
from  the  high  plane  of  liberty;  that  moment  the  trouble  began.  The  moment 
the  jingle  of  gold  and  silver  was  heard  at  your  peace-treaty  meeting  in  Paris,  that 
moment  the  American  people  began  to  wonder  and  to  revolt. 

“Let  us  see  where  we  are,  Mr.  President.  At  the  close  of  this  war  we  had 
two  great  islands  in  our  hands  that  I am  to  speak  of,  the  islands  known  as  the 
Philippines  and  the  Island  of  Cuba.  One  of  the  great  questions  that  disturbed 
the  American  people  was:  What  treatment  shall  the  Philippine  Islanders  have? 
One  class  of  people  said:  ‘Let  us  pursue  the  course  of  the  fathers;  let  us  give 
to  them  the  same  thing  we  gave  to  Cuba/  Another  class  of  gentlemen  said:  ‘Oh, 
no;  they  are  ours.  We  have  bought  them;  we  have  bought  them  from  the  King/ 
Do  you  know  that  you  never  can  buy  a better  title  than  the  grantor  has?  The 
title  of  a king,  the  right  of  a king  to  govern,  sovereignty  to  be  sold  like  chattels. 

“In  one  island,  where  we  pursued  the  way  of  the  fathers,  there  is  peace;  in 
the  other  island,  where  we  have  pursued  the  other  way,  there  is  war.  Gentlemen 
say  the  Filipinos  declared  war.  I say  as  a lawyer  that  the  declaration  and  the 
casus  belli  came  from  us.  I say  that  we  made  the  cause  for  war;  that  they  had 
some  rights;  that  they  presented  their  petition  at  our  door;  that  they  had  a right 
to  be  heard;  that  they  were  our  allies;  and  when  they  presented  the  petition  here 
we  kicked  them  out  of  the  door.  They  crossed  the  water  and  at  Paris  they  said 


SENATOR  MASON  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


591 


to  the  people  there,  ‘You  are  parting  our  raiment;  and,  for  God’s  sake,  let  us 
be  heard  for  our  people.’  They  were  turned  away  there;  and  yesterday,  when 
the  rebel  chief,  as  you  call  him,  asked  for  the  poor  privilege  of  a conference,  with- 
out knowing  what  request  he  had  to  make,  you  refused  even  to  hear  his  voice,  to 
hear  his  prayer,  and  you  continue  to  burn  his  villages;  and  yet  in  this  chamber 
we  condemn  the  action  of  Weyler  along  the  same  lines!  You  do  not  have  to 
shoot  the  first  gun  to  declare  war.  You  do  not  have  to  strike  me  to  make  me 
strike  you. 

“Mr.  President,  some  one  has  made  a mistake.  We  promised  to  Cuba  ulti- 
mate independence.  Is  not  that  the  promise?  Is  it  not  so  nominated  in  the  bond? 
On  the  Island  of  Cuba  to-day  the  people  are  a little  restless,  a little  weary,  yet  they 
are  getting  ready  every  day,  and  every  hour,  and  they  say,  ‘God  bless  the  Ameri- 
cano!’ while  in  the  same  zone,  as  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina  says,  the  same 
class  of  people,  having  the  same  language,  practically  the  same  religion,  prac- 
tically the  same  sports,  and  of  the  same  character,  we  have  so  conducted  our  busi- 
ness that  their  bows  and  arrows  are  aimed  at  us. 

“But  I heard  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Wisconsin,  when  he  gave  a lec- 
ture the  other  day  to  the  Senators  who  disagreed  with  him,  declaim  in  loud  voice 
against  the  Filipinos.  You  would  have  thought  from  his  voice,  his  gesture,  and 
from  his  language  that  the  British  lion  had  struck  us  a deadly  blow.  A few  days 
ago  gentlemen  belittled  the  Filipinos  and  said  they  are  mere  children — they  have 
not  the  mental  or  moral  capacity  to  govern  themselves;  they  are  half  man  and 
half  devil,  half  child  and  half  brute — and  yet  those  very  distinguished  gentlemen 
who  so  belittled  them  and  put  them  on  a lower  plane  are  the  gentlemen  who  boast 
the  loudest  of  our  bravery  when  we  shoot  them  like  dogs  and  burn  their  buildings 
a la  Weyler! 

“It  has  been  charged  by  many,  and  believed  by  many,  that  we  were  to  discard 
the  liberty  cap;  that  we  were  to  go  into  the  business  of  buying  sovereignty,  and  we 
became  so  heroic  here  in  the  Senate  after  Dewey’s  splendid  victory  that  we  were 
going  to  lay  aside  the  American  eagle  as  our  mark  of  nationality  and  become  the 
whelp  of  the  lion.  I have  had  transmitted  to  me  through  some  newspaper  a sug- 
gestion as  to  whether  we  are  to  be  the  whelp  of  a lion.  It  is  signed  ‘Caesar’s  Ghost.’ 

“ ‘The  purring  mother,  stretched  at  ease  within  her  island  lair, 

Throws  high  her  tawny  head  and  sniffs  the  blood  smell  on  the  air. 

Slow  lifting  to  her  feet  she  roars  across  the  angry  sea, 

I know  thee  now,  my  lion  whelp,  it  can  be  none  but  thee! 


592 


SENATOR  MASON  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


“ T feel  no  more  thy  milk  teeth  haggling  at  my  stingy  breast; 

I joy  to  know  thou  ’st  tasted  meat,  young  lion  of  the  West! 

Who  said  I bore  an  eagle  that  the  jungle  dark  would  shun, 

And  soar  to  heaven  with  eyes  that  look  unflinching  at  the  sun? 

“ ‘ A lie!  I know  my  growling  cub,  I know  chat  glorious  roar; 

I’ve  roared  it  oft  on  Indian  fields,  from  Afric’s  golden  shore. 

He  smacks  his  lusty  lips,  his  eyes  with  blood-red  fire  are  light; 

His  drooling  jaws  are  sign  of  hunger  and  of  prey  in  sight. 

“ ‘Beneath  his  paw  I see  a red  man  struggling  to  be  free — 

That  is  our  playful  way,  to  tease  with  hope  of  liberty — 

What  majesty!  What  lion  likeness  in  that  shaggy  crest! 

E’en  I could  not  so  tear  that  black  man’s  heart  from  out  his  breast. 

“ ‘We  will  hunt  together,  cub — ’ 

“Here  is  the  alliance  that  you  are  coming  to,  gentlemen — 

“ ‘We’ll  hunt  together,  cub,  on  every  land,  by  every  sea, 

And  when  we  find  a man  not  shirk  responsibility. 

0 lion’s  whelp!  I hear  thy  roar  across  the  roaring  main — 

Thou  art  my  cub,  thou  art  the  true  (improved)  imperial  strain.’ 

— Caesar’s  Ghost. 

“Mr.  President,  differing  somewhat  with  the  poet  who  signs  his  name  as  Caesar’s 
Ghost,  I deny  that  we  are  to  become  the  lion’s  whelp.  I confess  that  we  are  acting 
a little  bit  like  it;  I confess  that  when  these  islands  were  within  our  hands  we  had 
not  patience  enough,  statesmanship  enough,  generosity  enough,  to  tender  those  peo- 
ple something  that  would  bring  peace.  The  roar  did  sound  more  like  that  of  the 
whelp  of  a lion  than  the  screech  of  the  eagle  that  stands  for  true  Americanism. 

“We  have  imitated  England  in  all  of  her  past  cruelty  to  her  colonists.  England 
never  was  guilty  of  more  cruelty.  We  are  not  defending  our  land  now.  Our  dec- 
larations of  war  came  when  we  sent  our  men  there  within  the  last  few  weeks,  against 
the  protest  of  the  natives  and  without  giving  them  a hearing.  You  are  not  waiting 
in  Manila.  You  are  extending  your  lines  and  burning  towns.  The  villages  you 
burned  yesterday  were  not  mentioned  in  the  protocol,  and  the  treaty  is  not  signed. 
The  treaty  is  not  complete.  We  are  taking  revenge  upon  these  poor  weak  children 
of  the  forest.  England  in  her  palmy  days  was  never  more  cruel.  Let  us  imitate 
Gladstone  for  one  minute  upon  the  subject  of  retrocession;  let  us  imitate  England, 


SENATOR  MASON  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


593 


as  attention  was  called  to  her  conduct  by  the  distinguished  Senator  from  South 
Carolina.  The  English  flag  was  put  over  the  Boers  when  they  did  not  want  it.  I 
had  hoped  that  the  time  would  never  come  when  the  colors  of  our  beloved  country 
would  go  above  an  unwilling  people.  I had  hoped  that  no  living  person  would  ever 
look  into  the  sky  and  curse  my  flag;  but  you  have  put  it  to-day  where  9,000,000 
people  are  cursing  your  flag,  your  institutions,  and  they  do  not  know  the  difference 
between  Spain  and  America,  either  by  your  protestations  or  by  your  conduct. 

“My  country,  right  or  wrong,  but  let  us  right  her.  The  power  to  right  her  is 
here.  In  the  last  days  of  Gladstone’s  life  he  spoke  of  ‘false  shame.’  The  English 
flag  was  over  the  Boer,  and  was  taken  down  by  the  civilization  and  the  Christian 
thought  of  England.  Let  the  dudes  imitate  the  English  dudes,  if  they  will.  Let 
them  imitate  England  as  long  as  they  will;  but  if  you  have  to  have  a little  English 
in  your  conduct,  take  the  example  of  William  E.  Gladstone.  Read  his  last  Speech 
where  he  said  the  question  is  not  who  shall  haul  down  the  flag,  but  what  is  just. 
That  is  what  we  are  looking  for.  I am  not  afraid  of  ‘false  shame.’  I have  seen  a 
real  gentleman  apologize  to  a bootblack  for  a thoughtless  word,  and  I have  seen  a 
bully  kick  a bootblack  half  across  the  street.  Let  us  get  a little  of  the  Gladstone 
idea — not  who  shall  pull  down  the  flag,  but  how  long  shall  our  flag  remain  above 
an  unwilling  people. 

“ ‘Oh,  but,’  they  say,  ‘we  put  it  over  your  people  down  South,  and  it  was  an 
unwilling  flag.’  Not  so.  The  flag  was  there  by  contract.  We  simply  fought  to  keep 
our  flag  where  you  had  agreed  it  should  be  kept;  and  that  difference  is  settled.  We 
went  into  an  agreement  whereby  the  South  was  to  stand  by  the  North,  the  alliance 
being  like  a wedding  that  could  not  be  divorced.  We  did  not  put  the  flag  above 
an  unwilling  people.  We  kept  it  there  after  you  had  put  it  there  yourselves.  This 
is  the  first  time  in  all  the  history  of  this  beloved  country  of  ours — this  country  which 
has  attracted  the  admiration  of  the  world — that  the  flag  has  ever  floated  over  an 
alien  who  has  cursed  it.  You  love  your  flag  and  so  do  I.  It  is  not  an  idle  sentimen- 
tality. It  means  protection  to  my  home;  and  the  home  of  the  Filipino  is  as  sacred 
to  him  as  yours  is  to  you.  The  laws  of  nations,  which  I propose  to  discuss  (and  I 
shall  read  from  the  lecture  of  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Minnesota),  is  based 
upon  justice,  upon  humanity,  upon  right.  I have  been  pleading  for  their  homes. 
I shall  continue  to  do  so  until  this  session  adjourns.  I have  learned  something  of 
the  Republican-Democratic  idea  of  home. 

“I  remember  to  have  talked  with  a man  within  a few  weeks  who  said  to  a man 
who  lived  away  up  in  the  Northland,  where  they  have  night  for  six  months,  ‘If  you 
had  $500,  what  would  you  do?’  ‘Oh,  I would  go  back  to  my  old  home  and  build  a 


594 


SENATOB  MASON  OPPOSED  TO  EXPANSION. 


house  there.’  There  is  six  months  darkness;  it  is  cold  and  barren;  but  it  is  nis 
home.  Some  of  you  people  on  both  sides  of  this  chamber  remember  when  at  Vicks- 
burg our  boys  got  so  close  to  the  Confederates  that  they  talked  back  and  forth. 
Every  man  kept  his  head  below  the  breastworks.  Our  band  played  Yankee  Doodle 
and  theirs  played  Dixie.  We  played  the  Star-Spangled  Banner  and  they  played  the 
Bonnie  Blue  Flag.  I believe  one  Irishman  put  his  finger  up,  and  got  a shot  in  his 
wrist.  He  said  to  his  captain  that  he  was  seeking  a furlough,  but  got  a discharge. 
Every  man,  when  Dixie  and  the  Bonnie  Blue  Flag  and  the  Star-Spangled  Banner 
were  being  played,  kept  out  of  danger,  until  one  of  the  bands  finally  struck  up 
Home,  Sweet  Home.  Then  the  guns  went  into  the  trenches.  Then  the  men  stood 
upon  the  breastworks.  ‘Hurrah,  Johnnie!’  ‘Hurrah  for  home,  Yank!’  There  wraa 
no  danger  with  the  music  of  home  in  the  air. 

“Mr.  President,  I have  learned  that  every  home  made  by  human  hands  is  a 
sacred  thing.  My  country  has  proceeded,  choosing  the  lines  which  best  fitted  and 
suited,  along  the  line  of  empire,  to  take  land  without  the  consent  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. No  one  denies  that.  They  say  we  have  a legal  right.  Oh,  yes.  But  we 
knew,  when  we  took  the  legal  title,  of  the  claim  of  those  poor  people.  You  are  send- 
ing our  boys  over  there,  and  the  ships  will  be  coming  back  loaded  with  their  corpses. 
How  many  Senators  have  sons  there  now?  How  many  Senatorial  appointees  have 
retired  from  the  Commissary  Department?  Are  we  any  less  thoughtful  of  an  Amer- 
ican boy  because  he  is  not  ours?  I am  told  that  we  will  subdue  the  Filipinos,  and 
that  it  will  not  cost  us  over  three  or  four  thousand  lives.  I tell  you  that  the  whole 
group,  the  whole  archipelago,  is  not  worth  the  life  of  one  American  boy,  trade  and 
barter  and  dicker  as  you  will. 

“But  distinguished  and  pious  gentlemen  say,  ‘God  put  them  in  our  hands;  it 
is  destiny.’  The  Lord!  There  was  never  a tyrant  who  cut  off  heads  who  did  not 
charge  it  to  the  Lord.  All  crimes  are  laid  at  that  door.  We  profess  to  be  a Chris- 
tian nation  and  we  have  conducted  our  affairs  with  a weak,  childish  people  in  such 
a way  that  we  are  killing  them  hands  down,  and  we  say  we  must  do  it  for  their 
good.  If  you  were  honest  about  it,  gentlemen,  and  could  show  me  where  you  could 
steal  something  for  your  country,  I could  excuse  it  on  the  ground  of  high  (?)  states- 
manship, but  there  is  not  a dollar  in  it  for  your  country  or  for  your  States.  It  is 
murder.  Then  you  pull  the  cloak  around  you  and  go  into  high  places  and  say, 
‘Thank  God,  we  are  not  as  other  men.  We  are  Anglo-Saxons.  We  have  worshiped 
at  the  throne  of  the  Nazarene  ever  since  we  were  born.’  But,  as  Caesar’s  ghost 
says,  ‘We  have  tasted  blood.’  ” ^ - ^ 


CHAPTER  XII. 


EX-PRESIDENT  CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Mr.  Cleveland  Thinks  the  Best  Statesmanship  Should  Adhere  to  Conscience  in 
Storm  as  Well  as  Sunshine — He  Suggests  We  Should  Not  Kill  People  Who 
Would  Lose  Their  Souls — Hon.  Bourke  Cochran  Offers  Objections  to 
Expansion — Senator  Money  Takes  a Favorable  View  of  Aguinaldo — Mr. 
Bland  Thinks  Expansion  Means  to  Enslave  Americans  to  Plutocracy — 
Senator  Caffery  Says  There  Is  No  Opportunity  for  an  Industrious  White 
Man  in  the  Philippines — Senator  Tillman  Quotes  Kipling — Is  Aguinaldo 
a Usurper  Without  Consulting  Anybody? — Senator  Turner  on  Grave  State 
Reasons  for  Overriding  the  Opinion  of  Senator  Foraker. 

Ex-President  Cleveland  gave  expression  to  his  views  on  Expansion  in  an  un- 
common vein.  He  said: 

“ I do  not  care  to  repeat  my  views  concerning  the  prevailing  epidemic  of  im- 
perialism and  territorial  expansion.  Assuming,  however,  that  my  ideas  on  the  sub- 
ject are  antiquated  and  unsuited  to  these  progressive  days,  it  is  a matter  of  surprise 
to  me  that  the  refusal  of  certain  natives  of  our  new  possessions  to  acquiesce  in  the 
beneficence  of  subjecting  themselves  to  our  control  and  management  should  not  in 
the  least  disturb  our  expansionists.  This  phase  of  the  situation  ought  not  to  have 
been  unanticipated,  nor  the  interests  naturally  growing  out  of  it  overlooked.  The 
remedy  is  obvious  and  simple — the  misguided  inhabitants  of  our  annexed  territory 
who  prefer  something  different  from  the  plan  for  their  control  which  we  propose, 
or  who  oppose  our  high  designs  in  their  behalf,  should  be  slaughtered.  The  killing 
of  natives  has  been  the  feature  of  expansion  since  the  inception  of  the  policy,  and 
our  imperialistic  enthusiasm  should  not  be  checked  by  the  prospective  necessity  of 
destroying  a few  thousand  or  a few  hundred  thousand  Filipinos.  This  should  only 
be  regarded  as  one  stage  in  the  transcendentally  great  movement,  a mere  incident 
in  its  progress.  Of  course  some  unprepared  souls  would  then  be  lost  before  we  had 
the  opportunity  of  Christianizing  them,  but  surely  those  of  our  countrymen  who 
have  done  so  much  to  encourage  expansion  could  manage  that  difficulty.  I saw  it 
stated  that  ten  million  of  cartridges  are  being  manufactured  in  Birmingham,  Eng- 
land, and  that  special  metal  is  being  used  to  prevent  the  shells  from  jamming  in 
the  gun  barrels.” 

Mr.  Cleveland  wrote  a letter  of  regret  that  he  could  not  attend  the  celebration 
of  the  seventieth  birthday  of  Carl  Schurz  that  is  held  to  be  expressive  of  special 

595 


596 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 


approval  of  the  position  of  Mr.  Schurz  in  opposition  to  expansion,  and  that  seems 
to  be  the  reading  between  the  lines,  as  follows: 

“Princeton,  N.  J.,  Feb.  18. — I regret  exceedingly  that  I cannot  promise  my- 
self the  pleasure  of  participating  in  the  celebration  of  Mr.  Schurz’  seventieth  birth- 
day. I find  that  an  engagement  which  I had  hoped  might  be  postponed  will  pre- 
vent my  attendance. 

“My  disappointment  is  measured  by  the  extreme  gratification  it  would  afford 
me  to  contribute  my  testimony  to  the  volume  that  will  be  presented  on  the  occasion 
you  have  arranged  in  grateful  support  of  Mr.  Schurz’  usefulness  and  patriotic  citi- 
zenship. His  life  and  career  teach  lessons  that  cannot  be  too  often  and  too  im- 
pressively emphasized.  They  illustrate  the  grandeur  of  disinterested  public  service 
and  the  nobility  of  fearless  advocacy  of  the  things  that  are  right  and  just  and 
safe. 

“It  will  be  a sad  day  for  our  country  when,  in  the  light  of  such  an  example, 
our  people  refuse  to  see  the  best  statesmanship  in  steadfast  adherence  to  conscience 
in  storm  as  well  as  in  sunshine. 

“I  believe  that  the  most  confident  hope  of  the  permanency  and  continued 
beneficence  of  our  free  institutions  rests  upon  the  cultivation  by  those  intrusted  with 
public  duty  and  among  the  ranks  of  our  countrymen  of  the  traits  which  have  dis- 
tinguished the  man  whom  you  propose  to  honor. 


THE  HON.  BOURKE  COCHRAN  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  Hon.  Bourke  Cochran  said  on  the  subject  of  expansion  and  imperialism 
that  the  event  of  a policy  might  be  measured  by  its  effect  on  the  rate  of  wages  paid 
to  labor,  for  there  was  but  one  infallible  test  of  prosperity  in  any  country,  and  that 
is  the  condition  of  its  producers.  Therefore,  when  the  effect  of  expansion  on  wages 
is  discussed  it  is  a discussion  of  its  effect  upon  the  general  prosperity  of  the  country. 
The  speaker  declared  that  in  order  to  guard  against  confusion  of  terms  it  was  neces- 
sary to  distinguish  between  expansion,  a word  frequently  occurring  in  the  political 
literature  of  the  country,  and  imperialism,  a new  expression.  He  defined  expansion 
as  the  extension  of  our  institutions  through  the  enlargement  of  our  frontiers.  He 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 


597 


declared  that  imperialism  is  not  the  diffusion  of  American  constitutionalism  over 
new  lands,  but  the  establishment  in  conquered  territory  by  this  Government  of 
another  government,  radically  irreconcilable  to  the  spirit  of  our  own  Constitution 
and  essentially  hostile  to  it.  Expansion  is  the  peaceful  development  of  our  political 
system  by  widening  the  area  of  its  authority.  Imperialism  is  the  forceful  exercise 
abroad  by  our  Government  of  powers  denied  to  it  at  home. 

Mr.  Cochran  cited  the  absorption  of  Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas  and  California 
as  instances  of  expansion,  in  the  American  sense,  that  is  the  extension  of  our  polit  - 
ical system.  He  said  that  to  seize  the  Philippine  Islands  by  violence  and  govern 
them  through  military  forces  would  he  an  act  of  imperialism  inconsistent  with  the 
principles  upon  which  this  Republic  is  founded,  and  therefore  dangerous,  if  not 
fatal,  to  its  security.  Then  Mr.  Cochran  took  up  the  broad  question  of  expansion, 
saying  that  to  extend  the  beneficent  authority  of  this  Republic  over  the  whole  North 
American  Continent  would  be  a marvelous  benefit  to  the  people  of  this  continent, 
to  the  people  of  Great  Britain  and  to  the  whole  human  race.  He  dwelt  at  length 
upon  this  proposition,  showing  how  it  would  settle  irritating  questions  like  boun- 
daries and  stimulate  production  by  increasing  the  free  trade  area.  The  orator 
pointed  out  that  while  these  benefits  would  flow  from  expansion,  they  would  not 
and  could  not  flow  from  conquest,  for  the  forcible  annexation  of  Canada  would  be 
an  act  of  imperialism  as  unpr  "table  as  it  would  be  unjustifiable  and  as  calamitous 
as  it  would  be  criminal.  He  added  that  if  it  could  be  accomplished  by  a single  file 
of  soldiers  it  would  be  none  the  less  a policy  of  wickedness  and  folly.  Forcible 
annexation  would  mean  a subject  p.pulation,  discontented  and  therefore  disloyal. 
Mr.  Cochran  said,  and  our  authority  could  be  maintained  only  by  force — that  is, 
by  a standing  army  and  a military  rule,  tiie  republic  that  draws  the  sword  against 
freedom  in  other  lands  will  live  to  find  the  sword  plunged  into  her  own  liberty. 

Then  the  evil  with  the  standing  army,  which  he  said  always  had  been  and 
always  will  be  fatal  to  free  institutions,  was  taken  up.  He  maintained  that  the 
question  of  the  twentieth  century  would  be  one  not  of  boundaries  but  of  economics, 
and  that  every  dollar  expended  for  munitions  of  war  is  a sterile  dollar.  The  soldier 
in  barracks  or  field  must  be  supported,  because  he  is  withdrawn  from  the  field  of 
industry.  The  laborer,  therefore,  must  produce  not  merely  the  wages  that  support 
himself,  but  also  the  pay  and  sustenance  of  the  soldier.  Thus,  argued  Mr.  Coch- 
ran, a standing  army  diminished  the  compensation  which  a laborer  can  earn,  while 
it  imposes  upon  him  the  burden  of  supporting  another  man  besides  himself.  The 
degradation  which  the  laborer  suffers  from  a standing  army  was  said  to  be  far  worse 
than  the  spoliation.  Mr.  Cochran  showed  how  the  Republic  had  changed  the  con- 


598 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 


dition  of  the  laborer.  He  said  we  have  grown  to  be  the  most  powerful  nation  of 
earth  through  the  valor  of  citizen  soldiers.  The  Government  has  rested  secure  upon 
its  foundations  in  the  consent  of  the  governed.  No  force  has  been  provoked  except 
to  vindicate  justice. 

Then  the  claims  of  the  imperialists  were  taken  up,  Mr.  Cochran  showing  that 
trade  does  not  follow  the  flag,  instancing  this  country’s  relation  with  England.  He 
said  that  England  is  right,  despite  her  colonies,  not  through  them,  and  if  the  prop- 
osition were  true  Spain  would  be  the  richest  country  on  earth.  But  her  posses- 
sions  have  demoralized  her  government,  and  brought  her  to  the  abasement  in  which 
she  lies  to-day.  Any  system  which  entails  a standing  army  cannot  cheapen  goods, 
but  must  advance  prices,  because  it  restricts  the  volume  of  production  by  with- 
drawing the'  best  laborers  from  the  field  of  industry.  During  the  last  ten  years 
English  trade  has  languished.  Yet  it  has  been  a period  of  extraordinary  territorial 
aggrandizement.  Mr.  Cochran  challenged  the  imperialists  to  show  an  instance 
in  which  trade  has  been  promoted  by  conquest.  The  imperialist  abandons  the  con- 
tention and  says  that  while  foreign  possessions  may  be  unprofitable,  it  is,  neverthe- 
less, a duty  imposed  upon  us  to  take  up  territory  inhabited  by  weaker  races,  to  civ- 
ilize and  subject  them  to  the  authority  of  our  office-holders.  And  if  it  is  necessary 
to  shoot  them  as  Kitchner  shot  the  Dervishes  in  order  to  impose  government  upon 
them,  he  is  willing  to  civilize  them  in  that  effective  method. 


SENATOR  MONEY  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 


The  Senator  said  in  the  Senate: 

“After  Dewey’s  glorious  victory  in  Manila  Bay  our  Consul,  corresponding  with 
him,  asked  if  Aguinaldo  could  be  of  any  service.  Aguinaldo,  as  you  recollect,  is  a 
man  who  in  some  quarters  has  been  described  as  a sort  of  blackguard  insurgent  and 
a traitor  against  the  United  States.  He  never  yet  owed  allegiance  to  us,  and  we 
have  not  had  possession  of  Iris  country.  He  has  been  proclaimed  from  time  to  time 
an  adventurer,  a traitor,  and  a bandit,  and  insulted  by  other  opprobrious  epithets. 
Mr.  President,  the  records  submitted  to  us  for  our  guidance  and  information  in  this 
matter,  from  which  I presume  our  able  and  efficient  commissioners  derived  their 
information,  show  that  this  man  has  had  a most  honorable  career,  that  he  is  a brave, 
{honest,  sincere,  and  able  man,  and  that  with  all  his  opportunities  he  is  poor.” 

Mr.  Mason:  “And  that  he  never  did  sell  his  cause  for  money?” 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 


599 


Mr.  Money:  “He  never  sold  anything  for  money.  There  had  been  a long  and 

bloody  struggle  between  Spain  and  her  revolted  subjects  in  the  islands,  both  parties 
had  suffered  and  were  weary  of  the  struggle,  and  to  secure  peace  a treaty  ‘or  agree- 
ment’ was  entered  into.  Spain  agreed  to  correct  abuses  in  the  civil  administration 
and  introduce  many  reforms,  and  to  pay  a large  sum  of  money  for  the  widows  and 
orphans  of  the  insurgents  who  had  fallen  in  battle.  On  their  side  the  Tagals  were 
to  cease  hostilities,  and  as  a guarantee  of  tranquillity  Aguinaldo  and  about  fifty  of 
his  principal  followers  were  to  expatriate  themselves.  Four  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars was  paid  in  cash  to  Aguinaldo,  who,  with  his  fellow  exiles,  went  to  Hongkong. 
No  part  of  the  balance  of  the  stipulated  sum  was  ever  paid.  One  of  Aguinaldo’s 
officers  sued  for  a division  of  the  money.  The  dispute  was  settled  by  a payment  out 
of  court  of  $5,000  to  the  claimant.  Aguinaldo  was  living  modestly  at  Hongkong, 
declaring  that  the  money  was  a trust  fund  and  could  not  be  put  to  a private  use, 
and  as  the  Spanish  had  failed  to  keep  their  promise  of  reform,  it  should  be  de- 
voted to  the  purposes  of  another  rebellion,  and  it  was  expended  in  the  purchase  of 
the  munitions  of  war. 

“It  has  been  denied  here  that  there  was  an  insurrection  there  previous  to  the 
arrival  of  Dewey;  yet  this  book,  first  submitted  confidentially  for  our  use  and  then 
made  public  by  order  of  the  Senate,  shows  that  there  was  all  the  time  no  pacification 
there  whatever,  but  insurrection  unceasing;  that  in  the  months  of  January,  Febru- 
ary, March  and  April  the  insurgents  were  in  arms,  and  that  they  were  within  five 
miles  of  Manila;  that  there  were  daily  battles;  that  the  hospitals  were  continually 
filled  with  wounded;  that  the  dead  were  brought  in  every  day,  and  news  came  of 
one  battle  after  another  all  over  the  island  of  Luzon,  and  that  the  Spanish  garri- 
sons were  besieged  or  had  surrendered  in  many  provinces.  That  is  the  testimony  of 
our  Consul  at  Manila,  who  was  a witness  of  the  things  he  spoke  of  and  who  is  cor- 
roborated by  many  circumstances. 

“These  people  were  under  arms  to  do  what?  To  acquire  their  liberty,  to  con- 
quer their  liberty — these  people,  who  had  groaned  for  a hundred  years  under  ex- 
actions and  tyranny  in  comparison  with  which  those  which  drove  our  forefathers 
into  rebellion  in  1776  were  trivial — these  people,  not  discouraged  by  repeated  fail- 
ures nor  by  bloody  punishment,  were  making  another  effort,  as  they  had  been  doing 
again  and  again  for  a hundred  years.  Then  Aguinaldo  was  sent  for,  not  to  excite 
insurrection  against  Spain,  but  to  control  these  forces  already  organized  in  rebellion 
in  the  interests  of  the  American  attack  upon  the  Spanish  forces  in  Manila  and  the 
islands  of  the  Philippines.  This  is  evidenced  by  the  proclamation  of  the  junta  at 
Hongkong,  by  the  proclamation  of  the  junta  at  Singapore,  by  the  correspondence 


600 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHEBS  NOT  FOE  EXPANSION. 


of  our  Consul,  Mr.  Pratt,  at  Singapore,  of  Mr.  Wildman,  at  Hongkong,  and  of  Mr. 
Williams,  in  the  city  of  Manila. 

“AguinaldOj  on  his  part,  promised  that  he  woirld  conduct  the  war  with  human- 
ity; that  he  would  control  the  forces  that  were  operating  against  the  Spanish  at 
that  time  around  Manila,  and  he  was  only  put  on  board  ship  at  Singapore  when 
Commodore  Dewey  telegraphed,  ‘Send  Aguinaldo  at  once.’  He  went  to  Hongkong 
and  there  he  put  himself  into  the  hands  of  another  American  consul,  Mr.  Wildman, 
who,  in  the  secrecy  of  night,  to  prevent  any  interference,  himself  put  Aguinaldo 
and  seventeen  of  his  officers  on  board  the  U.  S.  S.  McCulloch  and  sent  them  to 
Manila.  There  he  was  put  ashore  and  taken  to  the  arsenal  at  Cavite  and  was  fur- 
nished by  the  Americans  with  the  arms  which  he  required. 

“The  chiefs  who  were  carrying  on  this  revolution  throughout  the  different 
provinces  rallied  around  him  and  made  him  their  leader.  They  came  promptly  in 
and  gave  their  adhesion  to  him.  Then  the  correspondence  continued  between  Gen- 
eral Anderson,  commanding  the  American  forces,  and  General  Aguinaldo,  command- 
ing the  insurrectionary  forces  of  the  Philippines.  He  was  asked  to  give  passes  to  our 
officers  to  go  through  his  lines  and  was  requested  to  furnish  us  with  the  material 
of  war.  He  did  give  us  carts,  bullocks,  horses,  firewood,  and  everything  else  we 
demanded  of  him.  In  these  communications  he  is  called  our  ally;  in  others  he  is 
called  our  auxiliary;  but  in  every  instance,  unaware  of  the  instruction  of  our  State 
Department,  he  trusted  to  the  open  declarations  of  our  civil  and  military  officers 
that  he  was  our  ally  and  auxiliary.  It  makes  no  difference  what  our  mental  reser- 
vations were,  Aguinaldo  acted  in  good  faith,  and  we  are  compelled  to  make  those 
people  understand  that  we  are  not  to  repudiate  the  understanding  which  we  gave 
of  our  relation  to  them. 

“ ‘True  hearts  are  more  than  coronets, 

And  simple  faith  than  Norman  blood.’  ” 


ME.  BLAND  OF  MISSOUEI  NOT  FOE  EXPANSION. 

“We  have  been  informed  of  a pressure  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  to  induce 
this  Government  to  maintain  its  authority  over  the  Philippine  Islands  for  the  pur- 
pose of  prosecuting  further  conquest  in  Chinese  waters  and  over  the  Chinese  Em- 
pire. That  is  the  secret  reason  of  this  hill;  and  yet,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  people  of 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION.  601 


the  country  are  not  so  informed,  either  by  the  President  or  the  majority  of  this 
House. 

‘‘The  diplomacy  of  England  has  always  been  marvelous.  Isolated  as  Great 
Britain  is  among  the  nations  of  Europe,  with  great  colonial  possessions  in  her 
charge,  and  yet  greedily  seeking  to  force  her  way  into  China  in  competition  with  all 
Europe,  she  finds  that  allies  and  friends  are  necessary  to  accomplish  this  object. 
She  has  sought  by  every  means  that  diplomacy  could  devise  to  commit  us  to  a policy 
that  would  bring  about  the  necessity  of  co-operating  with  her  in  order  to  carry  out 
her  designs.  If  England  can  succeed  in  inducing  the  American  Government  to  hold 
the  Philippine  Islands  at  the  point  of  bayonets  (and  we  can  hold  them  in  no  other 
way),  it  is  quite  apparent  that  the  friendship  of  England  and  her  aid  will  be  neces- 
sary to  our  success. 

“This  is  precisely  what  England  wants.  England  wishes  to  place  the  United 
States  in  a position  of  dependency  on  her.  We  will  then  no  longer  be  independent; 
will  no  longer  have  the  position  of  absolute  segregation  from  the  broils  of  the  Old 
World.  Dependent  upon  England  to  hold  Asiatic  territory,  we  must  of  necessity 
aid  her  in  her  wars  of  conquest.  It  may  be  well  to  have  the  friendship  of  England; 
in  fact,  the  friendship  of  all  European  countries;  but  it  is  far  better  not  to  need 
the  friendship  of  any.  The  idea  of  a standing  army  of  100,000  men  strikes  the 
American  people  with  horror.  It  forebodes  plutocratic  control  by  the  use  of  the 
bayonet;  it  looks  to  a strong  centralized  power  with  an  army  at  its  back  to  subdue 
the  people  into  silence  and  to  plutocratic  methods. 

“A  conservative  estimate  places  the  cost  of  each  soldier  in  our  army  at  $1,000 
per  year  in  time  of  peace.  At  the  lowest  estimate  that  can  be  made  with  safety 
an  army  of  100,000  men  will  tax  the  people  of  this  country  $100,000,000  annually. 
If  this  army  must  be  utilized  in  the  subjugation  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  or  to 
hold  Porto  Rico,  the  cost  of  transportation  and  ammunition  and  disease  and  death, 
resulting  in  pensions,  will,  in  all  probability,  tax  the  people  of  this  country  $150,- 
000,000  annually.  We  now  pay  out  about  $150,000,000  annually  for  pensions, 
which  is  charged  to  the  military  establishment,  and  to  add  to  it  another  $150,000,- 
000  would  make  a sum  total  of  $300,000,000  a year  spent  as  the  result  of  war  and  the 
prosecution  of  war,  as  contemplated  in  this  bill.  The  overtaxed  and  inhumanly 
burdened  people  would  cry  against  it.  This  army,  however,  will  be  used  to  repress 
the  efforts  of  the  people  to  throw  off  their  burdens  and  bring  about  reforms. 

“I  can  not  but  regard  it  as  a deep-laid  scheme  to  enslave  the  American  people 
under  the  present  domination  of  plutocracy.  English  influence  has  been  thus  far 
successfully  exerted  in  fixing  upon  our  people  the  English  gold  standard.  The 


602 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 


power  of  the  Bank  of  England,  the  wealth  of  that  country,  over  the  banks  and  mon- 
eyed institutions  of  this  country  has  brought  to  bear  the  combined  power  of  the 
capitalists  of  England  and  America  to  control  our  financial  system.  The  next  move 
is  to  put  our  army  and  navy  at  the  service  of  England  in  the  prosecution  of  Asiatic 
conquest,  the  end  of  which  no  man  can  see.  We  have  no  use  whatever  for  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands.  To  annex  them  is  to  practically  abandon  the  Monroe  Doctrine.” 


SENATOR  CAFFERY  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 

“We  ought  to  know  whether  or  not  the  sugar,  the  rice,  the  hemp,  and  other 
products  coming  from  the  islands  can  come  in  with  a duty  or  without  a duty.  That 
is  a very  material  consideration  for  the  people  of  my  State.  Some  of  them  down 
there  seem  to  he  under  the  impression  that  the  products  of  the  islands  can  be  taxed 
by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  as  if  they  did  not  belong  to  the  domain  of 
the  United  States.  I believe  that  is  a wrong  impression.  I believe  that  taxation 
must  be  uniform  I know  there  are  judicial  precedents  holding  that  view,  and  I 
believe  that  the  precedents  are  in  exact  conformity  with  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

“The  Senator  from  Nevada  says  that  there  is  no  danger  of  competition  from 
these  islands;  that  the  labor  of  the  Tropics  does  not  come  to  the  temperate  zone, 
and  vice  versa.  That  may  be  true,  but  if  there  is  a condition  of  free  trade  existing 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Philippine  Islands,  what  is  to  prevent  American 
capital  from  exploiting  the  resources  of  that  country  through  Malay  labor  and 
bringing  the  product  here  to  compete  with  American  labor? 

“Given  the  conditions  of  free  trade,  given  the  conditions  of  a stable  govern- 
ment, given  the  conditions  of  American  capital  and  American  ability  to  organize, 
why  not  make  the  Tropics  flourish?  Why  not  develop  the  resources  of  the  Tropics 
in  the  Philippines  to  their  highest  extent?  They  already  export  250,000  tons  of 
sugar.  They  export  a vast  quantity  of  manila  hemp,  the  best  in  the  world.  Under 
the  conditions  that  American  enterprise  and  capital  and  skill  could  create  in  those 
islands,  all  these  products  and  many  more  to  be  developed  would  come  in  competi- 
tion with  the  products  of  American  labor  right  heTe  at  home. 

“There  is  no  opportunity  there,  as  the  Senator  well  remarks,  for  any  hard- 
working, industrious  white  man  to  go  to  the  Philippines.  He  can  not  stand  the 
climate.  If  that  were  an  uninhabited  country  in  the  temperate  zone,  notwithstand- 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION.  603 


ing  it  is  7,000  miles  away  from  our  coast,  if  it  could  afford  a place  where  the  Amer- 
ican workman,  the  American  yeoman  could  settle  and  better  his  fortunes,  it  would 
not  be  a great  evil;  but  as  it  is  7,000  miles  from  our  coast,  inhabited  by  a people 
who  perhaps  will,  at  least  to  a small  extent,  come  here  while  certain  it  is  that  our 
people  can  not  go  there  except  as  capitalists  and  exploiters/’ 


SENATOR  TILLMAN  AGAINST  EXPANSION. 

The  Senator  said: 

“There  appeared  in  one  of  our  magazines  a poem  by  Rudyard  Kipling,  the 
greatest  poet  of  England  at  this  time.  This  poem,  unique,  and  in  some  places  too 
deep  for  me,  is  a prophecy.  I do  not  imagine  that  in  the  history  of  human  events 
any  poet  has  ever  felt  inspired  so  clearly  to  portray  our  danger  and  our  duty.  It  is 
called  ‘The  White  Man’s  Burden.’  With  the  permission  of  Senators  I will  read  a 
stanza,  and  I beg  Senators  to  listen  to  it,  for  it  is  well  worth  their  attention.  This 
man  has  lived  in  the  Indies.  In  fact,  he  is  a citizen  of  the  world,  and  has  been  all 
over  it,  and  knows  whereof  he  speaks: 

“ ‘Take  up  the  White  Man’s  burden — 

Send  forth  the  best  ye  breed — 

Go,  bind  your  sons  to  exile, 

To  serve  your  captives’  need; 

To  wait,  in  heavy  harness. 

On  fluttered  folk  and  wild — 

Your  new-caught  sullen  peoples, 

Half  devil  and  half  child.’ 

“I  will  pause  here.  I intend  to  read  more,  but  I wish  to  call  attention  to  a fact 
which  may  have  escaped  the  attention  of  Senators  thus  far,  that  with  five  exceptions 
every  man  in  this  chamber  who  has  had  to  do  with  the  colored  race  in  this  country 
voted  against  the  ratification  of  the  treaty.  It  was  not  because  we  are  Democrats, 
but  because  we  understand  and  realize  what  it  is  to  have  two  races  side  by  side  that 
can  not  mix  or  mingle  without  deterioration  and  injury  to  both  and  the  ultimate 
destruction  of  the  civilization  of  the  higher.  We  of  the  South  have  borne  this 
white  man’s  burden  of  a colored  race  in  our  midst  since  their  emancipation  and 
before. 


604 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 


“It  was  a burden  upon  our  manhood  and  our  ideas  of  liberty  before  they  were 
emancipated.  It  is  still  a burden,  although  they  have  been  granted  the  franchise. 
It  clings  to  us  like  the  shirt  of  Nessus,  and  we  are  not  responsible,  because  we  inher- 
ited it,  and  your  fathers,  as  well  as  ours,  are  responsible  for  the  presence  amongst 
us  of  that  people.  Why  do  we  as  a people  want  to  incorporate  into  our  citizenship 
ten  millions  more  of  different  or  of  differing  races,  three  or  four  of  them? 

“But  we  have  not  incorporated  them  yet,  and  let  us  see  what  this  English  poet 
has  to  say  about  it,  and  what  he  thinks: 

“ ‘Take  up  the  White  Man’s  burden — 

No  iron  rule  of  kings, 

But  toil  of  serf  and  sweeper — 

The  tale  of  common  things. 

The  ports  ye  shall  not  enter. 

The  roads  ye  shall  not  tread. 

Go,  make  them  with  your  living 
And  mark  them  with  your  dead.’  ” 


SENATOR  TURNER  AGAINST  EXPANSION. 

The  Senator  said  Senator  Foraker,  while  asserting  the  power  of  the  Govern- 
ment, in  the  broadest  terms,  to  acquire  dominion  over  other  peoples  in  any  manner 
known  to  the  law  of  nations,  and  for  any  purpose,  and  to  govern  them  without  re- 
spect to  the  Constitution,  says  that  the  resolutions  presented  by  the  senior  Senator 
from  Missouri  present  a moot  question  and  are  unimportant,  because  no  person  in 
the  administration,  from  the  President  down,  has  the  remotest  idea  of  denying  to  the 
Filipinos  the  utmost  liberty  and  independence  in  forming  their  government. 

It  was  noted  extensively  in  the  press  of  the  country,  while  our  commissioners 
were  in  Paris,  that  they  were  in  daily  touch  with  the  President,  and  were  acting 
wholly  and  entirely  under  his  guidance  and  direction.  I find  in  the  treaty,  nego- 
tiated by  our  commissioners  under  this  direction  of  the  President,  evidence  of  such 
a character  that  it  must  override  the  opinion  of  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Ohio. 
I find  in  that  solemn  instrument  not  only  a cession  to  us  by  Spain  of  sovereignty 
over  the  Philippines,  but  an  acceptance  by  us  of  that  sovereignty,  the  language 
with  respect  to  the  Philippines  differing  so  radically  from  that  employed  with  refer- 
ence to  Cuba  as  to  preclude  the  idea  that  it  was  intended  to  treat  both  countries 
alike. 


CLEVELAND  AND  OTHERS  NOT  FOR  EXPANSION. 


605 


It  is  true  that  the  Senator  asserts  that  there  were  grave  state  reasons  for  the 
difference  in  phraseology  employed  with  respect  to  the  two  countries,  which  can 
be  stated  with  propriety  only  behind  closed  doors.  But  to  the  plain,  average  Amer- 
ican citizen  it  is  difficult  to  see  why  we  may  not  protect  the  Filipinos  in  the  pursuit 
of  life,  liberty  and  happiness  while  forming  their  government,  and  afterwards,  for 
the  matter  of  that,  as  well  as  we  may  protect  the  people  of  Cuba. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 

Ex-President  Harrison’s  Policy  of  Territorial  Permanency  and  Message  on  the 
Annexation  of  Hawaii— Senator  Lodge  Says  We  Succeeded  to  the  Sov- 
ereignty of  Spain  in  Manila,  and  Philippine  Patriots  Have  Never  Been 
Oppressed  by  Any  American  Act — Senator  Stewart  Says  Filipinos  Can 
Never  Come  Here  to  Interfere  with  Labor — Senator  Platt  of  Connecticut 
Says  the  Doctrine  of  Senator  Hoar  Would  Have  Prevented  Our  Possession 
of  the  Pacific  Coast  States — General  Grosvenor  Vindicates  General  Otis — 
Senator  Platt  of  New  York  Says  We  Are  Not  Forcing  Our  Government 
Upon  an  Unwilling  People — Senator  Foraker  Says  Opposition  Senators 
Talk  About  Theory — Mr.  Brosius  of  Pennsylvania  Quotes  a Pearl  of  Poetry 
— Governor  Oglesby  Expands — Two  of  Kipling’s  Poems  Much  Quoted  in 
Congress. 

EX-PRESIDENT  HARRISON  PROMOTES  EXPANSION. 

In  his  exceedingly  instructive  book,  “This  Country  of  Ours,”  p.  277,  Ex- 
President  Harrison  makes  way  in  principle  for  territorial  expansion.  Speaking  of 
the  admission  of  territories  into  the  Union,  he  says: 

“Out  of  this  habit  of  dealing  with  the  public  domain  has  come  the  common 
thought  that  all  territory  that  we  acquire  must,  when  sufficiently  populous,  be 
erected  into  States.  But  why  may  we  not  take  account  of  the  quality  of  the  people 
as  Avell  as  of  their  numbers,  if  future  acquisitions  should  make  it  proper  to  do  so? 
A territorial  form  of  government  is  not  so  inadequate  that  it  might  not  serve 
for  an  indefinite  time.” 

In  his  message  to  the  Senate  on  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands 
President  Harrison  said: 

“To  the  Senate: 

“I  transmit  herewith,  with  a view  to  its  ratification,  a treaty  of  annexation 
concluded  on  the  14th  day  of  February,  1893,  between  John  W.  Foster,  Secretary 
of  State,  who  was  duly  empowered  to  act  in  that  behalf  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  Lorrin  A.  Thurston,  W.  R.  Castle,  W.  C.  Wilder,  C.  L.  Carter,  and 
Joseph  Marsden,  the  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands.  The  provisional  treaty,  it  will  be  observed,  does  not  attempt  to  deal  in 
detail  with  the  questions  that  grow  out  of  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands 

to  the  United  States.  The  commissioners  representing  the  Hawaiian  Government 

606 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


607 

have  consented  to  leave  to  the  future  and  to  the  just  and  benevolent  purposes  of 
the  United  States  the  adjustment  of  all  such  questions. 

“I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  discuss  at  any  length  the  conditions  which 
have  resulted  in  this  decisive  action.  It  has  been  the  policy  of  the  adminis- 
tration not  only  to  respect,  but  to  encourage  the  continuance  of  an  independent 
government  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  so  long  as  it  afforded  suitable  guaranties  for 
the  protection  of  life  and  property,  and  maintained  a stability  and  strength  that 
gave  adequate  security  against  the  domination  of  any  other  power.  The  moral 
support  of  this  Government  has  continually  manifested  itself  in  the  most  friendly 
diplomatic  relations  and  in  many  acts  of  courtesy  to  the  Hawaiian  rulers. 

“The  overthrow  of  the  monarchy  was  not  in  any  way  promoted  by  this  Gov- 
ernment, but  had  its  origin  in  what  seems  to  have  been  a reactionary  and  revo- 
lutionary policy  on  the  part  of  Queen  Liliuokalani  which  put  in  serious  peril  not 
only  the  large  and  preponderating  interests  of  the  United  States  in  the  islands, 
but  all  foreign  interests,  and  indeed  the  decent  administration  of  civil  affairs  and 
the  peace  of  the  islands.  It  is  quite  evident  that  the  monarchy  had  become  effete 
and  the  Queen’s  government  so  weak  and  inadequate  as  to  be  the  prey  of  designing 
and  unscrupulous  persons.  The  restoration  of  Queen  Liliuokalani  to  her  throne  is 
undesirable,  if  not  impossible,  and  unless  actively  supported  by  the  United  States 
would  be  accompanied  by  serious  disaster  and  the  disorganization  of  all  business 
interests.  The  influence  and  interest  of  the  United  States  in  the  islands  must  be 
increased  and  not  diminished. 

“Only  two  courses  are  now  open — one  the  establishment  of  a protectorate  by 
the  United  States,  and  the  other  annexation  full  and  complete.  I think  the  latter 
course,  which  has  been  adopted  in  the  treaty,  will  be  highly  promotive  of  the 
best  interests  of  the  Hawaiian  people,  and  is  the  only  one  that  will  adequately 
secure  the  interests  of  the  United  States.  These  interests  are  not  wholly  selfish. 
It  is  essential  that  none  of  the  other  great  powers  shall  secure  these  islands.  Such 
a possession  would  not  consist  with  our  safety  and  with  the  peace  of  the  world. 
This  view  of  the  situation  is  so  apparent  and  conclusive  that  no  protest  has  been 
heard  from  any  government  against  proceedings  looking  to  annexation.  Every 
foreign  representative  at  Honolulu  promptly  acknowledged  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment, and  I think  there  is  a general  concurrence  in  the  opinion  that  the  deposed 
Queen  ought  not  to  be  restored. 

‘Trompt  action  upon  this  treaty  is  very  desirable.  If  it  meets  the  approval 
of  the  Senate,  peace  and  good  order  will  be  secured  in  the  islands  under  existing 
laws  until  such  time  as  Congress  can  provide  by  legislation  a permanent  form  of 


608 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OP  EXPANSION. 


government  for  the  islands.  This  legislation  should  be,  and  I do  not  doubt  will 
be,  not  only  just  to  the  natives  and  all  other  residents  and  citizens  of  the  islands, 
but  should  be  characterized  by  great  liberality  and  a high  regard  to  the  rights  of 
all  people  and  of  all  foreigners  domiciled  there.  The  correspondence  which 
accompanies  the  treaty  will  put  the  Senate  in  possession  of  all  the  facts  known 
to  the  Executive. 


“Executive  Mansion, 

“Washington,  February  15,  1893V 


SENATOR  LODGE  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  junior  Senator  from  Massachusetts  says: 

“There  was  an  insurrection  in  the  Philippines  under  the  lead  of  Aguinaldo. 
The  insurrection  was  dealt  with  ruthlessly  by  the  Spaniards  and  was  substantially 
put  down.  They  made  an  agreement  with  Aguinaldo  and  the  other  chiefs  by  which 
on  the  payment  of  a certain  sum  of  money  and  the  establishment  of  certain  reforms 
the  chiefs  were  to  withdraw  and  the  insurrection  come  to  an  end.  In  a perfectly 
characteristic  manner,  in  fact  just  as  they  behaved  in  Cuba  in  1878,  after  the  chiefs 
had  yielded  a and  the  insurrection  was  substantially  over,  the  Spaniards  failed  to 
make  the  reforms  and  paid  only  half  the  money.  With  that  money  Aguinaldo  and 
his  chiefs  retired  to  Hongkong,  and,  although  there  was  guerrilla  warfare  here  and 
there  in  the  outlying  districts,  the  insurgent  Filipinos  were  absolutely  at  the  mercy 
of  the  Spaniards  and  the  Spanish  authority  was  complete  as  it  always  had  been 
over  those  islands.  There  was  no  other  sovereignty  there.  There  was  no  belligerent 
there. 

“Aguinaldo  was  brought  to  the  islands  on  the  19th  of  May  in  the  steamer  Nan- 
shaw,  under  American  auspices.  There  was  at  that  time  no  organized  Filipino  force. 
At  first  the  results  of  his  appeal  were  so  discouraging  that  he  was  disinclined  to  con- 
tinue. But  he  did  remain,  on  representations  of  support  made  by  our  commanders, 
Then  the  Filipinos  began  to  come  in.  They  found  a very  great  difference  between 
the  situation  when  they  had  last  faced  it  and  the  situation  after  Admiral  Dewey's 
destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  So  long  as  there  were  Spanish  ships  of  war  in 


PEOMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OE  EXPANSION. 


609 


Manila  Bay  it  was  absolutely  hopeless  for  the  insurgents  to  think  for  one  moment 
of  besieging  the  city  or  of  making  any  effective  attack  upon  the  capital  which  was 
the  center  of  the  whole  Philippine  system.  But  with  the  Spanish  fleet  destroyed, 
with  the  hay  in  the  hands  of  the  American  fleet,  they  were  enabled  to  draw  their 
forces  gradually  about  the  city,  and  they  did  so.  When  Aguinaldo  first  came  into 
connection  with  our  consuls  he  said  to  them  that  his  desire  was  for  annexation  to 
the  United  States  and  for  freedom  from  the  Spanish  rule.  After  he  had  got  over 
again  to  Luzon  and  found  how  much  the  situation  had  changed,  he  gradually  began 
to  increase  his  ideas  of  his  own  importance.  He  had  never  adjusted  his  own  rela 
tions  to  the  universe,  and  they  remain  unadjusted,  I think,  at  the  present  time. 

“But  the  essential  point  I desire  to  make  is  simply  this:  The  insurgent  force, 
as  an  effective  force,  and  the  insurgent  rebellion,  as  an  effective  rebellion,  existed 
solely  because  of  the  victory  of  Admiral  Dewey,  and  the  Admiral,  as  you  may  see 
by  reading  his  dispatches,  said  to  our  Government,  T have  been  extremely  careful 
in  all  my  dealings  with  these  people.  I have  never  made  them  the  allies  of  the 
United  States.  I have  never  recognized  them.  I have  simply  aided  them  because 
they  were  fighting  the  common  foe.’  Admiral  Dewey  can  be  trusted,  I think,  to 
manage  a matter  of  that  sort  without  committing  the  United  States  to  any  position 
to  which  it  should  not  be  committed. 

“Now,  to-day  we  are  there  in  the  city  of  Manila  rightfully  by  all  the  laws  of 
war  and  by  all  international  law.  We  hold  it,  as  we  have  a right  to  hold  it,  under 
the  agreement  with  Spain.  There  was  no  sovereignty  there  whatever  except  the 
sovereignty  of  Spain,  and  we  succeeded  to  that  sovereignty  in  the  city  of  Manila  and 
its  suburbs.  There  has  never  been  an  act  of  oppression  against  the  Filipinos  by 
any  American  soldier  or  by  the  American  forces  of  any  kind  in  the  Philippine  Is- 
lands. Those  patriots  have  never  been  oppressed  by  any  American  in  the  active  ser- 
vice of  the  country,  or  by  any  American  act.  Their  oppression  exists  solely  in 
speeches  in  the  United  States  Senate.  They  have  been  treated  with  the  utmost 
consideration  and  the  utmost  kindness,  and,  after  the  fashion  of  Orientals,  they 
have  mistaken  kindness  for  timidity.” 


610 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


SENATOR  PLATT  OF  CONNECTICUT  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Mr.  Platt  said  of  Senator  Hoar: 

“He  holds  me  up  here  as  opposed  to  applying  to  the  people  of  this  acquired 
territory  the  principles  of  legislation  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  and  of  the  Constitution.  The  United  States  never  have  legislated 
in  opposition  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  to  the  Constitution,  and  it 
never  will.  I want  to  say  that  an  application  of  the  doctrines  of  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  would  have  prevented  our  expansion  westward  across  this  continent 
to  the  Pacific  coast.  We  found  here  this  continent  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians, 
who  did  not  want  us  here,  nor  did  they  want  to  he  placed  under  our  government. 
Notwithstanding  that  condition,  we  established  our  government  here,  and  now,  at  * 
last,  we  have  brought  many  Indians  to  a state  of  civilization  and  citizenship. 

“We  propose  to  proclaim  liberty  and  justice  and  human  rights  in  the  Philip- 
pines or  wherever  else  the  flag  of  this  country  shall  be  planted.  Who  will  haul 
those  principles  down?” 


SENATOR  STEWART  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Senator  Stewart  of  Nevada  says  of  the  labor  question  in  our  new  possessions: 

“I  have  heard  it  suggested  here  that  the  Filipinos  would  interfere  with  our 
labor  system.  It  seems  to  me  that  impression  is  founded  in  profound  ignorance  or 
want  of  investigation.  There  never  has  been  in  the  history  of  the  world  emigration 
of  laborers  from  the  tropical  to  the  temperate  zone.  I have  heard  the  Chinese 
alluded  to  as  if  they  had  done  it.  That  is  not  true.  The  Chinese  who  have  come 
to  this  country  come  from  a climate  entirely  similar  to  ours.  You  never  see  any 
of  the  Formosans,  or  southern  Chinese,  who  live  in  a tropical  climate,  coming  here. 

“Such  a thing  never  happened,  and  it  never  will.  They  do  not  go  from  India 
to  England,  nor  from  the  tropical  portions  of  Africa  to  England,  although  they 
are  under  the  English  Government.  A case  can  not  be  cited  where  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Tropics  have  gone  to  a temperate  zone  to  labor,  and  they  are  not  coming  here 
to  labor.  The  difficulty  is  they  do  not  labor  enough  at  home.  It  has  frequently 
happened  that  men  have  gone  from  temperate  to  tropical  zones  to  labor,  but  not 
with  great  success;  they  do  not  stay  there  long.  So  the  labor  question  is  eliminated 
by  nature. 

“Then,  again,  if  we  have  these  islands  with  their  tropical  productions,  which 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


611 


are  our  main  imports,  we  shall  have  the  balance  of  trade  in  our  favor.  Heretofore 
it  has  been  against  us,  owing  to  the  importations  of  tropical  products,  such  as 
sugar,  coffee  and  tobacco.  The  balance  of  trade  against  us  of  two  or  three  hundred 
million  dollars  a year,  perhaps,  has  come  from  these  tropical  productions.  I do  not 
propose  at  this  time  to  go  into  details.  These  products  come  from  that  source 
where  we  can  be  supplied,  and  if  we  are  supplied  by  a part  of  our  own  country,  we 
should  not  have  to  pay  the  money  out  to  foreigners. 

“Besides  that  so  far  from  being  against  American  labor,  it  would  be  greatly  in 
favor  of  American  labor,  for  we  would  manufacture  everything  that  those  people 
require.  Manufacturing  is  always  done  in  the  temperate  zone,  always  has  been,  and 
always  will  be,  and  it  will  not  be  done  elsewhere.  We  would  have  the  exclusive 
trade,  and  we  should  have  an  enormous  trade  in  supplying  them  with  our  produc- 
tions and  our  manufactures.  The  American  people,  in  view  of  these  facts,  may 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  we  want  to  keep  all  the  islands  when  that  question  is 
open  to  consideration.  It  seems  premature  to  preclude  ourselves  as  to  the  question 
by  any  resolution  when  no  action  is  required.  Let  us  wait  until  action  is  required, 
and  then  act  in  view  of  the  condition  of  things  that  may  then  be  developed  and 
understood/’ 


GENERAL  GROSVENOR  FOR  EXPANSION. 


General  Grosvenor  quotes  the  proclamation  by  authority  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  at  Manila,  January  4th,  by  General  E.  S.  Otis,  Military  Governor, 
saying  that  his  instructions  direct  him  to  publish  and  proclaim  to  the  inhabitants 
of  these  islands  that  in  the  war  against  Spain  the  United  States  forces  came  here 
to  destroy  the  power  of  that  nation  and  to  give  the  blessings  of  peace  and  individual 
freedom  to  the  Philippine  people;  that  we  are  here  as  friends  of  the  Filipinos,  to 
protect  them  in  their  homes,  their  employments,  their  individual  and  religious  lib- 
erty; and  that  all  persons  who,  either  by  active  aid  or  honest  endeavor,  co-operate 
with  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  give  effect  to  these  beneficent  purposes 
will  receive  the  reward  of  its  support  and  protection. 

The  President  concluded  his  instructions  in  this  language: 

“It  should  be  the  earnest  and  paramount  aim  of  the  administration  to  win 
the  confidence,  respect  and  affection  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines  by  insur- 
ing to  them,  in  every  possible  way,  the  full  measure  of  individual  rights  and  liberty 
which  is  the  heritage  of  a free  people,  and  by  proving  to  them  that  the  mission  of 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


G12 

the  United  States  is  one  of  beneficent  assimilation,  which  will  substitute  the  mild 
sway  of  justice  and  right  for  arbitrary  rule.  In  the  fulfillment  of  this  high  mission, 
while  upholding  the  temporary  administration  of  affairs  for  the  greatest  good  of  the 
governed,  there  will  be  sedulously  maintained  the  strong  arm  of  authority  to  re- 
press disturbance,  and  to  overcome  all  obstacles  to  the  bestowal  of  the  blessings  of 
good  and  stable  government  upon  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands.” 

General  Otis  added: 

“It  is  also  my  belief  that  it  is  the  intention  of  the  United  States  Government 
to  draw  from  the  Philippine  people  so  much  of  the  military  force  of  the  islands  as 
is  possible  and  consistent  with  a free  and  well-constituted  government  of  the  coun- 
try, and  it  is  my  desire  to  inaugurate  a policy  of  that  character. 

“I  am  also  convinced  that  it  is  the  intention  of  the  United  States  Government 
to  seek  the  establishment  of  a most  liberal  government  for  the  islands,  in  which  the 
people  themselves  shall  have  as  full  representation  as  the  maintenance  of  order  and 
law  will  permit,  and  which  shall  be  susceptible  of  development  on  lines  of  increased 
representation  and  the  bestowal  of  increased  powers  into  a government  as  free  and 
independent  as  is  enjoyed  by  the  most  favored  provinces  of  the  world. 

“It  will  be  my  constant  endeavor  to  co-operate  with  the  Philippine  people, 
seeking  the  good  of  the  country,  and  I invite  their  full  confidence  and  aid.” 

It  was  this  that  wounded  the  feelings  of  the  sensitive  Aguinaldo  and  caused 
him  to  make  war. 

General  Grosvenor  also  quoted  the  President’s  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
to  commissioners  sent  to  Manial,  Schusman,  Dewey,  Otis,  Worcester  and  Derby, 
saying: 

“The  commissioners  were  enjoined  to  announce  their  presence  and  the  mission 
entrusted  to  them  and  to  consider  what  amelioration  in  the  condition  of  the  inhab- 
itants was  practicable.  The  President’s  instructions,  the  orders  of  General  Otis,  all 
official  language  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  was  most  pacific,  and  Aguinaldo’s 
agony  of  wrath  rose  because  the  Americans  did  not  submit  to  his  dictatorship,  which 
was  impossible  under  the  articles  of  capitulation  of  the  Spanish  army,  held  as  pris- 
oners of  war.” 


SENATOR  PLATT  OF  NEW  YORK  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  Senator  says  the  talk  about  forcing  our  government  upon  an  unwilling 
people,  all  the  eloquent  invocation  of  the  spirit  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
is  far  and  away  from  any  real  point  that  concerns  the  Senate  in  this  discussion. 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


613 


There  are  reasons  why  the  natives  of  those  islands,  after  their  experience  with  Span- 
ish misrule,  should  misunderstand  the  presence  at  Manila  of  an  American  army, 
but  there  is  no  reason  why  an  American  Senator  should  misunderstand  it  and  no 
justification  of  his  course  in  misrepresenting  it.  He  knows  that  there  is  no  Amer- 
ican in  all  this  broad  land  who  wishes  any  other  fate  to  any  single  native  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  than  his  free  enjoyment  of  a prosperous  life.  He  knows  that 
close  in  the  wake  of  American  rule  there  would  come  to  the  Filipinos  a liberty 
that  they  have  never  known  and  a far  greater  liberty  than  they  could  ever  have 
under  the  arrogant  rule  of  a native  dictator.  He  knows,  moreover,  that  it  would 
be  self-rule,  the  rule  of  the  islanders  to  the  full  extent  of  their  capacity  in  that, 
direction,  and  that  each  successive  American  President  ivould  welcome  the  time 
when  he  could  recommend  new  leases  of  self-government  to  an  advancing  and  im- 
proving people. 

The  Filipinos  may  not  know  these  things  yet,  but  every  American  Senator 
knows  them  and  puts  himself  and  his  country  in  a false  position  when,  by  attrib- 
uting the  spirit  of  conquest  and  aggression  to  those  whose  policy  has  rescued  the  Fil- 
ipinos from  Spain  and  would  now  rescue  them  from  native  tyrants,  he  encourages 
them  to  doubt  the  generous  sentiment  of  our  people. 


SENATOR  FORAIvER  FOR  EXPANSION. 

The  Senator  declared  the  right  of  the  Government  to  establish  a colonial  sys- 
tem had  never  been  before  called  in  question.  He  asserted  that  at  the  time  of  the 
Louisiana  purchase  grave  doubts  were  entertained  by  the  distinguished  statesmen 
of  that  era  as  to  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress  to  confer  statehood  upon  the 
new  possessions.  It  was  generally  conceded,  he  said,  that  they  could  be  held  as 
dependencies  and  governed  at  the  pleasure  of  Congress. 

He  further  declared  that  in  every  instance  where  the  United  States  acquired 
territory  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  extended  over  it  and  that  all 
legislation  provided  by  Congress  for  such  acquired  territory  must  and  always  is  dis- 
tinctly in  accordance  with  the  Constitution. 

The  Senator  maintained  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  had  ample 
power  to  acquire  territory  by  treaty,  and  he  demanded  to  know  of  Mr.  Hoar  if  he  did 
not  think  territory  so  acquired  was  acquired  constitutionally. 

“The  trouble,”  continued  the  Senator,  “is  that  Senators  are  talking  about  a 
theory  instead  of  a practical  condition.  What  have  the  Senators  who  have  dis- 


i 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


(114 

cussed  these  theories  proposed?  Nothing.  You  all  know  the  precedents  of  the 
condition  we  face.  We  had  made  war  and  its  fortunes  had  carried  us  to  the  Philip- 
pines. When  the  end  came  those  islands  were  in  our  possession.  What  was  to  be 
done?  Four  possibilities  existed.  We  might  return  the  islands  to  Spain,  allow 
some  other  country  to  seize  or  gobble  them  up,  the  people  of  the  islands  might  be 
left  to  themselves  and  the  anarchy  that  existed  there  or  we  ourselves  might  take 
possession  of  them.  The  unanimous  voice  of  the  country  was  opposed  to  the  return 
of  the  islands  to  the  tyrannical  government  of  Spain. 

“The  return  of  the  islands  to  Spain  was,  therefore,  not  to  be  considered. 
Were  they  then  to  be  left  to  themselves?  About  the  time  this  question  was  con- 
fronting us  I saw  repeated  newspaper  statements  from  Aguinaldo  and  his  asso- 
ciates among  the  insurgents  to  the  effect  that  all  the  countries  of  Europe  would  be 
on  their  backs  before  breakfast  if  the  United  States  deserted  them  at  that  juncture. 
We  could  not  leave  the  islands  at  the  mercy  of  other  countries.  Such  a course  would 
have  been  cruel.  We  could  not  desert  the  people  of  the  islands,  and  subject  them  to 
the  risks  of  disorder,  anarchy,  misrule  and  mob  rule  while  they  might  be  still  unfit 
for  self-government.  But  occupation  was  not  to  be  permanent. 

“I  do  not  understand  that  anyone  desires  anything  but  the  ultimate  independ- 
ence of  the  people  of  the  Philippines,”  said  he  emphatically,  “neither  the  President 
nor  any  one  in  this  chamber.” 

“But  what  about  our  right  if  we  chose  to  hold  them  permanently,  with  no 
thought  of  their  ultimate  independence?”  inquired  Mr.  Hoar. 

“We  have  an  unquestioned  right  to  do  so,”  was  the  reply. 

“It  had  been  asserted  here  in  debate,  as  I understood,  that  it  was  the  purpose 
of  the  administration  and  the  purpose  of  those  supporting  the  administration  to 
take  those  islands  and  hold  and  govern  them  as  a colony  by  force  of  arms  forever  in 
violation  of  the  declaration  of  that  resolution.  That  is  what  I was  speaking  to,  and 
the  language  I employed  should  be  interpreted  in  the  light  of  the  resolution  which 
I was  discussing. 

“I  did  not  say  anything  about  anybody’s  present  purpose  except  only  as  that 
might  be  inferred  from  the  statement  I made  that  I knew  nobody  had  the  partic- 
ular purpose  in  mind  which  had  been  ascribed  to  the  administration  by  those  who 
had  spoken  in  favor  of  the  resolution. 

“What  I said  was  in  reply  to  interruptions  and  questions,  repeated  questions, 
and  there  is,  therefore,  a good  deal  of  repetition  in  my  remarks,  but  the  spirit  in 
which  I spoke  will  appear  from  the  following.  In  answer  to  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts (Mr.  Hoar),  I said: 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


615 


“ ‘I  do  not  understand  anybody  to  be  proposing  to  take  tbe  Philippine  Islands 
with  the  idea  and  view  of  permanently  holding  them  and  denying  to  the  people  there 
the  right  to  have  a government  of  their  own  if  they  are  capable  of  it  and  want  to 
establish  it.  I do  not  understand  that  anybody  wants  to  do  that.  I have  not  heard 
of  anybody  who  wants  to  do  that.  The  President  of  the  United  States  does  not,  I 
know,  and  no  Senator  in  this  chamber  has  made  any  such  statement.’ 

“When  I spoke  of  what  I knew  of  the  mind  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  in  that  particular,  I was  speaking  simply  of  his  public  declarations  and  of  his 
official  acts  as  well,  all  of  which  were  in  contradiction  of  the  idea  that  by  sword  and 
bayonet  and  shot  and  shell  he  meant  to  hold  those  islands  without  regard  to  the 
conditions  that  might  exist  there  and  without  regard  to  whether  or  not  the  people 
of  those  islands  consented  or  objected. 

“Speaking  again,  I said  that  ‘only  tw'o  things  were  left’  for  us  to  do  with 
respect  to  the  Philippines.  I was  speaking  on  that  point.  This  is  my  language: 

“ ‘Only  two  things  were  left — to  leave  them  to  themselves  at  once  and  retire 
immediately,  taking  no  responsibility  whatever  for  the  condition  there  obtaining, 
or  else  take  charge  of  them  by  cession  from  Spain,  asking  the  world  to  have  confi- 
dence in  this  great  Government,  which  has  ever  sought  to  do  right,  that  we  will 
deal  with  them  as  they  should  be  dealt  with.’ 

“In  answer  to  another  question  from  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  I said: 
“ ‘What  I have  said  in  answer  to  the  Senator  is  in  the  Record,  and  will  show 
that  I do  not  know  of  anybody  who  wants  to  take  possession  of  the  Philippine  Is- 
lands and  govern  the  people  of  those  islands  indefinitely  against  their  will  by  force 
of  arms.’  ” 


HON.  MARRIAT  BROSIUS  OF  PENNSYLVANIA  FOR  EXPANSION. 

Mr.  Brosius  expressed  himself  pleased  with  a gentleman  from  Indiana  because 
he  did  not  revise,  revamp,  and  reiterate  the  argument  heard  so  often,  that  it  would 
be  very  wicked  and  wrong  and  unpatriotic  for  this  Republic  to  compel  by  force, 
against  the  will  of  the  people,  the  annexation  of  the  Philippine  Islands  to  the 
United  States.  Since  no  one  has  ever  proposed  such  a policy,  I sweep  from  the  floor 
of  debate  all  that  kind  of  argument  in  the  simple  language  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
in  replying  to  his  distinguished  rival.  Senator  Douglas,  when  he  said: 

“Does  the  gentleman  expect  to  stand  in  majestic  dignity  and  pass  through  his 
apotheosis  and  become  a god  by  his  antagonism  to  a proposition  which  neither  man 
nor  mouse  in  all  God’s  creation  has  ever  advocated?” 


616 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


As  to  tradition,  it  was  the  wise  reflection  of  the  philosophic  Buckle  “that  of  all 
the  ways  in  which  truth  has  been  distorted,  there  is  none  that  has  worked  so  much 
harm  as  an  exaggerated  respect  for  the  past.” 

Jefferson,  the  original  American  expansionist,  suggested  that  this  country 
would  not  tolerate  the  Gothic  idea  of  looking  backward  instead  of  forward  for  our 
improvements  in  government  or  religion,  or  consulting  the  annals  of  our  ancestors 
for  the  duties  we  owe  the  present. 

History  abounds  in  illustrations  of  the  fatality  of  submissive  acquiescence  in 
the  traditions  of  the  fathers. 

After  the  obstacles  the  geographic  traditions  of  the  patriotic  fathers  had 
thrown  in  the  way  of  maritime  adventure  and  discovery  were  overcome,  says  Dr. 
Draper,  their  ethnological  traditions  led  to  one  of  the  monumental  tragedies  of  his- 
tory. It  was  believed  by  the  Spaniards,  for  the  fathers  had  so  declared  it,  that  the 
people  of  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe,  descending  through  the  sons  of  Noah,  Shem, 
Ham,  and  Japheth,  comprised  all  the  people  on  the  earth  of  Adamic  descent.  When 
they  found  the  New  World  inhabited,  a question  arose:  What  was  the  lineage  of 
these  new  people? 

The  voice  of  the  fathers  was  altogether  against  their  Adamic  descent.  St.  Au- 
gustine had  denied  the  globular  form  of  the  earth;  and  there  could  be  no  human 
beings  outside  of  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe,  since  none  are  mentioned  in  the  Scrip- 
tures. So  the  Spaniards,  following  the  traditions  of  the  fathers,  proceeded  to  treat 
the  natives  of  South  America  as  outside  the  pale  of  the  Adamic  race  and  enslaved 
and  murdered  them  by  the  millions. 

The  fathers  themselves  knew  that  each  century  must  do  its  own  thinking.  They 
would  have  agreed  with  Dr.  Abbott,  that  if  one  generation  has  no  Washington  or 
Jefferson  or  Hamilton  it  must  create  them  or  die.  They  were  wise  enough  to  judge 
opinions  as  they  judged  coins — considering  much  less  whose  inscriptions  they  have 
than  what  metal  they  were  made  of;  that  soundness  of  opinion  was  more  to  be  val- 
ued than  their  antiquity.  Their  minds  were  free  from  the  shackles  of  the  past. 
They  knew  that  new  occasions  teach  new  duties. 

To-day,  and  not  a hundred  years  ago,  is  the  judgment  day  for  the  question  of 
American  expansion. 

But  it  remains  to  be  said  that  this  policy  is  not  in  violation  of  the  traditions  of 
the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  as  strenuously  contended  in  some  quarters.  Our  policy 
for  a hundred  years  has  been  one  of  expansion.  We  have  expanded  from  the  Alle- 
ghenies to  the  Golden  Gate  and  far  out  into  the  Pacific  Sea.  The  eagle’s  wings 
have  grown  until  they  are  8,000  miles  from  tip  to  tip. 


i 

i 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


61? 

Jefferson  not  only  desired  Cuba,  but  Canada  as  well,  and  saw  no  insuperable 
difficulties  in  the  Constitution  to  the  attainment  of  so  desirable  an  acquisition.  Not 
only  the  fathers,  but  the  sons  of  the  fathers  had  the  same  hunger  and  thirst  for  the 
righteousness  of  empire.  In  1854  President  Pierce  directed  Buchanan,  Mason,  and 
Soule,  our  ministers  at  London,  Paris,  and  Madrid,  to  meet  in  some  European  city 
to  confer  in  regard  to  the  best  means  of  getting  possession  of  Cuba.  Jefferson  had 
some  scruples  at  first  about  the  constitutional  warrant  for  the  purchase,  but  he  soon 
disposed  of  them,  and  in  his  message  to  the  special  session  of  Congress  convened  to 
act  on  the  treaty  no  allusion  was  made  to  the  subject.  He  entertained  no  doubt 
of  the  wisdom  of  the  purchase,  and  was  not  alarmed  at  the  growth  of  our  domain. 
Alluding  to  the  apprehension  some  were  under  of  danger  to  the  Union,  from  the 
enlargement  of  our  territory,  he  said:  “But  who  can  limit  the  extent  to  which  the 
federative  principle  can  operate  effectively?  The  larger  the  association  the  less  will 
it  be  shaken  by  local  passions.” 

I have  faith  to  believe  that  we  will  be  equal  to  our  opportunities  and 
worthy  the  grand  and  noble  destiny  that  awaits  us.  We  have  but  to  remember 
what  it  is  the  primal  duty  of  Americans  never  to  forget,  “That  man  is  more  than 
nations,  that  wisdom  is  more  than  glory,  that  virtue  is  more  than  dominion  of 
the  sea,  and  that  justice  is  the  supreme  good.” 

“Lord,  God  of  hosts,  be  with  us  yet. 

Lest  we  forget,  lest  we  forget.” 

In  closing  I give  my  countrymen  this  sentiment: 

“And  so  I give  you  all  the  ship  of  state. 

Freedom’s  last  venture  is  her  priceless  freight, 

God  speed  her,  keep  her,  bless  her,  while  she  steers 
Amid  the  breakers  of  unsounded  years. 

Lead  her  through  danger’s  paths  with  even  keel 
And  guide  the  honest  hand  that  holds  her  wheel.” 

In  the  lap  of  the  Orient,  mother  of  nations,  I fling  this  pearl  of  poesy: 

“Mother  Asia,  we  stand  at  your  threshold. 

In  far  immemorial  yore 
We  left  you,  great  Mother  of  Nations, 

And  now  we  return  to  your  door. 

We  have  circled  the  seas  and  their  islands. 

We  have  found  us  new  worlds  in  the  main, 

We  have  found  us  young  brides  o’er  the  alien  tides — 

Now  we  come  to  our  mother  again. 


618 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


“We  wandered  through  ages  unnumbered, 

We  were  mad  with  the  fever  to  roam, 

But  the  new  flag  that  waves  at  Manila 

Proclaims  that  your  sons  have  come  home. 

There  are  weeds  in  the  Gardens  of  Morning, 

There  are  mildew  and  dearth  and  decay, 

And  your  blind  days  are  drear  and  your  heart  has  grown  sere. 
The  years  that  your  sons  were  away. 

“But  turn  your  old  eyes  to  the  seaward 

Where  the  flag  of  the  West  is  discerned. 

Be  glad,  gray  old  Mother  of  Nations, 

The  youth  of  the  world  has  returned. 

They  come  with  the  wealth  of  their  wanderings, 

They  come  with  the  strength  of  their  pride; 

Now,  old  mother,  arise  and  lift  up  your  dim  eyes — 

Behold  your  strong  sons  at  your  side. 

“They  will  toil  in  your  Gardens  of  Morning, 

They  will  cleanse  you  of  mire  and  fen; 

You  shall  hear  the  glad  laughter  of  children. 

You  shall  see  the  strong  arms  of  young  men. 

New  hope  shall  come  back  to  your  borders, 

Despair  from  your  threshold  is  spurned, 

A new  day  shall  rise  in  your  Orient  skies — 

The  youth  of  the  world  has  returned.” 


GOVERNOR  OGLESBY  EXPANDS. 

The  venerable  ex-Governor  and  Senator  made  these  expansive  remarks: 

<fWe  have  got  to  meet  this  question  about  the  Philippines.  Now,  just  what  in 
the  devil  to  do  I don’t  know.  We  have  got  them  and  I am  ever  so  much  obliged  to 
Senator  Davis  for  the  information  about  the  origin  and  growth  and  con- 
clusion of  the  treaty  and  of  the  commissioners  upon  both  sides.  I know  more 
about  it  than  I ever  did  before,  yet  I knew  enough  about  it  before  to  be  in  favor 
of  it.  I didn’t  hemstitch  or  backstitch  on  it  particularly.  I was  for  it.  So  were 
you  all,  I suppose.  Yes,  I thought  so.  Now,  we  have  got  these  Philippines.  We 
don’t  know  what  kind  of  people  they  are.  But  they  are  people — made  in  the 
image  of  God,  it  is  said.  I don’t  think  that  was  the  sentiment  when  the  original 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVOCACY  OF  EXPANSION. 


619 


scheme  was  put  on  foot.  I don’t  think  it  was  any  part  of  the  programme  in  the 
Garden  of  Eden.  But  there  they  are,  human  beings.  They  aren’t  animals.  They 
merely  have  intelligence  enough  to  have  risen  in  rebellion  against  Spain,  and  they 
have  sense  enough  to  still  remain  so  against  us.  It  is  going  to  take  time  to  tell 
them  what  to  do.  They  are  a long  way  from  us.  I wish  it  wasn’t  so  far.  It  costs 
a good  deal  to  get  there.  I could  go  to  Minnesota  and  back  ten  times  for  one-fifth 
of  the  fare. 

“They  are  away  off  in  front  of  China,  not  far  from  the  equator.  I don’t  know 
how  they  would  have  stood  this  cold  spell  we  have  had  here.  I think  a little  dose 
of  that  kind  of  weather  would  put  a republic  into  them.  They  have  got  to  lay 
down  their  arms.  We  have  got  to  put  that  rebellion  down.  We  have  got  to  tackle 
the  subject.  The  President  says  he  will  leave  it  to  Congress.  So  would  I if  I could 
get  out  on  that  doctrine.  But  I am  behind  Congress.  Congress  is  responsible  to 
me  and  to  you  and  to  all  of  us  private  citizens.  We  are  the  power  behind  the 
throne.” 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 

Area  of  Our  Territory  When  Jefferson  Wrote  the  Declaration  of  Independence — 
The  Westward  Course  of  Acquisition — The  Northwest  Territory  Added 
— Acquiring  All  Territory  East  of  the  Mississippi  River — Exploring  Expe- 
ditions Into  Western  Territory — The  Louisiana  Purchase — Views  of 
Jefferson  and  Congress  in  1803 — Annexation  of  Texas — Acquiring  Cali- 
fornia and  New  Mexico — The  Alaska  Purchase — Expansion  Opinions  of 
Law  Writers — Decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  Subject  of  Acquiring 
Territory — Beneficial  Effects  of  Expansion — We  Need  Not  Fear  the  Future, 
and  We  Dare  Not  Step  Backward — The  Dream  of  Columbus  Will  Soon 
Be  Realized. 

The  expansion  of  the  United  States  since  the  thirteen  original  colonies  became 
the  nation  has  been  vast  and  various.  Our  enlargement  has  been  steady.  Each 
generation  has  gathered  under  our  flag  more  land  for  the  people.  The  credit  of 
• the  latest  and  most  applicable,  exact  and  excellent,  pertinent,  apt  to  time  and 
up-to-date  history  of  these  transactions  belongs  to  the  Hon.  James  R.  Mann 
of  Illinois.  He  says: 

“When  Jefferson  wrote  the  Declaration  of  Independence  we  had  but  a little 
more  than  400,000  square  miles,  and  now  we  have  nearly  ten  times  that  area.  The 
original  thirteen  States  cover  an  area  of  341,752  square  miles,  but  included  in 
them  were  the  present  States  of  Vermont,  Maine  and  Kentucky,  an  area  of  82,892 
square  miles,  which,  added  to  the  area  of  the  thirteen  original  States,  aggregates 
424,644  square  miles.  This  was  the  real  area  of  the  colonies  which  revolted  from 
Great  Britain  and  adopted  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

“The  territory  included  within  the  present  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan,  Wisconsin,  Tennessee,  that  part  of  Minnesota  lying  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi River,  and  those  parts  of  Alabama  and  Mississippi  lying  north  of  the  thirty- 
first  parallel  of  latitude  were,  by  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  of  1783,  acknowl- 
edged to  belong  to  our  country.  Various  parts  of  this  territory  were  claimed  by 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina, 
and  Georgia  under  the  colonial  grants  or  patents  from  England,  and  by  Virginia 
as  discovered  and  conquered  territory. 

“The  various  interests  of  these  States  were  afterwards  ceded  to  the  General 
Government.  New  York  was  the  first  State  to  make  a cession  to  the  General 
Government,  but  her  claim  was  an  indefinite,  undefined  one  of  no  merit,  to  the 
country  lying  west  of  Pennsylvania  and  north  of  the  Ohio  River.  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut  also  claimed  the  territory  lying  west  of  Pennsylvania  between 

620 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


621 


their  respective  north  and  south  boundary  lines  extended  west  to  the  Mississippi 
River.  But  it  is  now  generally  conceded  that  the  State  of  Virginia  was  the  State 
which  had  the  best  title  to  the  territory  lying  north  of  the  Ohio  River,  called  the 
Northwest  Territory  and  now  embracing  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  that  part  of  Minnesota  east  of  the  Mississippi  River. 

“In  the  original  charters  and  grants  to  the  various  colonies  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut  had  each  been  granted  lands  running  westerly  to  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
then  known  as  the  South  Sea.  It  was  under  these  grants  that  those  States  claimed 
the  portions  of  the  Northwest  Territory  lying  between  their  north  and  south 
boundary  lines,  respectively,  extended  west  to  the  Mississippi,  which  river  had,  prior 
to  that  time,  been  fixed  as  the  boundary  line  between  the  British  and  the  Spanish 
possessions.  Virginia  also  claimed  a large  portion  of  the  Northwest  Territory  by 
reason  of  a similar  grant. 

“But  prior  to  the  war  of  the  Revolution  no  settlements  had  been  made  by 
either  of  these  colonies  in  this  Northwest  Territory,  and,  on  the  contrary,  that 
territory  had  been  taken  possession  of  and  settled  by  the  French,  and  the  rights  of 
France  had  been,  with  the  rest  of  Canada,  surrendered  to  Great  Britain  by  the 
treaty  of  1762  in  a way  which  made  it  free  from  the  claims  of  the  colonies. 

“Kentucky  had  been  more  or  less  settled  by  expeditions  from  Virginia,  as 
well  as  Tennessee,  to  a certain  extent,  from  North  Carolina.  South  Carolina 
claimed  a small  strip  of  land  a few  miles  wide  running  westerly  from  her  western 
boundary  through  what  is  now  the  extreme  north  end  of  the  States  of  Georgia, 
Alabama,  and  Mississippi  to  the  Mississippi  River.  Georgia  claimed  the  larger 
portion  of  what  is  now  Alabama  and  Mississippi. 

“The  different  States  interested  ceded  their  interests  in  this  western  territory 
to  the  General  Government.  In  1781  New  York  ceded  its  indefinite  claim,  as  well 
as  some  land  now  in  Erie  County,  Pennsylvania,  comprising  315  square  miles. 
The  cession  by  Virginia,  made  in  1784,  including  Kentucky,  amounted  to  256,562 
square  miles.  The  cession  of  Massachusetts,  made  in  1785,  was  for  a claim  cover- 
ing about  54,000  square  miles.  Connecticut,  by  her  acts  of  1786  and  1800,  ceded 
her  claim  covering  about  40,000  square  miles.  The  cession  of  South  Carolina, 
in  1787,  covered  4,900  square  miles;  that  of  North  Carolina,  in  1790,  45,600 
square  miles,  and  that  of  Georgia,  in  1802,  88,578  square  miles. 

“By  virtue  of  the  several  acts  of  cession  from  these  seven  original  States,  as 
well  as  by  virtue  of  its  claims  under  the  treaty  of  1783,  the  National  Government 
came  into  possession  of  all  that  territory  lying  south  of  the  British  domain,  east 
of  the  Mississippi  River,  and  north  of  the  thirty-first  parallel  of  latitude. 


622 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION 


“EXPANSION  DURING  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 

“But  the  area  thus  ceded  by  the  various  States  to  the  National  Government, 
and  embraced  within  the  limits  of  the  Northwest  and  Southwest  Territories,  did 
not  constitute  a part  of  the  revolting  colonies  when  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence was  adopted.  A large  share  of  this  area  had  been  once,  constructively  at  least, 
a part  of  Florida.  Subsequently  it  became  a French  possession  and  was  considered 
a part  of  Louisiana  and  Canada.  When,  following  the  fall  of  Quebec,  the  French 
possessions  in  North  America  were  surrendered  by  the  treaty  of  1762  to  Great 
Britain,  the  forts  and  settlements  in  the  Northwest  Territory  were  governed  as 
a part  of  Canada.  The  British  had  one  fort  at  Detroit,  one  in  Kaskaskia,  in 
southern  Illinois,  and  one  at  Vincennes,  on  the  Wabash,  in  southern  Indiana. 

“The  story  of  how  this  western  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi  River  became 
a part  of  our  country  is  one  of  the  most  dramatic  and  instructive  lessons  of  our 
history.  It  is  worth  the  reciting  here  somewhat  in  detail,  because  it  illustrates  the 
position  taken  by  the  founders  of  our  nation  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  prior  to  and  at  the  time  of  the  reorganization 
of  the  National  Government  under  the  Constitution. 

“It  was  owing  to  the  intrepidity  of  one  man.  He  gained  for  the  revolting 
colonies  the  right  to  claim  the  easterly  half  of  the  Mississippi  Valley.  That  man 
was  George  Rogers  Clark,  who  was  born  in  Virginia,  November  19,  1752.  He 
became  a surveyor,  and  in  1775  emigrated  to  Kentucky  and  was  soon  selected  by 
his  fellow-colonists  to  attend  the  Virginia  Legislature,  to  which,  however,  he  was 
not  admitted  as  a member. 

“When  the  Revolutionary  war  broke  out  no  effort  was  made  by  the  revolt- 
ing colonies  to  gain  any  foothold  in  the  far  West  or  to  capture  any  of  the  British 
forts  in  that  region.  But  George  Rogers  Clark,  traveling  back  and  forth  between 
Kentucky  and  Virginia,  conceived  the  enterprise  of  adding  to  the  revolting  colonies, 
which  he  believed  would  surely  win  their  struggle,  the  great  British  possessions 
lying  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  north  and  south  of  Kentucky.  Those  possessions 
were  wild,  almost  a wilderness,  but  inhabited  by  numerous  tribes  of  Indians. 

“Clark  laid  before  Governor  Patrick  Henry,  of  Virginia,  and  the  members  of 
the  governor’s  council,  including  Thomas  Jefferson,  his  plan  of  capturing  the 
British  forts  north  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  thereby  acquiring  for  Virginia  the  im- 
mense domain  north  of  that  river.  He  was  authorized  by  Governor  Henry  to  raise 
seven  companies  of  fifty  men  each  to  attack  the  British  forces  at  Kaskaskia. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


623 


Colonel  Clark  made  his  rendezvous  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  where  now  stands 
Louisville,  and  gathered  together  such  men  as  he  could  readily  obtain. 

“On  June  24,  1778,  his  command,  consisting  of  153  men,  broke  camp  at  Louis- 
ville and  started  down  the  Ohio  River  in  rowboats.  Relays  of  oarsmen  kept  the 
boats  moving  during  both  night  and  day  for  four  days  and  nights,  when  the  com- 
mand landed  at  a point  on  the  Ohio  River  somewhat  east  of  where  Cairo,  HI.,  now 
is — a distance  of  about  120  miles  southward  from  Kaskaskia.  Ivaskaskia  was  then 
a town  of  about  1,000  French  inhabitants,  located  at  or  near  where  Chester,  111., 
now  is.  There  was  no  road  between  the  Ohio  River  and  Kaskaskia,  and  the  way 
was  a wilderness — much  of  it  a very  swampy  or  rough  country. 

“Colonel  Clark’s  command  had  no  wagons  or  pack  horses  with  which  to  carry 
their  baggage,  supplies,  or  ammunition.  On  the  evening  of  July  4,  1778,  the 
command  had  arrived  within  three  miles  of  the  town  of  Kaskaskia,  but  with  the 
Kaskaskia  River  yet  to  cross  to  reach  there.  After  dark  some  boats  were  obtained, 
the  river  crossed,  the  town  surrounded,  the  fort  broken  into,  the  British  governor 
and  troops  captured,  and  before  daylight  Colonel  Clark  had  possession  of  the  entire 
place.  His  command  had  been  six  days  on  the  road  from  the  Ohio  River  to  Kas- 
kaskia, moving  at  the  rapid  rate  of  twenty  miles  per  day,  and  during  the  last  two 
days  almost  without  food. 

“Discovery  by  the  British  scouts  or  the  Indians  would  probably  have  resulted 
in  their  annihilation,  but  this  little  band  of  less  than  200  men,  after  rowing  by 
turns  for  four  days  down  the  Ohio  River  and  marching  for  six  days  through  an 
unknown  wilderness,  without  supplies,  without  a road,  and  without  transportation 
facilities,  had  captured  the  military  capital  of  the  West,  well  provided  with  provi- 
sions, cannon,  and  soldiers,  without  the  firing  of  a gun.  Such  a daring  of  purpose 
and  celerity  of  execution  has  seldom  been  equaled  in  the  world’s  history.  Follow- 
ing the  capture  of  Kaskaskia,  the  British  post  at  Vincennes  surrendered  to  an 
officer  whom  Clark  sent  there  to  demand  its  surrender. 

“The  governor  of  Virginia  was  informed  of  the  success,  and  in  October,  1778, 
an  act  was  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  organizing  the  county  of  Illinois, 
which  included  all  the  territory  of  the  Commonwealth  northwest  of  the  Ohio 
River. 

“It  is  proper  to  add  that  the  French  settlers  in  the  territory  were  not  con- 
sulted by  the  Virginia  Legislature,  nor  was  the  question  asked  whether  they  con- 
sented to  or  desired  the  change  of  government. 

“But  this  new  territory  was  not  to  be  so  easily  won.  Hamilton,  who  was  the 


024 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


British  governor  of  the  territory  and  located  at  Detroit,  heard  of  the  success  of 
Clark’s  invasion  with  surprise  and  indignation. 

“He  hurriedly  collected  a force  and  on  December  15,  1778,  appeared  before 
the  fort  at  Vincennes  with  an  army  numbering  five  or  six  hundred  and  consisting 
mostly  of  Indians.  There  were  only  two  American  soldiers  at  the  fort  to  defend 
it — a Captain  Helm  and  a private  by  the  name  of  Henry.  They  planted  a cannon 
in  the  open  gateway  of  the  fort,  and  as  Governor  Hamilton  and  his  command 
approached  Captain  Helm  cried  out,  ‘Halt!’  standing  by  the  cannon  with  a lighted 
match.  The  British  officer  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  whereupon  Helm 
asked  what  terms  of  surrender  would  be  given,  and  Hamilton  replied  that  they 
might  surrender  with  all  the  honors  of  war.  The  American  garrison  thereupon 
capitulated  and  Captain  Helm  and  his  force  of  one  man  marched  out  before  the 
British  command. 

“The  fall  of  Vincennes  was  soon  communicated  to  Colonel  Clark  at  Kaskaskia, 
who  was  not  in  an  easy  position.  He  was  without  money,  provisions,  or  supplies, 
and  so  far  away  from  Virginia  that  he  could  not  even  get  word  there  in  time  to 
receive  assistance.  Hamilton  had  a larger  force  and  had,  besides  the  assistance  of 
the  Indian  tribes,  sufficient  supplies,  ammunition,  and  money.  It  was  obvious  that 
in  the  spring  Hamilton  would  be  enabled,  with  his  superior  force,  to  crush  Clark 
and  regain  possession  of  the  western  capital  at  Kaskaskia  for  England. 

“The  control  and  destiny  of  an  empire  in  extent  and  importance  depended 
upon  the  action  to  be  taken.  Fortunately  for  the  history  of  our  country,  there 
was  a Colonel  George  Rogers  Clark  at  Kaskaskia.  To  wait  at  that  point  was  to 
invite  inevitable  defeat.  He  conceived  the  hazardous  enterprise  of  marching 
across  the  country,  surprising  and  capturing  Governor  Hamilton  and  his  command 
at  Vincennes. 

“On  February  5,  1779,  Colonel  Clark,  with  a force  of  about  175  men,  started 
from  Kaskaskia  to  march  to  Vincennes,  a distance  of  175  miles,  though  it  was 
estimated  by  Clark  that  he  traversed  a distance  of  240  miles  by  the  way  taken. 
It  was  at  the  worst  possible  season  of  the  year.  The  snows  had  melted,  and  a large 
portion  of  the  ground  was  under  water.  The  creeks  and  swamps  were  enlarged  to 
wide  dimensions.  The  weather  was  stormy  and  rainy.  Much  of  the  time  there 
was  a cold  drizzling  rain.  Part  of  the  time,  when  crossing  the  creeks,  the  men 
would  be  compelled  to  push  aside  the  floating  blocks  of  ice.  At  night  there  was 
no  dry  place  to  lie  down,  and  they  had  no  tents  for  shelter. 

“The  supply  of  provisions  ran  out,  and  during  the  last  few  days  the  men 
were  almost  without  food,  and  as  they  came  toward  the  end  of  the  march  it  was 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


imperative  that  discovery  should  be  avoided,  and  hence  the  shooting  of  game  was 
prohibited.  On  February  21,  when  they  were  trying  to  get  through  swamps  and 
marshes  and  the  overflow  of  the  Wabash  River,  they  were  compelled  to  wade 
through  water  in  some  places  up  to  the  neck,  and  the  weather  was  so  cold  that 
in  the  morning  the  ice  had  frozen  from  one-half  to  three-quarters  of  an  inch  in 
thickness. 

“But  on  February  23,  1779,  Clark  and  his  command  attacked  Governor  Ham- 
ilton in  Fort  Sackville  at  Vincennes,  surprising  him,  and  on  the  next  day  Hamilton 
surrendered. 

“The  possession  thus  acquired  was  never  lost.  No  rhetoric  can  add  to  a simple 
recital  of  the  facts.  In  hazard  of  undertaking,  in  celerity  and  hardship  of  execu- 
tion, and  in  the  success  and  importance  of  its  results  this  short  campaign  of  Colonel 
Clark  in  the  winter  month  of  February,  1779,  has  seldom,  if  ever,  been  equaled. 
Through  the  daring  and  the  genius  of  one  man  the  great  Northwest  had  come  into 
the  possession  of  Virginia.  From  that  time  on  the  Continental  Congress,  in  its 
discussion  of  a possible  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  insisted  that  the  North- 
west Territory,  from  the  Great  Lakes  southward,  as  well  as  the  remainder  of  the 
British  possessions  east  of  the  Mississippi  River,  should  be  considered  as  belonging 
to  the  revolting  colonies. 

“And  in  the  year  1779,  while  the  war  was  in  progress,  but  it  seemed  as  though 
peace  were  possible,  the  Continental  Congress  considered  in  secret  the  terms  upon 
which  it  would  agree  to  peace  with  Great  Britain,  and  in  March,  1779,  it  was  agreed 
by  Congress  that  in  case  of  peace  it  would  insist  upon  the  Mississippi  River  for 
the  western  boundary  of  the  revolting  colonies,  from  the  source  of  the  Mississippi 
to  the  thirty-first  parallel  of  north  latitude.  Again,  in  August,  1779,  instructions 
were  agreed  on  by  the  Congress  to  give  to  a commission  to  be  appointed  for  the 
purpose  of  negotiating  peace,  and  again  it  was  insisted  that  the  Mississippi  River 
should  be  the  western  boundary  line. 

“The  natives  of  that  vast  tract  of  country,  mostly  unexplored,  were  tribes  of 
Indians.  Most  of  the  settlements  were  French.  But  it  was  not  proposed  or 
discussed  that  it  was  necessary  to  have  an  expression  by  vote  or  otherwise  of  the 
desires  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  territory  acquired,  nor  was  any  tender  senti- 
mentality indulged  in  by  these  makers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  They 
saw  that  they  had  captured  the  British  forts  and  capitals;  they  saw  a valuable 
domain  which  might  be  added  to  their  territory,  and  they  promptly  saw  the  value 
of  keeping  it. 

“But  all  of  the  colonies  did  not  have  colonial  claims  to  portions  of  the  newly 


626 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


acquired  territory.  It  soon  became  evident  that  the  new  domain  might  easily 
become  either  a cause  of  dissension  or  a cause  of  closer  union.  If  the  States  which 
claimed  the  new  territory  insisted  upon  their  respective  claims,  then  the  new  terri- 
tory might  easily  cause  disputes  or  even  war.  But  if  the  newly  acquired  territory 
should  be  turned  over  to  the  General  Government,  then  there  would  be  a domain 
of  great  value  belonging  to  the  central  Government  which  would  give  it  stability 
and  strength. 

“I  have  already  referred  to  the  claims  and  the  grants  by  the  separate  States 
to  the  General  Government,  but  before  those  grants  were  made  seven  of  the  original 
States  claimed  colonies  for  themselves.  Virginia  had  claimed  and  exercised  the 
right  of  increasing  her  territory  by  conquest  under  Colonel  Clark. 

''The  cession  from  Virginia,  by  the  act  of  December  20,  1783,  contained  the 
provision  that  the  cession  was  upon  condition  that  the  territory  so  ceded  should 
be  laid  out  and  formed  into  States,  and  that  the  States  so  formed  should  be  admit- 
ted as  members  of  the  Federal  Union,  having  the  same  rights  of  sovereignty,  free- 
dom, and  independence  as  the  other  States. 

“THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION. 

“The  Constitutional  Convention  met  in  1787.  The  Federal  Government  at 
that  time  had  acquired  the  western  territory,  which  it  was  understood  would 
eventually  be  admitted  as  separate  States  in  accordance  with  the  Virginia  cession. 
The  ordinance  of  1787  for  the  government  of  the  Northwest  Territory  by  a governor 
and  judges  had  just  been  considered  and  passed.  The  question  of  the  acquisition 
and  government  of  new  territory  was  therefore  a live  and  familiar  question  with 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution. 

“Let  me  recall  the  circumstances  connected  with  the  adoption  of  section  3, 
Article  IV,  of  the  Constitution,  providing  that — 

“ ‘New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this  Union.  * * * The 
Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regu- 
lations respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the  United  States.’ 

“The  Constitutional  Convention  adopted  various  preliminary  resolutions  con- 
cerning the  form  of  government  and  constitution  to  be  adopted,  and  on -July  26, 
1787,  referred  them  to  a committee  of  detail  as  the  basis  for  a draft  of  a con- 
stitution. Among  these  preliminary  resolutions  was:  A 

“ ‘17.  Resolved,  That  provision  ought  to  be  made  for  the  admission  of  States 
lawfully  arising  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  whether  from  a volun- 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


627 


tary  junction  of  government  and  territory  or  otherwise,  with  the  consent  of  a 
number  of  voices  in  the  National  Legislature  less  than  the  whole.’ 

“There  was  no  other  provision  relating  to  government  of  territory  or  admis- 
sion of  new  States  in  these  preliminary  resolutions.  On  August  6 the  committee 
of  detail  reported  a draft  of  a constitution,  which  contained — 

“ ‘Art.  17.  New  States  lawfully  constituted  or  established  within  the  limits 
of  the  United  States  may  he  admitted  by  the  Legislature  into  this  Government; 
hut  to  such  admission  the  consent  of  two-thirds  of  the  members  present  in  each 
House  shall  he  necessary.  If  a new  State  shall  arise  within  the  limits  of  any 
of  the  present  States,  the  consent  of  the  Legislatures  of  such  States  shall  be  also 
necessary  to  its  admission.  If  the  admission  be  consented  to,  the  new  States  shall 
be  admitted  on  the  same  terms  with  the  original  States.  But  the  Legislature  may 
make  conditions  with  the  new  States  concerning  the  public  debt  which  shall  be 
then  subsisting.’ 

“When  this  article  came  up  for  consideration  in  the  convention,  after  some 
discussion  Gouverneur  Morris  moved  as  a substitute: 

“ ‘New  States  may  he  admitted  by  the  Legislature  into  the  Union;  but  no 
new  States  shall  be  erected  within  the  limits  of  any  of  the  present  States  without 
the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  such  State  as  well  as  of  the  General  Legislature.’ 
“This  substitute  was  amended  by  the  convention  so  as  to  read  as  follows: 
“‘New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Legislature  into  the  Union;  but  no 
new  State  shall  be  hereafter  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any  of 
the  present  States  without  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  such  State,  as  well 
as  of  the  General  Legislature.’ 

“This  substitute  as  amended  was  adopted,  though  New  Jersey,  Delaware, 
and  Maryland  voted  against  it.  The  following  clause  was  then  added: 

“ ‘Nor  shall  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction  of  two  or  more  States  or 
parts  thereof  without  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  such  States,  as  well  as  of 
the  Legislature  of  the  LYuted  States.’ 

“Mr.  Carroll  of  Maryland  thereupon  moved  to  add: 

“ ‘Provided,  nevertheless,  that  nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall  be  construed 
to  affect  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  vacant  lands  ceded  to  them  by  the 
treaty  of  peace.’ 

“Up  to  this  time  in  the  constitutional  convention  there  had  been  no  sugges- 
tion of  any  provision  granting  to  the  General  Government  authority  to  control 
or  regulate  the  acquired  territory.  This  could  not  have  been,  because  the  subject 
was  not  in  the  minds  of  the  members  of  the  convention.  They  had  adopted  reso- 


628 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


lution  after  resolution  in  reference  to  the  form  of  government;  they  had  proceeded 
in  the  consideration  of  the  report  of  the  committee  of  detail;  they  were  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  fact  that  Congress  had  assumed  control  of  the  newly  acquired 
western  territory;  they  knew  well  that  Virginia  had  ceded  her  claim  to  the  North- 
west Territory  to  the  Federal  Government,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  assumed 
as  a matter  of  course  that  any  government  organized  under  the  Constitution  would 
have  authority  to  deal  with  its  own  property  and  its  own  domain.  But  some  of 
the  members  of  the  convention  were  insistent  that  no  provision  should  be  inserted 
in  the  Constitution  which  should  injure  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  the 
lands  ceded  by  the  treaty- of  peace,  and  hence  the  provision  which  Mr.  Carroll, 
of  Maryland,  moved  to  add. 

“After  some  discussion, ^however,  Mr.  Carroll  withdrew  his  motion  and  moved 
the  following:  i' 

“ ‘Nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall  be  construed  to  alter  the  claims  of  the 
United  States,  or  of  the  individual  States,  to  the  Western  Territory;  but  all  such 
claims  shall  be  examined  into,  and  decided  upon,  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States.’ 

“Gouverneur  Morris  was  the  member  of  the  convention  who  most  frequently 
appeared  as  the  draftsman  of  thte  various  provisions  agreed  upon,  and  he  moved 
to  postpone  the  amendment  of  Mr,  Carroll  in  order  to  take  up  the  following: 

“ ‘The  Legislature  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules 
and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the  United 
States;  and  nothing  in  this  Constitution  contained  shall  be  so  construed  as  to 
prejudice  any  claims,  either  of  the  United  States  or  of  any  particular  State.’ 

“This  provision  was  adopted  th'6  same  day  and  is  practically  identical  with 
the  provision  in  the  Constitution.  The  history  of  its  adoption  seems  to  strongly 
indicate  that  it  was  intended  to  confer  upon  Congress  full,  absolute,  and  unre- 
stricted authority  over  the  territory  hr  other  property  belonging  to  the  United 
States.  ] 

“THE  ORDINANCE  OF  1787. 

“The  Constitution  was  framed  and  adopted  at  a time  when  the  question  of 
government  of  the  Northwest  Territory  was  being  discussed  and  decided  upon. 
The  ordinance  of  1787,  for  the  government  of  the  Northwest  Territory,  provided 
for  the  appointment  of  a governor  and  three  judges;  and  it  was  provided  that — 

“ ‘The  governor  and  judges,  or  a majority  of  them,  shall  adopt  and  publish  in 
the  district  such  laws  of  the  original  States,  criminal  and  civil,  as  may  be  neces- 
sary and  best  suited  to  the  circumstances  of  the  district,  and  report  them  to 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


629 


Congress  from  time  to  time;  which  laws  shall  he  in  force  in  the  district  until 
the  organization  of  the  General  Assembly  therein,  unless  disapproved  of  by  Con- 
gress/ 

“The  General  Assembly  or  Legislature  was  to  be  organized  when  the  district 
contained  a voting  population  of  5,000.  It  was  to  consist  of  the  governor,  a 
legislative  council  of  five,  appointed  by  Congress  from  ten  persons  named  by  the 
territorial  House  of  Representatives,  and  that  house  to  he  elected  by  the  people. 
An  act  was  required  to  be  passed  by  the  representatives  and  a majority  of  the 
council  and  to  receive  the  assent  of  the  governor,  who  was  given  an  absolute  veto 
power. 

“The  ordinance  of  1787  was  approved  by  the  Congress  elected  under  the 
new  Constitution.  That  ordinance  gave  to  the  people  of  the  Northwest  Territory 
no  choice  in  the  selection  of  their  governor  or  judges,  who  were  to  select  and  modify 
laws  for  them.  And  even  when  the  population  should  become  5,000,  they  could 
only  elect  one  branch  of  the  Legislature,  and  the  governor  appointed  by  the 
General  Government  was  to  have  an  absolute  power  of  veto.  No  scruples  about 
the  just  powers  of  government  depending  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed  hin- 
dered these  practical  men,  who  had  organized  a revolution  for  liberty,  adopted 
a Declaration  of  Independence,  framed  a new  Constitution,  and  inaugurated  a 
new  Government,  from  adopting  practical  common  sense  in  the  government  of  a 
new  Territory. 

“THE  INDIANA  AND  MISSISSIPPI  TERRITORIES. 

“The  Indiana  Territory  was  organized  out  of  The  territory  of  the  United 
States  northwest  of  the  Ohio  River’  by  act  of  Congress,  May  7,  1800,  with  a govern- 
ment ‘in  all  respects  similar  to  that  provided  by’  the  ordinance  of  1787. 

“The  Mississippi  Territory  was  organized  with  a similar  government. 

“THE  LOUISIANA  PURCHASE. 

“But  the  men  who  framed  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Consti- 
tution not  only  had  an  opportunity  to  give  practical  effect  to  their  construction  of 
those  instruments  by  the  organization  of  Territories  in  the  new  possessions  east 
of  the  Mississippi  River,  but  they  also  had  a still  more  conspicuous  opportunity 
to  construe  those  instruments  in  the  acquisition  and  government  of  Louisiana. 

“In  1541,  De  Soto  had  reached  the  Mississippi  River.  Father  Marquette 


680 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


descended  it  to  its  mouth  in  1673,  and  in  1680  La  Salle  descended  the  Mississippi 
and  took  possession  of  the  country  adjacent  in  the  name  of  Louis  XIV.  of  France 
and  called  it  Louisiana. 

“In  1706  the  French  colonists  settled  on  the  site  of  what  is  now  New  Orleans. 
In  1717  the  Louisiana  country  was  granted  by  Louis  XIV.  to  the  company  upon 
which  was  based  John  Law’s  great  Mississippi  scheme.  But  this  charter,  after  the 
failure  of  the  company,  was  surrendered  in  1730.  By  the  treaties  of  1762  and 
1763  all  of  the  French  possessions  west  of  the  Mississippi,  as  well  as  the  city  of  New 
Orleans,  on  the  easterly  side,  were  ceded  to  Spain,  and  the  French  possessions 
east  of  the  Mississippi,  excepting  the  island  of  New  Orleans,  and  also  the  Spanish 
possessions  east  of  the  Mississippi  were  ceded  to  Great  Britain.  During  the  war  of 
the  Revolution  Spain  had  recaptured  the  British  possession  of  East  and  West 
Florida,  and  these  were  ceded  back  to  her  by  the  treaty  of  1783.  The  Spanish, 
therefore,  came  to  control  both  sides  of  the  Mississippi  River  at  its  mouth  and 
the  west  side  throughout  its  entire  length. 

“By  the  treaty  with  Spain  of  October  27,  1795,  the  southern  boundary  line 
of  our  country  was  fixed  at  31°  north  latitude  from  the  Mississippi  River  east, 
giving  Spain  control  of  the  Mississippi  from  that  line  southward,  but  it  was  pro- 
vided in  that  treaty  that  the  King  of  Spain — 

“ ‘will  permit  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  for  the  space  of  three  years  from 
this  time,  to  deposit  their  merchandise  and  effects  in  the  port  of  New  Orleans 
and  to  export  them  from  thence  without  paying  any  other  duty  than  a fair  price 
for  the  hire  of  the  stores;  and  His  Majesty  promises  either  to  continue  this  per- 
mission if  he  finds,  during  that  time,  that  it  is  not  prejudicial  to  the  interests 
of  Spain,  or  if  he  should  not  agree  to  continue  it  there,  he  will  assign  to  them, 
on  another  part  of  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  an  equivalent  establishment.’ 

“This  was  for  the  accommodation  of  the  settlements  along  the  east  side  of 
the  Mississippi  River  and  along  its  tributaries. 

“But  France  still  looked  with  covetous  eyes  upon  this  great  colonial  possession 
which  years  before  she  had  ceded  to  Spain,  and  by  the  secret  treaty  of  San  Ude- 
fonso,  October  1,  1800,  Spain  retroceded  the  province  of  Louisiana  to  France, 
though  France  did  not  then  take  possession,  and  the  world  was  not  made  aware  of 
the  treaty  for  a year  and  a half. 

“While  the  Spanish  were  still  in  possession  of  New  Orleans  and  Louisiana, 
but  after  the  execution  of  the  treaty  ceding  that  province  back  to  France,  the 
Spanish  intendant  at  New  Orleans,  who  had  charge  of  such  matters,  declared  by 
a proclamation  October  16,  1802,  that  the  right  of  deposit  no  longer  existed,  which 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


631 


meant  that  the  citizens  of  our  country  could  no  longer  ship  their  farm  or  other 
produce  down  the  Mississippi  River  in  river  boats  and  deposit  the  same  there  until 
it  should  be  shipped  away  by  vessel  free  of  duty  or  other  imposts. 

“About  the  same  time  it  became  known  that  Spain  had  ceded  the  province 
of  Louisiana  back  to  France  and  it  was  generally  believed  by  the  American  citizens 
that  this  policy  was  one  agreed  upon  between  Spain  and  France  for  the  purpose 
of  taking  away  from  the  Americans  the  right  of  free  navigation  on  the  Mississippi 
River. 

“At  that  time  river  navigation  was  the  only  practicable  method  of  shipment 
from  a large  share  of  the  Mississippi  valley,  and  if  the  right  of  deposit  should 
remain  suspended  our  nation’s  interests  in  the  Mississippi  valley  would  be  bottled 
up  tighter  even  than  Cervera’s  fleet  at  Santiago. 

“The  opposition  to  President  Jefferson  wanted  to  declare  war  and  take  forcible 
possession  of  New  Orleans.  Jefferson  himself  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was 
necessary  for  the  United  States  to  own  at  least  one  side  of  the  Mississippi  from  its 
source  to  its  mouth  in  order  to  maintain  free  navigation,  and  he  commissioned 
James  Monroe,  afterwards  President,  to  act  with  Robert  Livingston,  then  minister 
to  France,  in  an  effort  to  purchase  New  Orleans  and  the  rest  of  Louisiana  lying 
east  of  the  Mississippi  River  from  France,  and  Congress  appropriated  the  sum  of 
$2,000,000  to  be  applied  for  that  purpose. 

“The  critical  condition  of  affairs  is  strongly  shown  by  the  letter  which  Presi- 
dent Jefferson  wrote  on  January  13,  1803,  to  Mr.  Monroe,  informing  him  of  his 
appointment,  and  in  which  he  said: 

“ ‘On  the  event  of  this  mission  depend  the  future  destinies  of  this  Republic. 
If  we  can  not  by  a purchase  of  the  country  insure  to  ourselves  a course  of  perpetual 
peace  and  friendship  with  all  nations,  then,  as  war  can  not  be  distant,  it  behooves 
us  immediately  to  be  preparing  for  that  cause.’ 

“Fortunately  for  our  country,  France  and  England  were  then  on  the  verge  of 
another  war.  England  looked  with  grave  objection  upon  the  acquirement  by  France 
of  the  immense  Louisiana  province,  and  Napoleon,  who  was  then  the  first  consul 
of  France  and  its  ruler,  quickly  saw  that  in  case  of  war  the  English,  with  their 
superiority  at  sea,  would  soon  take  possession  of  New  Orleans  and  obtain  control 
of  the  Mississippi  River  territory. 

“On  Easter  Sunday,  April  10,  1803,  Napoleon  called  two  of  his  counselors 
who  were  best  acquainted  with  the  French  foreign  possessions  and  asked  their 
advice.  He  said: 

“ T know  the  full  value  of  Louisiana,  and  I have  been  desirous  of  repairing  the 


632 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


fault  of  the  French  negotiator  who  abandoned  it  in  1763.  A few  lines  of  a treaty 
have  restored  it  to  me,  and  I have  scarcely  recovered  it  -when  I must  expect  to 
l-ose  it.  But  if  it  escapes  from  me  it  shall  one  day  cost  dearer  to  those  who  oblige 
me  to  strip  myself  of  it  than  to  those  to  whom  I wish  to  deliver  it.  The  English 
shall  not  have  the  Mississippi,  which  they  covet.’ 

“And  after  hearing  from  his  advisers,  one  in  favor  of  selling  the  province  to 
the  United  States  and  the  other  in  favor  of  retaining  it,  Napoleon  said: 

“ ‘Irresolution  and  deliberation  are  no  longer  in  season.  I renounce  Louisiana. 
It  is  not  only  New  Orleans  that  I will  cede.  It  is  the  whole  colony,  without  any 
reservation.  I know  the  price  of  what  I abandon,  and  I have  sufficiently  proved 
the  importance  that  I attach  to  this  province,  since  my  first  diplomatic  act  with 
Spain  had  for  its  object  the  recovery  of  it.  I renounce  it  with  the  greatest  regret. 
To  attempt  obstinately  to  retain  it  would  be  folly.  I direct  you  to  negotiate  this 
affair  with  the  envoys  of  the  United  States.’ 

“A  treaty  of  purchase  was  agreed  upon  by  which  the  United  States  was  to 
acquire  not  only  New  Orleans  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  hut  the  vast 
province  of  Louisiana,  extending  from  the  Gulf  along  the  west  bank  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi its  entire  length,  reaching  in  its  northern  part,  as  claimed  by  many,  across 
the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

“For  this  territory  the  United  States  was  to  pay  France  the  sum  of  $11,250,000 
of  principal,  payable  within  fifteen  years  with  interest,  and  also  pay  the  sum  of 
$3,750,000  to  American  citizens  having  valid  claims  against  France. 

“The  treaty  was  not  received  with  favor  by  all  classes  in  this  country.  The 
purchase  went  far  beyond  the  authority  which  had  been  granted  to  Monroe  and 
Livingston.  They  had  been  compelled  to  act  on  their  own  judgment.  Napoleon 
was  not  willing  to  wait  for  instructions  from  home.  It  would  take  three  months 
for  our  commissioners  in  Paris  to  communicate  with  their  home  Government. 
Delay  was  dangerous  both  to  France  and  to  the  United  States.  It  was  known  by 
both  Monroe  and  Livingston  that  the  President,  who  had  appointed  them,  was  a 
believer  in  a strict  construction  of  the  powers  granted  by  the  Constitution.  They 
had  been  commissioned  by  him  to  purchase  a small  bit  of  territory  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Mississippi  near  its  mouth,  for  a moderate  sum,  purely  in  aid  of  river 
commerce  and  navigation,  and  now  they  were  offered  a vast  empire,  which  in 
time  must  become  settled  and  governed,  and  for  this  they  were  asked  to  pay  a 
sum  which  in  those  days  was  no  inconsiderable  amount,  and  to  accept  a provision 
in  the  treaty  that  the  inhabitants  would  be  incorporated  as  citizens  of  the  United 
States. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


633 


“Possibly  if  there  had  been  cable  connection  between  Paris  and  "Washington 
in  that  day  the  result  would  have  been  different.  Perhaps  if  daily  instructions 
could  have  been  sent  by  wire  from  Jefferson  to  his  commissioners  in  Paris,  there 
would  have  been  no  treaty  agreed  upon.  Probably  we  should  never  have  acquired 
the  domain  west  of  the  Mississippi  River.  There  might  have  been  there  now  a 
province  of  France,  a colony  of  England,  or  an  independent  French  or  English 
speaking  nation  to  limit  our  western  growth  and  dispute  with  us  the  national 
superiority  on  the  Western  Hemisphere. 

“The  opponents  of  Jefferson  did  not  take  kindly  to  the  treaty.  The  price 
paid,  the  character  of  the  people  acquired,  the  quality  of  the  land  purchased,  the 
danger  of  unduly  extending  the  limits  of  a republic,  the  violation  of  the  Consti- 
tution by  the  provisions  of  the  treaty,  the  lessons  to  be  drawn  from  the  growth 
and  destruction  of  the  Roman  republic,  in  fine,  all  the  objections  to  the  expansion 
of  a nation  or  the  acquisition  of  new  territory  which  the  ingenuity  of  the  human 
mind  has  been  able  to  devise,  seem  to  have  been  the  subject  of  severe  and 
learned  comment  by  the  opponents  of  the  treaty  for  the  Louisiana  purchase. 

“Jefferson  himself  was  not  free  from  constitutional  scruples. 

“In  a letter  from  President  Jefferson  to  Senator  Breckenridge,  dated  August 
12,  1803,  he  said: 

“ ‘The  treaty  must,  of  course,  be  laid  before  both  Houses,  because  both  have 
important  functions  to  exercise  respecting  it.  They,  I presume,  will  see 
their  duty  to  their  country  in  fatifying  and  paying  for  it,  so  as  to  secure  a good 
which  would  otherwise  probably  be  never  again  in  their  power.  But  I suppose 
they  must  then  appeal  to  the  nation  for  an  additional  article  to  the  Constitution 
approving  and  confirming  an  act  which  the  nation  has  not  previously  authorized. 
The  Constitution  has  made  no  provision  for  our  holding  foreign  territory,  still  less 
for  incorporating  foreign  nations  into  our  Union.  The  Executive,  in  seizing  the 
fugitive  occurrence,  which  so  much  advances  the  good  of  their  country,  has  done 
an  act  beyond  the  Constitution.’ 

“VIEWS  OF  PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON. 

“In  a letter  to  Senator  Nicholas,  of  Virginia,  September  7,  1803,  President 
Jefferson  said: 

“ ‘I  am  aware  of  the  force  of  the  observations  you  make  on  the  power  given 
by  the  Constitution  to  Congress  to  admit  new  States  into  the  Union  without 
restraining  the  subject  to  the  territory  then  constituting  the  United  States, 


634 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


But  when  I consider  that  the  limits  of  the  United  States  are  precisely  fixed 
by  the  treaty  of  1783,  that  the  Constitution  expressly  declares  itself  to  be  made 
for  the  United  States,  I can  not  help  believing  that  the  intention  was  not  to 
permit  Congress  to  admit  into  the  Union  new  States  which  should  be  formed 
out  (outside)  of  the  territory  for  which,  and  under  whose  authority  alone,  they 
were  then  acting.’ 

“In  a letter  from  President  Jefferson  to  Secretary  of  State  James  Madison, 
dated  August  25,  1803,  Jefferson  said: 

“ ‘Further  reflection  on  the  amendment  to  the  Constitution  necessary  in  the 
case  of  Louisiana  satisfies  me  it  will  be  better  to  give  general  powers,  with  specified 
exceptions,  somewhat  in  the  way  stated  below.  * * * 

“ ‘P.  S. — Louisiana,  as  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States,  is  made  a part 
of  the  United  States.  Its  white  inhabitants  shall  be  citizens  and  stand  as  to  their 
rights  and  obligations  on  the  same  footing  with  other  citizens  of  the  United  States 
in  analogous  situations.  Save  only  as  to  the  portion  thereof  lying  north  of  the 
latitude  of  the  mouth  of  the  Oreansa  River,  no  new  State  shall  be  established  nor 
any  grants  of  land  made  therein  other  than  to  Indians,  in  exchange  for  equivalent 
portions  of  land  occupied  by  them,  until  amendment  to  the  Constitution  shall  be 
made  for  these  purposes. 

“ ‘Florida  also,  whenever  it  may  be  rightfully  obtained,  shall  become  a part 
of  the  United  States.  Its  white  inhabitants  shall  thereupon  be  citizens  and  shall 
stand,  as  to  their  rights  and  obligations,  on  the  same  footing  with  other  citizens  of 
the  United  States  in  analogous  circumstances.’ 

“In  a letter  from  Jefferson  to  Levi  Lincoln,  his  Attorney-General,  dated 
August  30,  1803,  he  proposed  the  following  draft  of  an  amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution: 

“ “Louisiana,  as  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States,  is  made  a part  of  the 
United  States.  Its  white  inhabitants  shall  be  citizens  and  stand  as  to  their  rights 
and  obligations  on  the  same  footing  with  other  citizens  of  the  United  States  in 
analogous  circumstances.  Save  only  as  to  that  portion  thereof  lying  north  of  an 
east-and-west  line  drawn  through  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas  River,  no  new  State 
shall  be  established,  nor  any  grants  of  land  made  other  than  to  Indians  in  exchange 
for  equivalent  portions  of  land  occupied  by  them,  until  an  amendment  of  the  Con- 
stitution shall  be  made  for  these  purposes.’ 

“These  letters  from  President  Jefferson,  in  the  light  of  present  claims,  are 
very  instructive.  Jefferson  at  that  time  was  taking  the  position  that  under  the 
Constitution  there  was  no  authority  for  that  provision  of  the  treaty  providing  that 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


635 


the  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  territory  should  be  incorporated  into  the  Union.  He 
could  not  have  believed  there  was  no  authority  to  acquire  new  territory  by  purchase, 
because  he  had  appointed  Monroe  and  Livingston  as  commissioners  for  the  purpose 
of  effecting  a purchase  of  New  Orleans  and  had  obtained  from  Congress  authority 
to  expend  $2,000,000  in  that  undertaking. 

“It  must,  therefore,  have  been  the  opinion  of  Jefferson  that,  under  the  Con- 
stitution, the  Government  had  authority  to  purchase  New  Orleans  and  hold  it  as 
a possession  of  the  United  States,  but  did  not  have  authority  to  admit  its  inhab- 
itants to  all  the  rights  of  citizens  or  to  subsequently  create  the  new  acquisition 
into  a State  or  States  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union  on  equal  terms. 

“The  inference  is  irresistible  that  Jefferson  believed  that  under  the  Constitu- 
tion our  Government  had  authority  to  acquire  new  territory  to  be  governed  by 
Congress  as  a possession  or  colony. 

“This  view  is  strengthened  by  the  draft  of  amendment  proposed  by  Jefferson. 
Jefferson’s  proposition  was  that  the  Constitution  should  be  amended  so  as  to  permit 
the  admission  of  new  States  to  be  formed  out  of  a part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase, 
but  that  a portion  of  the  new  acquisition  should  not  be  admitted.  As  to  a portion 
of  the  territory  acquired  by  the  treaty,  he  proposed  that  no  new  State  should 
be  established  out  of  it  without  a further  amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

“The  claim  is  now  frequently  made  that  under  the  Constitution  Congress  has 
authority  only  to  legislate  for  Territories  for  the  purpose  of  subsequently  creating 
them  into  States  to  be  admitted  on  equal  terms  into  the  Union.  Such  certainly 
was  not  the  view  of  President  Jefferson,  who  proposed  to  adopt  an  amendment 
providing  that  a portion  of  the  territory  acquired  should  never  be  admitted  as  a 
State  except  by  further  amendment  of  the  Constitution.  Here  again  is  an  irre- 
sistible inference  that  Jefferson  believed  Congress  had  the  power  under  the  Con- 
stitution to  control,  regulate  and  legislate  for  Territorial  possessions  or  colonies 
without  any  view  of  forming  them  into  new  States. 

“VIEWS  OF  CONGRESS  IN  1803. 

“The  treaty  for  the  Louisiana  purchase  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  in  October, 
1803,  at  a special  session  of  Congress  called  by  the  President  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  it;  and  immediately  bills  were  introduced  to  authorize  the  President 
to  take  possession  of  and  govern  the  new  province,  and  to  provide  for  the  payment 
of  the  sum  agreed  to  be  paid  to  France. 

“The  discussion  of  these  measures  in  the  House  and  Senate  gave  to  the  mem- 
bers of  those  bodies  an  opportunity  to  express  their  views  both  as  to  the  advisability 


636 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


and  the  constitutionality  of  the  treaty  and  the  purchase.  No  study  of  the  subject 
of  our  national  growth  would  be  at  all  complete  without  a full  and  careful  reading 
of  the  debates  at  the  extra  session  of  1803.  The  statesmen  who  then  sat  in 
Congress  were  near  enough,  in  point  of  time,  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  to  feel  in  touch  with  the  real  spirit  of  those 
documents.  And  what  is  very  remarkable  in  the  discussion  was  that  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  treaty  did  not  once  in  the  course  of  a most  determined  opposition 
refer  to  the  sacred  rights  of  man  proclaimed  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
or  to  the  proposition  that  the  just  powers  of  government  depend  upon  the  consent 
of  the  governed  and  the  proposed  overriding  of  those  principles  by  the  provisions 
of  the  treaty.  They  had  far  less  imagination  than  gentlemen  of  the  present  day. 

“One  of  the  provisions  in  the  Louisiana  purchase  treaty  was  that — 

“ ‘The  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  territory  shall  be  incorporated  in  the  Union 
of  the  United  States  and  admitted  as  soon  as  possible  according  to  the  principles 
of  the  Federal  Constitution  to  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights,  advantages,  and 
immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United  States/ 

“The  insertion  of  such  a provision  in  the  treaty  would  seem  to  indicate 
that  at  least  the  draftsman  of  the  treaty  did  not  believe  that  the  mere  cession 
of  the  territory  to  the  United  States  would  make  it  such  a part  of  the  United 
States  as  to  extend  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Constitution  and  the  rights,  advantages, 
and  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  ceded 
territory. 

“The  treaty  also  contained  a provision  giving  a discrimination  in  favor  of 
French  and  Spanish  ships  coming  into  the  ports  of  entry  within  the  ceded  territory 
for  the  space  of  twelve  years. 

“Let  me  direct  your  attention  to  the  constitutional  provisions  upon  the  sub- 
jects of  uniformity  of  duties  and  discrimination  between  ports. 

“Section  8 of  Article  I of  the  Constitution  provides  that  Congress  shall  have 
the  power — 

“ ‘To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises;  to  pay  the  debts  and 
provide  for  the  common  defense  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States;  but  all 
duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States/ 

“Section  9 of  Article  I provides  that — 

“ ‘No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  State.  No 
preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the  ports 
of  one  State  over  those  of  another;  nor  shall  vessels  bound  to  or  from  one  State 
be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in  another/ 


THE  HISTORY  OP  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


G37 


“Notwithstanding  these  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  it  was  provided  by 
Article  YII  of  the  treaty  that — 

“ ‘As  it  is  reciprocally  advantageous  to  the  commerce  of  France  and  the 
United  States  to  encourage  the  communication  of  both  nations,  for  a limited  time, 
in  the  country  ceded  by  the  present  treaty,  until  general  arrangements  relative  to 
the  commerce  of  both  nations  may  be  agreed  on,  it  has  been  agreed  between 
the  contracting  parties  that  the  French  ships  coming  directly  from  France  or  any 
of  her  colonies,  loaded  only  with  the  produce  or  manufactures  of  France  or  her 
said  colonies,  and  the  ships  of  Spain  coming  directly  from  Spain  or  any  of  her 
colonies,  loaded  only  with  the  produce  or  manufactures  of  Spain  or  her  colonies, 
shall  be  admitted  during  the  space  of  twelve  years  in  the  port  of  New  Orleans,  and 
in  all  other  legal  ports  of  entry  within  the  ceded  territory,  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  ships  of  the  United  States  coming  directly  from  France  or  Spain  or  any 
of  their  colonies  without  being  subject  to  any  other  or  greater  duty  on  the  mer- 
chandise or  other  or  greater  tonnage  than  those  paid  by  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  * * * ’ 

“Although  the  treaty  had  been  ratified  by  the  Senate,  it  was  strongly  attacked 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  ground  that  it  was  unconstitutional,  and 
hence  illegal,  and  that  Congress  was  not  therefore  bound  to  consider  it  as  the 
law  of  the  land  or  make  appropriations  or  enact  legislation  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  out  its  provisions  and  giving  it  full  effect.  The  discussion  in  the  House 
and  the  legislation  which  was  enacted  are  most  instructive.  I take  the  liberty  of 
calling  attention  to  full  and  fair  extracts  from  speeches  by  leaders  both  on  the 
side  of  the  Presidential  party,  which  favored  the  treaty,  and  the  opposition,  which 
denounced  it.  I quote  from  the  Annals  of  Congress. 

“IN  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  OCTOBER,  1803. 

“In  discussing  the  effect  of  the  treaty  Mr.  Mitchell,  of  Massachusetts,  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  in  October,  1803,  said: 

“ ‘There  is  nothing  compulsory  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Louisiana  to  make 
them  stay  and  submit  to  our  Government.  But  if  they  choose  to  remain,  it  has  been 
most  kindly  and  wisely  provided  that  until  they  should  be  admitted  to  the  rights, 
advantages,  and  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  they  shall  be  main- 
tained and  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  liberty,  property,  and  the  religion 
which  they  profess.  What  would  the  gentleman  propose  that  we  shall  do  with 
them?  Send  them  away  to  the  Spanish  provinces,  or  turn  them  loose  in  the 


638 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


wilderness?  No,  sir;  it  is  our  purpose  to  pursue  a much  more  dignified  system 
of  measures. 

“ ‘It  is  intended,  first,  to  extend  to  this  newly  acquired  people  the  blessings 
of  law  and  social  order;  to  protect  them  from  rapacity,  violence,  and  anarchy; 
to  make  them  secure  in  their  lives,  limbs,  and  property,  reputation,  and  civil 
privileges;  to  make  them  safe  in  the  rights  of  conscience.  In  this  way  they  are 
to  be  trained  up  in  a knowledge  of  our  laws  and  institutions.  They  are  thus  to 
serve  an  apprenticeship  to  liberty;  they  are  to  be  taught  the  lessons  of  freedom; 
and  by  degrees  they  are  to  be  raised  to  the  enjoyment  and  practice  of  independ- 
ence. All  this  is  to  be  done  as  soon  as  possible — that  is,  as  soon  as  the  nature 
of  the  case  will  permit,  and  according  to  the  principles  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 

“ ‘Strange  that  proceedings  declared  on  the  face  of  them  to  be  constitutional 
should  be  inveighed  against  as  violations  of  the  Constitution! 

“ ‘Secondly,  after  they  shall  have  been  a sufficient  length  of  time  in  this  proba- 
tionary condition,  they  shall,  as  soon  as  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  permit, 
and  conformably  thereto,  be  declared  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Congress  will 
judge  of  the  time,  manner,  and  expediency  of  this.  The  act  we  are  now  about 
to  perform  will  not  confer  on  them  this  elevated  character.  They  will  thereby 
gain  no  admission  into  this  House,  nor  into  the  other  House  of  Congress.  There 
will  be  no  alien  influence  thereby  introduced  into  our  councils. 

“ ‘By  degrees,  however,  they  will  pass  on  from  the  childhood  of  Republican- 
ism, through  the  improving  period  of  youth,  and  arrive  at  the  mature  experience 
of  manhood.  And  then  they  may  be  admitted  to  the  full  privileges  which  their 
merit  and  station  will  entitle  them  to.  At  that  time  a general  law  of  naturalization 
may  be  passed.  For  I do  not  venture  to  affirm  that,  by  the  mere  act  of  cession, 
the  inhabitants  of  a ceded  country  become,  of  course,  citizens  of  the  country  to 
which  they  are  annexed.  It  seems  not  to  be  the  case,  unless  specially  provided 
for.  By  the  third  article  it  is  stipulated  that  the  inhabitants  of  Louisiana  shall 
hereafter  be  made  citizens;  ergo,  they  are  not  made  citizens  of  the  United  States 
by  mere  operation  of  treaty.’ 

“Mr.  Smilie,  of  Pennsylvania,  stated  that  he — 

“ ‘Agreed  in  opinion  with  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Varnum] 
that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  did  not  extend  to  this  territory  any 
further  than  they  were  bound  by  the  compact  between  the  ceding  power  and  the 
people.  On  this  principle  they  had  a right,  viewing  it  in  the  light  of  a colony,  to 
give  it  such  government  as  the  Government  of  the  United  States  might  think 
proper,  without  thereby  violating  the  Constitution;  when  incorporated  into  the 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


639 


Union,  the  inhabitants  must  enjoy  all  the  rights  of  citizens.  He  would  thank 
gentlemen  to  show  any  part  of  the  Constitution  that  extends  either  legislative, 
executive,  or  judicial  power  over  this  territory.  If  none  such  could  be  shown, 
it  must  rest  with  the  discretion  of  the  Government  to  give  it  such  a system  as 
they  may  think  best  for  it/ 

“Mr.  J ohn  Randolph  said : 

“ ‘A  stipulation  to  incorporate  the  ceded  territory  does  not  imply  that  we  are 
bound  ever  to  admit  them  to  the  unqualified  enjoyment  of  the  privileges  of  citizen- 
ship. It  is  a covenant  to  incorporate  them  into  our  Union,  not  on  the  footing  of  the 
original  States,  or  of  States  created  under  the  Constitution,  but  to  extend  to  them, 
according  to  the  principles  of  the  Constitution,  the  rights  and  immunities  of 
citizens,  being  those  rights  and  immunities  of  jury  trial,  liberty  of  conscience, 
etc.,  which  every  citizen  may  challenge,  whether  he  be  a citizen  of  an  individual 
State  or  of  a Territory  subordinate  to  and  dependent  on  those  States  in  their 
corporate  capacity.  In  the  meantime  they  are  to  be  protected  in  the  enjoyment 
of  their  existing  rights.  There  is  no  stipulation,  however,  that  they  shall  ever  be 
formed  into  one  or  more  States. 

“ ‘Do  not  the  United  States  possess  Territories  now?  Is  the  possession  of 
Territories  confined  by  the  Constitution  to  those  they  now  hold?  I believe  not; 
for  in  the  Constitution  it  is  stated  that  “Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose 
of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other 
property  belonging  to  the  United  States.”  Here  is  a clear  recognition  of  territory 
belonging  to  the  United  States,  and  not  merely  of  territory  then  held,  but  of 
territory  which  might  in  future  be  acquired  by  treaty  or  purchase.  And  if  this 
territory  be  ceded  to  the  United  States,  Congress  have  power,  as  soon  as  it  is 
ceded,  to  make  rules  and  regulations  respecting  it/ 

“Roger  Griswold,  of  Connecticut,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  opposition,  made 
the  most  elaborate  argument  against  the  constitutionality  of  the  treaty: 

“‘The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Smilie],  however,  has  said  that  it 
is  competent  for  this  Government  to  obtain  a new  territory  by  conquest,  and  if  a 
new  territory  can  be  obtained  by  conquest  he  infers  that  it  can  be  procured  in 
the  manner  provided  for  by  the  treaty.  While  I admit  the  premisss  of  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  I deny  his  conclusion. 

“ ‘A  new  territory  and  new  subjects  may  undoubtedly  be  obtained  by  conquest 
and  by  purchase;  but  neither  the  conquest  nor  purchase  can  incorporate  them 
into  the  Union.  They  must  remain  in  the  condition  of  colonies  and  be  governed 
accordingly.  The  objection  to  the  third  article  is  not  that  the  province  of  Louis- 


640 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


iana  could  not  Pave  been  purchased,  but  that  neither  this  nor  any  other  foreign 
nation  can  be  incorporated  into  the  Union  by  treaty  or  by  law;  and  as  this  country 
has  been  ceded  to  the  United  States  only  under  the  condition  of  an  incorporation 
it  results  that  if  the  condition  is  unconstitutional  or  impossible  the  cession  itself 
falls  to  the  ground.’ 

“The  opposition  to  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Spain  seems  to  be  largely  based 
ufion  the  proposition  that  this  country  can  not,  in  accordance  with  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  Constitution,  accept  territory  to  be  governed  as  colonies.  This  argu- 
ment has  probably  been  urged  with  more  force  than  any  other.  It  is  the  basis  of 
most  of  the  opposition  to  the  acquisition  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

“It  has  been  insisted  with  eloquence,  earnestness,  and  learning  that  it  was 
contrary  to  both  the  policy  and  the  spirit  of  our  form  of  government  that  we 
should  enter  upon  a colonial  system,  or  that  we  should  possess  any  territory  or 
province  to  be  governed  upon  the  idea  of  a colony  without  merely  considering 
such  government  as  temporary  in  character  and  preparatory  to  statehood. 

“It  is  now  urged  most  strenuously  that  any  suggestion  of  the  right  to  govern 
a possession  as  a colony  is  a violent  departure  from  the  plans  and  policies  of  our 
forefathers. 

“As  I understand  the  opposition  to  the  present  treaty,  the  claim  is  made  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippine  Islands  ought  never  to  be  permitted  to  form 
separate  States  to  be  admitted  into  the  Federal  Union,  and  that  therefore  we  are 
violating  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  if  we  annex  them,  because  it  was  not 
contemplated  that  any  territory  should  be  annexed  except  what  should  be  finally 
admitted  into  the  Federal  Union  as  States. 

“The  opposition  in  1803,  when  the  Government  was  young,  when  the  men 
who  sat  in  Congress  were  those  who  had  been  present  at  the  formation  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  birth  of  the  Republic,  seem  to  have  had  a different  idea. 
I again  call  attention  to  the  remarks  of  Mr.  Griswold,  the  leader  of  the  opposition 
in  the  House.  He  said: 

“ ‘A  new  territory  and  new  subjects  may  undoubtedly  be  obtained  by  conquest 
and  by  purchase,  but  neither  the  conquest  nor  purchase  can  incorporate  them 
into  the  Union,  They  must  remain  in  the  condition  of  colonies  and  be  governed 
accordingly/ 

“Let  me  now  call  your  attention  to  what  Mr.  Nicholson,  of  Maryland,  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Presidential  party  in  the  House,  and  who  defended  the  treaty 
in  an  elaborate  argument,  said: 

“ ‘The  other  constitutional  objection  is  raised  upon  the  seventh  article  of 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


641 


the  treaty,  which  provides  that  the  ships  of  France  and  Spain  shall  be  admitted 
for  twelve  years  into  the  ports  of  the  ceded  territory  without  paying  higher  duties 
than  the  ships  of  the  United  States. 

“ ‘To  this  gentlemen  have  opposed  that  part  of  the  Constitution  which  de- 
clares that  no  preference  shall  be  given  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of 
another,  and  that  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the 
United  States.  There  appears  to  be  a strange  inconsistency  in  the  arguments 
of  the  gentleman  from  Connecticut  [Mr.  R.  Griswold].  He  tells  you  that  this 
Territory  is  not  a State,  and  that  it  never  can  become  a State;  yet  he  afterwards 
declares  that  the  treaty  violates  the  Constitution  by  giving  the  port  of  New  Orleans 
a preference  over  the  ports  of  the  Atlantic  States.  There  is  surely  a contradiction 
here. 

“ ‘Whatever  may  be  the  future  destiny  of  Louisiana,  it  is  certain  that  it  is 
not  now  a State.  It  is  territory  purchased  by  the  United  States  in  their  confederate 
capacity,  and  may  be  disposed  of  by  them  at  pleasure.  It  is  in  the  nature  of  a 
colony  whose  commerce  may  be  regulated  without  any  reference  to  the  Consti- 
tution. 

“ ‘Had  it  been  the  Island  of  Cuba  which  was  ceded  to  us  under  a similar 
condition  of  admitting  French  and  Spanish  vessels  for  a limited  time  into  Havana, 
could  it  possibly  have  been  contended  that  this  would  be  giving  a preference  to 
the  ports  of  one  State  over  another,  or  that  the  uniformity  of  duties,  imposts, 
and  excises  throughout  the  United  States  would  have  been  destroyed?  And 
because  Louisiana  lies  adjacent  to  our  territory,  is  it  to  be  viewed  in  a different 
light?  Or  can  the  circumstance  of  its  being  separated  by  a river  only,  instead  of 
the  sea,  constitute  any  real  difference  in  regard  to  commercial  relations  which  we 
may  think  proper  to  establish?’ 

“It  seems  almost  strange  that  while  the  leaders  in  favor  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase  and  those  opposed  to  its  disagreed  upon  almost  every  proposition  of  fact 
and  constitutional  law,  yet  upon  one  vital  point  both  Mr.  Griswold,  for  the 
opposition,  and  Mr.  Nicholson,  in  favor  of  the  treaty,  were  in  complete  accord. 
Both  were  of  the  opinion  that  we  had  a right  to  acquire  territory  by  purchase,  and 
the  right  to  govern  such  territory  as  a colony.  Mr.  Nicholson  stated: 

T‘  ‘It  is  territory  purchased  by  the  United  States  in  their  confederate  capacity; 
may  be  disposed  of  by  them  at  pleasure.  It  is  in  the  nature  of  a colony  whose 
commerce  may  be  regulated  without  any  reference  to  the  Constitution.’ 

“This  was  the  opinion  of  the  man  who,  by  his  argument,  sustained  and 
justified  the  treaty  when  it  was  attacked  in  Congress.  He  not  only  believed  that 


642 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


we  had  the  right  to  govern  the  newly  acquired  territory  as  a colony,  but  that  we 
had  a right  to  govern  it  without  any  reference  to  the  Constitution.  Upon  this 
latter  point  Mr.  Griswold  did  not  agree.  He  said: 

“ ‘As  to  the  idea  of  some  gentlemen  that  this  territory  not  being  a part  of 
the  United  States,  but  a colony,  and  that  therefore  we  may  do  as  we  please  with 
it,  it  is  not  correct.  If  we  acquire  a colony  by  conquest  or  purchase — and  I believe 
we  may  do  both — it  is  not  consistent  with  the  Constitution  to  delegate  to  the 
President,  even  over  a colony  thus  acquired,  all  power,  legislative,  executive,  and 
judicial,  for  this  would  make  him  the  despot  of  the  colony/ 

“But  in  saying  this  he  reiterated  his  belief  that  Congress  had  the  right  to 
govern  the  new  territory  as  a colony  without  regard  to  its  future  admission  as 
a State,  and  the  rest  of  his  opinion  was  not  adopted  by  Congress  in  the  legislation 
then  enacted. 

“Do  not  forget  that  these  were  the  expressions  and  beliefs  of  men  who  were 
the  leaders  in  the  national  House  of  Representatives  in  1803,  at  the  time  when 
Thomas  Jefferson  was  President  and  James  Madison  his  Secretary  of  State.  Do  not 
forget  that  these  were  the  opinions  of  the  men  who  were  living  in  the  very  dawn 
of  the  Republic,  who  were  acquainted  with  the  sentiment  and  spirit  and  policy 
of  the  people  which  had  founded  a new  government,  who  themselves  had  partaken 
in  the  formation  of  our  nation. 

“A  great  deal  of  very  earnest  and  patriotic  language  has  been  used  recently 
urging  our  country  not  to  depart  from  the  policy  indicated  by  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  and  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution. 

“Strange,  is  it  not,  that  the  knowledge  of  this  spirit  and  policy  was  unknown 
to  the  men  who  legislated  in  the  days  of  Jefferson  and  Madison,  but  has  recently 
been  acquired  by  those  who  now  ardently  oppose  American  control  in  Porto  Rico 
and  the  Philippine  Islands? 

“But  I do  not  wish  to  digress;  I am  simply  desirous  of  calling  attention  to  the 
history  of  the  policy  and  spirit  of  our  country  as  denoted  by  facts. 

“Article  YII  of  the  treaty  gave  a preference  to  French  and  Spanish  vessels 
entering  the  port  of  New  Orleans  for  twelve  years,  and  it  was  urged  by  those 
opposed  to  the  treaty  that  this  was  a violation  of  the  Constitution  which  rendered 
the  treaty  invalid  and  illegal. 

“Upon  this  subject  Mr.  Griswold  of  New  York,  in  opposition,  after  declaring 
that  the  Constitution  gave  no  authority  to  annex  territory  by  treaty,  said: 

“ ‘This  article  gives  to  the  ships  of  France  and  Spain  the  same  right  of  enter- 
ing the  ports  of  the  ceded  territory  with  our  own  vessels,  and  it  precludes  the 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


643 


ships  of  all  other  nations  from  the  same  right.  Now,  if,  as  gentlemen  contend, 
the  new  ceded  territory  with  the  inhabitants  should  become  incorporated  with  the 
United  States,  there  will  be  ports  of  entry  in  the  United  States  into  which  French 
and  Spanish  vessels  may  enter  on  terms  different  from  those  on  which  they  may 
enter  other  ports  of  the  United  States. 

“ ‘The  inference  was  that  here  was  a favor  granted  to  the  ports  of  New 
Orleans  over  other  ports.  This  was  against  an  important  principle  of  the  Con- 
stitution, for  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first  article  we  find,  “No  preference  shall 
be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over 
those  of  another.”  This  treaty,  then,  becomes  the  law  of  the  land.  It  has  made 
a commercial  regulation.  It  gives  to  the  ports  of  the  ceded  territory  a preference 
to  any  other  ports,  because  the  produce  of  France  and  Spain  can  be  carried  cheaper 
to  their  ports  than  to  any  other.  If  the  principle  contended  for  by  gentlemen 
in  favor  of  the  treaty  is  admitted,  I think  I see  a fatal  blow  proposed  against  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  by  destroying  the  reciprocity  of  interest  that 
unites  at  present  the  different  members  of  the  Union.  Perhaps  I see  wrong.’ 

“Mr.  Griffin,  of  Virginia,  said  that — 

“ ‘He  was  correct,  he  believed,  in  stating  that  under  the  present  regulations 
of  trade  Spanish  vessels  pay  50  cents  per  ton,  while  American  vessels  paid  only 
6 cents.  Here,  then,  the  President  and  Senate  undertake  to  destroy  this  pro- 
vision made  by  law.  For,  according  to  the  treaty,  Spanish  and  French  vessels 
entering  the  ports  of  New  Orleans  will  hereafter  pay  only  6 cents  a ton,  while 
similar  vessels  coming  to  all  the  other  ports  of  the  United  States  will  be  obliged 
to  pay  50  cents  a ton.  The  difference  between  6 and  50  constitutes  the  preference 
given  to  New  Orleans.’ 

“Mr.  Rodney,  of  Delaware,  sustained  the  treaty,  and  said: 

“ ‘ “No  preference,”  says  the  Constitution,  “shall  be  given  by  any  regulation 
of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another.”  In 
what  way,  under  this  treaty,  is  there  any  preference  of  one  port  over  another? 
I would  be  glad  to  see  it  pointed  out,  and  to  be  shown  whether  there  is  any  prefer- 
ence of  Delaware  over  Massachusetts,  or  of  Virginia  over  Georgia.  No.  The  Con- 
stitution adverts  to  States  themselves;  and  that  the  distinction  between  States 
and  Territories  is  bottomed  upon  reason.  Whence  the  necessity  of  the  distinction? 

“ ‘When  Territories  grow  into  States  and  become  represented  in  the  public 
councils,  a majority  of  them  may  league  together  and  carry  into  effect  regulations 
prejudicial  to  other  States.  Hence  the  Constitution  provides  that  in  all  commercial 
regulations  all  the  States  shall  be  equally  affected.  But  such  a league  can  not  be 


644 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


effected  by  Territories,  which,  have  no  Senators  in  the  other  branch,  and  in  this 
only  the  voice,  without  the  vote,  of  a single  Delegate.  Independent  of  this  con- 
sideration is  this:  If  by  any  particular  Territorial  regulation  the  territory  of  the 
United  States  is  benefited,  that  territory  being  the  common  property  of  the  United 
States,  a public  stock  in  which  they  all  share,  every  State  in  the  Union  reaps  alike 
the  benefit.’ 

“Mr.  Mitchell,  of  Massachusetts,  said: 

“ ‘By  the  treaty  there  is  no  preference  given  to  one  State  over  another  in  any 
commercial  regulations.  The  port  of  New  Orleans  is  not  a part  of  any  State 
in  the  Union.  The  abolition  of  the  discriminating  duties  in  favor  of  the  two 
European  nations  is  confined  absolutely  to  the  ports  of  Louisiana.  They  have  no 
preference  in  the  ports  of  any  of  the  States.  Nor  is  there  given  to  one  an  advan- 
tage over  the  other.’ 

“Mr.  Elliott,  of  Vermont,  said  that — 

“ ‘It  was  not  contemplated  that  this  provision  would  have  application  to 
colonial  or  territorial  acquisitions.  But  it  is  said  that  the  treaty  obliges  us  to 
receive  the  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  territory  into  the  Union  and,  of  course,  to 
form  them  into  new  States.  * * * A complete  discretion  is  left  to  the  United 
States  as  to  the  time  and  manner  of  admission,  and  I have  no  idea  that  it  will 
be  necessary  to  admit  them  within  the  twelve  years  during  which  France  and 
Spain  are  to  enjoy  those  privileges.’ 

“The  gentlemen  who  opposed  the  treaty  of  that  day  had  the  same  fears  which 
have  been  excited  by  the  gentlemen  who  have  opposed  the  treaty  with  Spain. 

“Mr.  Griffin,  of  Virginia,  said,  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1803, 
that  he — 

“ ‘did  not  feel  a disposition  to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  treaty  or  to  go  at  large 
into  the  consequences  which  it  might  produce.  He  did,  however,  fear  those  conse- 
quences; he  feared  the  effects  of  the  vast  extent  of  our  empire;  he  feared  the 
effects  of  the  increased  value  of  labor,  the  decrease  in  the  value  of  lands,  and  the 
influence  of  climate  upon  our  citizens,  who  should  migrate  thither.  He  did  fear 
(though  this  land  was  represented  as  flowing  with  milk  and  honey)  that  this  Eden 
of  the  New  World  would  prove  a cemetery  for  the  bodies  of  our  citizens.’ 

“While  Mr.  Thatcher,  of  Massachusetts,  said  that  he — 

“ ‘was  not  disposed  to  discuss  the  causes  which  have  produced  the  dismemberment 
of  empires,  though  all  history  showed  that  great  empires,  whether  monarchies  or 
republics,  had  been  ultimately  broken  to  pieces  by  their  magnitude.  * * * 

“ ‘This  acquisition  of  distant  territory  will  involve  the  necessity  of  a con- 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


645 


eiderable  standing  army,  so  justly  an  object  of  terror.  Do  gentlemen  flatter  them- 
selves that  by  purchasing  Louisiana  we  are  invulnerable?  No,  sir;  Spain  will 
still  border  on  our  southern  frontier,  and  so  long  as  Spain  occupies  that  country 
we  are  not  secure  from  the  attempts  of  another  nation  more  warlike  and  ambi- 
tious.’ 

“Mr.  Roger  Griswold  said: 

“ ‘This  subject  was  much  considered  during  the  last  session  of  Congress,  but 
it  will  not  be  found  either  in  the  report  of  the  secret  committee  which  has  recently 
been  published  or  in  any  document  or  debate  that  any  individual  entertained  the 
least  wish  to  obtain  the  province  of  Louisiana.  Our  views  were  then  confined  to 
New  Orleans  and  the  Floridas,  and,  in  my  judgment,  it  would  have  been  happy  for 
this  country  if  they  were  still  confined  within  those  limits.  The  vast  and  unman- 
ageable extent  which  the  accession  of  Louisiana  will  give  to  the  United  States, 
the  consequent  dispersion  of  our  population,  and  the  destruction  of  that  balance 
which  it  is  so  important  to  maintain  between  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  States 
threatens  at  a no  very  distant  day  the  subversion  of  our  Union.’ 

“While  Mr.  Gaylor  Griswold,  of  New  York,  another  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
opposition,  said: 

“ Tf  the  principle  contended  for  by  gentlemen  in  favor  of  the  treaty  is  ad- 
mitted, I think  I see  a fatal  blow  proposed  against  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  by  destroying  the  reciprocity  of  interest  that  unites  at  present  the  different 
members  of  the  Union.  Perhaps  I see  wrong.’ 

“I  recently  heard  it  said  by  a member  of  the  House  in  the  debate  here  that 
he  would  rather  give  Spain  $100,000,000  and  not  keep  the  Philippines  than  to  take 
them  for  nothing.  His  remark  was  not  exactly  original.  Senator  White,  of  Dela- 
ware, in  discussing  the  Louisiana  treaty,  made  much  the  same  remark  in  1803.  In 
the  course  of  the  debate  at  that  time  Senator  White  said: 

“ ‘Louisiana  must  and  will  become  settled  if  wre  hold  it,  and  with  the  very 
population  that  would  otherwise  occupy  part  of  our  present  territory.  Thus  our 
citizens  will  be  removed  to  the  immense  distance  of  two  or  three  thousand  miles 
from  the  capital,  where  they  will  scarcely  ever  feel  the  rays  of  the  General  Gov- 
ernment. Their  affections  will  become  alienated;  they  will  gradually  begin  to  view 
us  as  strangers;  they  will  form  other  commercial  connections,  and  our  interests 
will  become  distinct.  These,  with  other  causes  that  human  wisdom  may  not  now 
foresee,  will  in  time  effect  a separation,  and  I fear  our  bounds  will  be  then  fixed 
nearer  to  our  houses  than  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  We  have  already  terri- 
tory enough,  and  when  I contemplate  the  evils  that  may  arise  to  these  States  from 


646 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


this  intended  incorporation  of  Louisiana  into  the  Union,  I would  rather  see  it 
given  to  France,  to  Spain,  or  to  any  other  nation  of  the  earth  upon  the  mere 
condition  that  no  citizen  of  the  United  States  should  ever  settle  within  its  limits, 
than  to  see  the  land  in  the  territory  sold  for  $100,000,000  and  we  retain  the  sover- 
eignty/ 

“VIEWS  OF  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 

“I  have  already  called  your  attention  to  the  history  of  the  provision  in  the 
Constitution  relating  to  the  Government  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States  by 
Congress  and  to  the  fact  that  this  provision  of  the  Constitution,  as  well  as  many 
other  provisions,  was  drafted  by  Gouverneur  Morris.  I now  wish  to  call  your 
attention  to  two  letters  written  by  Gouverneur  Morris.  He  was  a Federalist,  a 
supporter  of  President  Adams  and  a bitter  opponent  of  President  Jefferson.  He 
had  been  a member  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  and  the  proceedings  of  that 
body  show  that  he  was  one  of  its  most  active  and  influential  members. 

“When  the  Louisiana  treaty  was  promulgated,  Mr.  Henry  W.  Livingston  wrote 
to  Morris  asldng  him  in  regard  to  his  construction  of  the  provision  relating  to 
government  of  Territories.  Morris  replied;  but  his  first  reply  was  not  fully  satis- 
factory to  himself,  and  a few  days  thereafter  he  sent  another  letter  to  Henry  W. 
Livingston,  dated  December  4,  1803,  in  which  he  said: 

“ ‘A  circumstance  which  turned  up  in  conversation  yesterday  has  led  me  again 
to  read  over  your  letter  of  the  3d  of  November  and  my  answer  of  the  28th  [25th]. 
I perceive  now  that  I mistook  the  drift  of  your  inquiry,  which  is  substantially 
whether  Congress  can  admit,  as  a new  State,  territory  which  did  not  belong  to 
the  United  States  when  the  Constitution  was  made. 

“ ‘In  my  opinion  they  can  not. 

“ ‘I  always  thought  that  when  we  should  acquire  Canada  and  Louisiana  it 
■would  be  proper  to  govern  them  as  provinces  and  allow  them  no  voice  in  our 
councils.  In  wording  the  third  section  of  the  fourth  article  I went  as  far  as  circum- 
stances would  permit  to  establish  the  exclusion.  Candor  obliges  me  to  add  my 
belief  that,  had  it  been  more  pointedly  expressed,  a strong  opposition  would  have 
been  made.’ 

“And  in  a letter  dated  January  7,  1804,  written  to  Jonathan  Dayton,  Gou- 
verneur Morris  said: 

“ ‘As  to  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  I should  indeed  have  lost  all  shame  as  well 
as  pretense  to  understanding  if  I did  not  approve  of  it.  A few  millions  more 
or  less  in  the  price  might  be  a fit  subject  for  Democrats  to  bawl  about  if  the  treaty 


i 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


647 


had  been  made  by  their  opponents,  but  it  really  seems  unworthy  of  notice  when 
the  subject  is  taken  up  on  a great  scale.  I see  with  you  that  it  will  not  be  easy 
to  find  a proper  governor  for  the  newly  acquired  territory,  supposing  always  the 
Administration  to  know  the  kind  of  a man  necessary  to  the  office  and  to  seek  him 
without  motives  of  party  or  partiality. 

“ ‘Let  me  add  my  belief  that  no  man,  without  the  support  of  at  least  1,000 
American  bayonets,  can  duly  restrain  the  inhabitants  of  that  region.  * * * 

“ ‘There  are  two  points  which  do  not  meet  my  approbation.  * * * 

My  other  objection  is  more  serious.  The  stipulation  to  admit  the  inhabitants  into 
our  Union  will,  I believe,  prove  injurious  to  this  country.  (Diary  and  Letters 
of  Gouverneur  Morris,  by  Anne  Cary  Morris,  volume  2,  page  452.)’ 

“Here  we  have  the  construction  of  one  of  the  leading  framers  of  the  Consti- 
tution. Although  politically  opposed  to  President  Jefferson,  he  was  in  favor  of 
the  purchase  of  Louisiana;  he  believed  that  we  had  the  right  to  govern  it  as  a 
province;  that  we  had  no  constitutional  right  to  admit  the  acquired  territory  as 
new  States;  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  govern  the  annexed  territory  by  force 
of  bayonets  and  arms;  and  his  only  objection  to  the  treaty  was  that  it  provided 
for  the  eventual  admittance  of  the  inhabitants  into  the  Union. 

“ACT  TO  TAKE  POSSESSION  OF  LOUISIANA. 

“The  discussion  of  the  treaty  at  the  special  session  in  October,  1803,  resulted 
in  the  passage  of  an  act  authorizing  the  President  to  take  possession  of  the  ceded 
territory  and  providing  for  the  temporary  government  thereof.  The  bill  for  this 
act  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  by  a vote  of  89  yeas  to  23  nays.  It  passed 
the  Senate  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote.  Permit  me  to  call  your  attention  to 
its  terms.  It  provided: 

“ ‘That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized 
to  take  possession  of  and  occupy  the  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States 
by  the  treaty  concluded  at  Paris  on  the  30th  of  April  last  between  the  two  nations; 
and  that  he  may  for  that  purpose,  and  in  order  to  maintain  in  the  said  territories 
the  authority  of  the  United  States,  employ  any  part  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the 
United  States,  and  of  the  force  authorized  by  an  act  passed  the  3d  day  of  March 
last,  entitled  “An  act  directing  a detachment  from  the  militia  of  the  United  States, 
and  for  erecting  certain  arsenals,”  which  he  may  deem  necessary,  and  so  much 
of  the  sum  appropriated  by  the  said  act  as  may  be  necessary  is  hereby  appro- 
priated for  the  purpose  of  carrying  this  act  into  effect;  to  be  applied  under  the 
direction  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 


648 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


“ ‘Sec.  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  until  the  expiration  of  the  present 
session  of  Congress,  or  unless  provision  be  sooner  made  for  the  temporary  govern- 
ment of  the  said  Territories,  all  the  military,  civil,  and  judicial  powers  exercised 
by  the  officers  of  the  existing  government  of  the  same  shall  be  vested  in  such 
person  and  persons,  and  shall  be  exercised  in  such  manner,  as  the  President  of 
the  United  States  shall  direct  for  maintaining  and  protecting  the  inhabitants  of 
Louisiana  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  liberty,  property,  and  religion.’ 

“The  other  act,  which  was  referred  to  in  section  1 of  the  above  act,  was  the 
act  of  March  3,  1803,  authorizing  the  President,  whenever  he  shall  judge  it  expe- 
dient, to  take  effectual  measures  to  organize,  arm,  equip,  and  hold  in  readiness 
to  march  at  a moment’s  warning,  a detachment  of  militia  not  exceeding  80,000. 

“In  the  recent  debate  in  the  House  upon  the  bill  for  the  increase  of  the  army 
a great  deal  was  said  by  the  opponents  of  the  treaty  about  the  danger  of  granting 
authority  to  the  President  to  control  an  army  of  between  fifty  and  one  hundred 
thousand,  with  authority  to  send  them  into  the  territory  ceded  by  Spain  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  and  maintaining  forcible  possession.  It  will  be  noted  that, 
although  the  inhabitants  of  New  Orleans  and  the  rest  of  the  province  of  Louisiana 
had  not  been  consulted  about  the  cession  of  their  territory  to  the  United  States, 
yet  Congress,  in  1803,  under  the  inspiration  of  President  Jefferson  and  James 
Madison,  enacted  this  law  authorizing  the  President  to  call  out  troops  to  the 
number  of  80,000  for  the  purpose  of  taking  forcible  possession  of  New  Orleans. 

“It  was  well  known  at  that  time  that  Spain  was  inclined  to  object  to  the 
cession  of  Louisiana  by  France  to  this  country,  and  it  was  also  known  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  ceded  territory  did  not  desire  to  come  under  the  sovereignty 
and  control  of  the  United  States. 

“It  will  be  noticed  that  the  act  of  1803  gave  to  President  Jefferson  despotic 
and  unlimited  power  over  the  newly  ceded  territory  for  its  temporary  government. 

“ORGANIZATION  OF  GOVERNMENT  FOR  LOUISIANA. 

“The  United  States  took  possession  of  New  Orleans  December  20,  1803,  and 
a little  later  Congress  proceeded  to  the  enactment  of  legislation  for  the  organiza- 
tion of  Territorial  government  for  the  newly  acquired  possessions. 

“One  of  the  disputed  propositions  at  present  in  regard  to  the  annexation  of 
the  Philippine  Islands  is  whether  by  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  and  the  annexa- 
tion of  those  islands  to  the  United  States  the  Constitution,  with  all  of  its  provisions, 
is  thereby  extended  over  the  annexed  territory.  I have  already  called  attention  to 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


(549 


the  preference  given  to  Spanish  and  French  ships  for  twelve  years  at  the  port  of 
New  Orleans  by  the  treaty,  contrary  to  an  expressed  provision  of  the  Constitution, 
if  that  provision  were  held  to  apply  in  the  new  territory. 

“I  have  also  called  attention  to  the  opinions  of  the  various  members  of  Con- 
gress expressed  in  the  debate.  Permit  me  to  now  call  your  attention  to  the  act 
which  was  passed  for  the  organization  of  Territorial  government  for  the  Louisiana 
purchase  and  to  the  consideration  of  the  bill  for  that  purpose  in  the  House  of 
Representatives.  And  first  note  that  section  2 of  Article  III  of  our  Constitution 
provides  that — 

“ ‘The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall  be  by  jury.’ 
“The  sixth  amendment  to  the  Constitution  provides  that — 

“ ‘In  all  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a speedy 
and  public  trial  by  an  impartial  jury.’ 

“The  seventh  amendment  provides  that — 

“ ‘In  all  suits  at  common  law  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  exceed 
$20  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved.’ 

“It  seems  almost  patent  that  if  the  Constitution  was,  by  the  consummation  of 
the  acquisition,  extended  over  the  new  territory,  then  these  constitutional  provisions 
became  at  once  in  force  in  the  new  territory,  and  that  Congress  could  not  pass  any 
valid  act  in  any  way  limiting  the  rights  thus  guaranteed.  And  yet  that  is  precisely 
what  Congress  proceeded  to  do.  I call  your  attention  to  the  act  of  March  26, 
1804,  for  the  organization  of  a government  for  the  newly  acquired  Louisiana 
territory. 

“In  section  5 of  the  act  as  it  was  finally  passed  is  the  provision — 

“ ‘In  all  criminal  prosecutions  which  are  capital  the  trial  shall  be  by  a jury 
of  twelve  good  and  lawful  men  of  the  vicinage;  and  in  all  cases,  criminal  and  civil, 
in  the  superior  court  the  trial  shall  be  by  a jury  if  either  of  the  parties  require  it.’ 
“The  same  provision  was  in  the  bill  when  first  introduced  in  the  Senate. 
During  the  consideration  of  this  section  of  the  bill  in  the  Senate,  in  January, 
1804,  it  was  moved  to  amend  that  clause  of  the  fifth  section  reading  ‘In  all  criminal 
prosecutions  which  are  capital  the  trial  shall  be  by  a jury  of  twelve  good  and  lawful 
men  of  the  vicinage,’  by  striking  out  the  words  ‘which  are  capital;’  but  the  motion 
was  defeated  by  a vote  of  11  yeas  to  16  nays. 

“When  the  same  section  was  under  consideration  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  March,  1804,  Mr.  G.  W.  Campbell  moved  to  strike  out  of  that  clause 
the  wrords  ‘which  are  capital  the  trial  shall  be  by  a jury  of  twelve  good  and  lawful 
men  of  the  vicinage;  and  in  all  cases,  criminal  and  civil,  in  the  superior  court  the 


650 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


trial  shall  be  by  a jury  if  either  of  the  parties  require  it/  and  to  insert  in  place 
thereof  the  words  The  trial  shall  be  by  jury,  and  in  all  civil  cases  above  the  value 
of  $20/  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  clause  comply  with  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution. 

“And  Mr.  Campbell  said,  in  support  of  his  motion,  that  he — 

“ ‘conceived  that  in  legislating  for  the  people  of  Louisiana  they  were  bound  by 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  that  they  had  not  a right  to  establish 
courts  in  that  Territory  on  any  other  terms  than  they  could  in  any  of  the  States. 
Wherever  courts  were  established  in  a Territory,  they  must  be  considered  as 
courts  of  the  United  States,  and  of  consequence  can  not  be  otherwise  constituted 
than  as  courts  in  the  States.  The  Constitution  expressly  declares  that  in  criminal 
cases  the  trial  shall  be  by  jury,  and  in  all  civil  cases  where  the  sum  in  controversy 
exceeds  the  value  of  $20  the  trial  shall  be  likewise  by  jury.  In  the  ninth  article 
of  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution  we  find  the  following  words:  “In  suits  at 
common  law  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  exceed  $20  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury  shall  be  preserved.”  The  eighth  article  says:  “In  all  criminal  prosecutions 

the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a speedy  and  public  trial  by  an  impartial  jury.” 

“ ‘I  will  observe  that  the  right  of  trial  given  by  this  section,  to  wit.  “If  either 
of  the  parties  require  it,”  is  a dangerous  mode  of  proceeding  and  may  tend  unwarily 
to  entrap  them.  The  person  brought  before  the  court  for  a misdemeanor,  asked 
if  he  requires  a jury  trial,  may  be  ignorant  of  the  evidence  and  may  not  know  the 
benefits  of  a trial  by  jury;  he  must  at  all  events  show  a want  of  confidence  in  the 
court  or  wraive  a jury  trial.  If  he  does  the  first,  he  may  sour  the  minds  of  the 
court.  The  party  is  thus  put  in  a situation  which  may  be  worse  than  if  he  was 
deprived  altogether  of  the  right  of  a trial  by  the  necessity  of  making  a choice 
which  may  operate  more  against  him.  The  bill,  therefore,  does  not  secure  the 
right  of  a jury  trial  as  contemplated  by  the  Constitution.’ 

“It  seems  apparent  that  if  the  contention  of  Mr.  Campbell  that  the  Con- 
stitution did  apply  to  the  new  territory  was  correct,  then  his  amendment  was 
necessary  in  order  to  make  the  proposed  enactment  constitutional.  And  yet  his 
amendment  was  defeated  by  an  overwhelming  majority. 

“The  act  erecting  Louisiana  into  two  Territories  and  providing  for  the  tem- 
porary government  thereof  became  a law  by  the  approval  of  President  Jefferson 
(author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  founder  of  the  Democratic  party) 
March  26,  1804.  The  provisions  of  that  act  are  very  instructive  at  the  present 
time.  I have  already  referred  to  the  ordinance  of  1787  and  the  acts  organizing 
the  Territories  of  Indiana  and  Mississippi. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


651 


“But  this  was  the  first  act  organizing  a government  in  territory  acquired  by 
the  United  States  subsequent  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  it  emphasizes 
the  opinion  of  the  statesmen  of  that  day  as  to  the  rights  and  power  of  Congress 
in  the  government  of  the  acquired  territory. 

“By  that  act  what  is  now  the  State  of  Louisiana  was  organized  into  the  Terri- 
tory of  Orleans.  Section  4 of  the  act  provided  as  follows: 

“ ‘Sec.  4.  The  legislative  powers  shall  be  vested  in  the  governor  and  in 
thirteen  of  the  most  fit  and  discreet  persons  of  the  Territory,  to  be  called  the 
legislative  council,  who  shall  be  appointed  annually  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States  from  among  those  holding  real  estate  therein,  and  who  shall  have  resided 
one  year  at  least  in  the  said  Territory  and  hold  no  office  of  profit  under  the  Terri- 
tory or  the  United  States.  The  governor,  by  and  with  advice  and  consent  of  the 
said  legislative  council,  or  of  a majority  of  them,  shall  have  power  to  alter,  modify, 
or  repeal  the  laws  which  may  be  in  force  at  the  commencement  of  this  act.  Their 
legislative  powers  shall  also  extend  to  all  the  rightful  subjects  of  legislation,  hut 
no  law  shall  be  valid  which  is  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States,  or  which  shall  lay  any  person  under  restraint,  burden,  or  disability 
on  account  of  his  religious  opinions,  professions,  or  worship;  in  all  which  he  shall 
be  free  to  maintain  his  own,  and  not  burdened  for  those  of  another. 

“ ‘The  governor  shall  publish  throughout  the  said  Territory  all  the  laws  which 
shall  be  made,  and  shall  from  time  to  time  report  the  same  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  to  be  laid  before  Congress,  which,  if  disapproved  of  by  Congress, 
shall  thenceforth  be  of  no  force.  The  governor  or  legislative  council  shall  have 
no  power  over  the  primary  disposal  of  the  soil,  nor  to  tax  the  lands  of  the  United 
States,  nor  to  interfere  with  the  claims  to  land  within  the  said  Territory.  The 
governor  shall  convene  and  prorogue  the  legislative  council  whenever  he  may  deem 
it  expedient.  It  shall  be  his  duty  to  obtain  all  the  information  in  his  power 
in  relation  to  the  customs,  habits,  and  dispositions  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said 
Territory,  and  communicate  the  same  from  time  to  time  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States.’ 

“In  other  words.  Congress,  in  the  early  days  of  the  Republic,  organized  a 
government  in  newly  acquired  territory  not  only  without  asking  for  the  consent 
of  the  governed,  hut  absolutely  without  regard  to  their  wishes  and  without  giving 
to  them  any  local  legislative  influence. 

“The  legislative  powers  were  vested  in  a governor  and  a legislative  council 
of  thirteen,  all  to  be  named  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  And  the  gov- 
ernor, by  and  with  the  consent  of  this  legislative  council,  might  enact  such  legis- 


652 


THE  HISTORY  OP  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


lation  as  he  saw  fit.  He  could  convene  and  prorogue  the  legislative  council  to 
suit  his  whim. 

“History  compels  us  to  say  that  it  was  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  author  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  the  founder  of  the  Democratic  party,  who  signed 
his  approval  to  this  law  as  President;  and  he  made  the  appointments  in  accordance 
with  its  term.  And  when  he  did  so,  his  Secretary  of  State  and  confidential  adviser 
was  James  Madison,  the  member  and  historian  of  the  Constitutional  Convention. 

“Nor  was  this  all.  As  to  the  remainder  of  the  Louisiana  province,  it  was 
organized  into  the  district  of  Louisiana,  and  by  section  12  of  the  act  it  was  provided 
that  the  executive  power  to  be  exercised  in  the  said  district  should  be  vested  in 
the  governor  of  the  Indiana  Territory,  and  that  the  governor  and  judges  of  the 
Indiana  Territory  should  have  power  to  make  all  laws  which  they  might  deem 
conducive  to  the  good  government  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  district  of  Louisiana. 
And  yet  no  complaint  is  now  made  that  President  Jefferson  and  the  Congress 
which  enacted  this  law  acted  foolishly  or  unwisely,  or  that  their  act  was  a breach 
of  the  principles  of  self-government  expressed  in  our  form  of  government. 

“The  people  of  New  Orleans,  however,  did  not  like  the  new  form  of  govern- 
ment. Martin,  the  historian  of  Louisiana,  says,  referring  to  the  transfer  to  the 
United  States: 

“ ‘The  people  of  Louisiana,  especially  in  New  Orleans,  were  greatly  dissatis- 
fied at  the  new  order  of  things.  They  complained  that  the  person  whom  Congress 
[President  Jefferson]  had  sent  to  preside  over  them  was  an  utter  stranger  to  their 
laws,  manners,  and  language,  and  had  no  personal  interest  in  the  prosperity  of 
the  country;  * * * that  in  the  new  court  of  pleas,  most  of  the  judges  of  which 
were  ignorant  of  the  laws  and  language  of  the  country,  proceedings  were  carried 
on  in  the  English  language,  which  Claiborne  had  lately  attempted  to  introduce 
into  the  proceedings  of  the  municipal  body,  and  the  suitors  were  in  an  equally 
disadvantageous  situation  in  the  court  of  last  resort,  in  which  he  sat  as  sole  judge. — 
Martin’s  History  of  Louisiana,  page  322.’ 

“The  dissatisfaction  of  the  people  of  New  Orleans  increased.  Meetings  were 
held,  committees  were  appointed,  and  a deputation  of  three  was  sent  before 
Congress  to  obtain  redress.  Martin  says  the  deputation  was  not  successful  in  their 
application  to  Congress.  In  March,  1805,  Congress  passed  an  act  to  establish  a 
Territorial  government  similar  to  that  of  the  Mississippi  Territory.  This  provided 
for  the  appointment  by  the  President  of  a governor,  with  an  absolute  veto  power. 
In  vain  did  the  New  Orleans  deputation  plead  for  an  amendment  to  the  bill 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


653 


providing  that  the  governor  should  be  chosen  by  the  President  out  of  two  indi- 
viduals selected  by  the  people. 

“The  conclusion  is  almost  irresistible  that  the  position  taken  by  the  President 
and  Congress,  on  the  consideration  of  the  subject  at  the  time,  was  that  before 
being  made  into  States  the  newly  acquired  territory  had  no  rights  under  the  Con- 
stitution; that  it  was  to  be  governed  independently  of  the  Constitution  and 
entirely  outside  of  its  limiting  provisions;  that  it  had  no  benefits  from  the  Con- 
stitution except  such  as  Congress,  in  its  discretion,  chose  to  extend;  that  it  was 
to  be  governed  as  property;  The  soil,  as  a sovereign  would  govern  his  property; 
the  inhabitants,  as  a father  would  take  care  of  his  children.’ 

“The  statesmen  of  that  day  attempted  to  govern  the  new  possession  in  the 
only  common-sense  method.  They  acquired  a vast  possession  w7hich  required  some 
form  of  suitable  government.  Who  now  wishes  that  they  had  rejected  the  Louisiana 
purchase  on  the  ground  that  they  could  not  govern  it  except  by  despotic  methods? 
It  is  true  that  the  territory  was  sparsely  settled  outside  of  the  city  of  New  Orleans, 
but  do  the  Constitution  and  Declaration  of  Independence  only  apply  to  thick  settle- 
ments or  large  aggregations  of  people  and  not  to  the  pioneers  who  take  up  their 
abode  and  make  a fight  for  civilization  in  the  sparsely  settled  Territories? 

“Is  there  any  reason  why,  if  Congress  can  give  a sufficient  and  suitable  govern- 
ment to  a region  too  sparsely  settled  to  admit  of  self-government  without  asking 
the  consent  of  the  inhabitants,  the  same  Congress  can  not  give  a sufficient  and  suit- 
able government  to  a region  settled  by  a people  who  have  not  proven  their  capacity 
for  self-government?  "What  is  the  difference  in  principle,  either  as  to  the  rights 
enunciated  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence  or  the  liberties  guaranteed  by  the 
Constitution  ? 

“THE  ACQUISITION  OF  FLORIDA. 

“But  I do  not  wish  to  wander  from  my  historical  narrative.  In  April,  1818, 
General  Andrew  Jackson,  one  of  the  patron  saints  of  the  Democratic  party,  in 
the  prosecution  of  the  Indian  war,  took  possession  of  the  Spanish  fort  at  St. 
Marks,  Fla.,  by  force  of  arms,  and,  when  remonstrated  with  by  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernor, replied  by  entering  Pensacola  in  May  and  capturing  the  Spanish  fort  at 
Barancas.  Negotiations  were  then  pending  for  the  purpose  of  settling  the  boundary 
lines  between  the  United  States  and  the  Spanish  possessions  on  the  west  and 
south. 

“A  treaty  was  concluded  February  22,  1819,  by  which  the  boundary  lines 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Spanish  possessions  were  agreed  upon,  and  at 
the  same  time  Spain  ceded  the  Spanish  province  of  East  Florida  and  the  Spanish 


654 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


title  of  West  Florida  to  the  United  States  for  the  consideration  of  $5,000,000.  This 
treaty  was  not  ratified  by  the  King  of  Spain  until  October  29,  1820,  after  which 
it  was  again  ratified  by  the  Senate  on  February  19,  1821. 

“Article  VI  of  the  Florida  treaty  provided  that — 

“ ‘The  inhabitants  of  the  territories  which  His  Catholic  Majesty  cedes  to  the 
United  States  by  this  treaty  shall  be  incorporated  in  the  Union  of  the  United 
States  as  soon  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  principles  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
and  admitted  to  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  privileges,  rights,  and  immunities  of  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States.’ 

“And  Article  XV  provided  that — 

“ ‘The  United  States,  to  give  His  Catholic  Majesty  a proof  of  their  desire  to 
cement  the  relations  of  amity  subsisting  between  the  two  nations  and  to  favor 
the  commerce  of  the  subjects  of  His  Catholic  Majesty,  agree  that  Spanish  vessels 
coming  laden  only  with  productions  of  Spanish  growth  or  manufactures  directly 
from  the  ports  of  Spain  or  of  her  colonies  shall  be  admitted,  for  the  term  of 
twelve  years,  to  the  ports  of  Pensacola  and  St.  Augustine,  in  the  Floridas,  without 
paying  other  or  higher  duties  on  their  cargoes,  or  of  tonnage,  than  will  be  paid 
by  the  vessels  of  the  United  States.  During  the  said  term  no  other  nation  shall 
enjoy  the  same . privileges  within  the  ceded  territories.  The  twelve  years  shall 
commence  three  months  after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty.’ 

“ANNEXATION  OF  TEXAS. 

“The  treaty  with  Spain  fixed  the  boundary  line  between  the  United  States  and 
the  Spanish  possessions  at  what  is  now  the  easterly  line  of  Texas.  The  present 
State  of  Texas  was  originally  a part  of  the  French  or  Spanish  possessions  west  of 
the  Mississippi  River.  In  1827  Henry  Clay,  then  Secretary  of  State  under  Presi- 
dent Adams,  instructed  the  United  States  minister  to  Mexico  to  offer  $1,000,000 
for  the  Mexican  territory  east  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

“In  1829  Martin  Van  Buren,  Secretary  of  State  under  President  Jackson, 
instructed  our  minister  to  Mexico  to  offer  $5,000,000  for  the  portion  of  Texas 
this  side  of  the  Neuces  River,  but  Mexico  refused  the  offer.  In  1830  orders  were 
issued  by  our  Government  to  prevent  any  further  emigration  from  the  United 
States  to  Texas.  On  May  27,  1836,  the  Republic  of  Texas  was  proclaimed,  and 
on  March  3,  1837,  it  was  recognized  by  the  United  States. 

“In  1844  the  President  negotiated  a treaty  with  the  new  Republic  of  Texas 
for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States  and  her  admission  as  a State 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


655 


in  tie  Federal  Union.  When  this  treaty  was  presented  to  the  Senate  for  its  ratifi- 
cation, instead  of  receiving  the  necessary  two-thirds  vote  to  secure  a ratification, 
it  was  rejected  in  the  Senate  by  a vote  of  16  ayes  to  35  nays. 

“But  on  February  25,  1845,  the  House  of  Representatives,  by  a vote  of 
120  ayes  to  98  nays,  passed  a joint  resolution  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and 
on  March  1,  1845,  this  resolution  was  passed  by  the  Senate  by  a vote  of  27  ayes  to 
25  nays.  It  will  be  noticed  that  this  was  a Senate  consisting  of  the  same  mem- 
bers who  in  the  previous  year  had  rejected  the  treaty  for  annexation  by  more 
than  a two-thirds  vote  in  the  negative.  It  will  also  be  noticed  that  a change  of 
one  vote  from  aye  to  nay  on  the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution  would  have  de- 
feated that  resolution. 

“Texas  on  July  4,  1845,  consented  to  annexation  upon  the  terms  named  in 
the  joint  resolution,  and  on  December  29,  1845,  she  was  admitted  as  a State  into 
the  Union.  At  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution,  and  also  at  the  time 
of  the  admission  of  Texas  as  a State,  Texas  was  considered  as  in  rebellion  by  the 
Republic  of  Mexico,  and  her  independence  had  not  then  been  acknowledged  by 
the  Mexican  Government,  against  which  she  had  revolted. 

“THE  ACQUISITION  OF  CALIFORNIA  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

“War  with  Mexico  seemed  imminent  on  account  of  the  admission  of  Texas, 
and  under  date  of  November  10,  1845,  James  Buchanan,  then  Secretary  of  State, 
instructed  our  minister  to  Mexico  to  offer  the  Mexican  Government  $5,000,000 
for  the  cession  of  New  Mexico,  $25,000,000  for  the  cession  of  the  province  of  Cali- 
fornia as  far  north  as  San  Francisco,  and  $20,000,000  for  the  bay  and  harbor  of 
San  Francisco  and  the  Spanish  territory  to  the  northward.  It  is  not  necessary 
for  me  to  recite  the  events  leading  up  to  the  war  with  Mexico,  -which  was  declared 
to  exist  by  a declaration  of  Congress  passed  on  May  13,  1846.  Nor  is  it  necessary 
lo  call  attention  to  the  history  of  the  Mexican  war,  which  resulted  in  the  treaty 
of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  which  was  made  February  2,  1848,  amended  by  the  Senate 
in  ratification,  and  proclaimed  July  4,  1848. 

“It  will  be  recalled  that  there  was  quite  a Spanish  settlement  in  California 
at  the  time  of  its  acquisition  by  this  country.  In  New  Mexico  was  Santa  Fe, 
the  second  oldest  town  in  the  United  States.  When  Florida  had  been  acquired 
there  came  with  it  St.  Augustine,  the  oldest  town  in  our  country.  But  in  neither 
case  had  any  expression  been  given  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  territories 
showing  that  they  desired  annexation  to  this  country.  They  had  not  been  in 


C56 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


any  way  consulted.  The  Spanish  people  of  • California  did  not  desire  annexation. 
They  were  living  happily  under  Mexican  dominion,  and  they  had  no  desire  to 
be  taken  away  from  their  own  country.  Their  wishes  or  their  inclinations  were 
not  considered  when  making  the  treaty  of  peace. 

“Although  the  United  States  had  defeated  the  Mexican  Government  and  was 
in  possession  of  the  capital  of  Mexico  at  the  time  the  treaty  was  entered  into,  one 
of  the  provisions  was  that  this  country  was  to  pay  to  Mexico,  in  consideration 
of  the  cession  of  New  Mexico  and  California,  the  sum  of  $15,000,000,  and  this  sum 
was  afterwards  paid  in  pursuance  of  the  treaty. 

“I  have  heard  considerable  said  upon  the  floor  of  the  House  in  denunciation 
of  the  provision  of  the  present  treaty  with  Spain  for  the  payment  by  us  to  Spain 
of  $20,000,000  as  part  consideration  of  the  cession  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  We 
have  been  told  by  gentlemen  here  representing  the  Democratic  party  that  it  was 
beneath  the  dignity  of  this  country,  after  having  defeated  Spain  in  war,  to  now 
turn  around  and  pay  to  Spain  a large  sum  of  money  for  that  which,  if  we  take 
at  all,  we  ought  to  take  purely  and  solely  as  victors.  And  I have  wondered  whether 
their  denunciation  extended  far  enough  hack  to  take  in  the  Democratic  President 
and  Secretary  of  State  under  whose  guidance  and  direction  the  provision  was 
inserted  in  the  treaty  with  Mexico  for  the  payment  of  $15,000,000. 

“But  again  I do  not  wish  to  digress. 

“Article  YHI  of  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  providing  for  the  rights  of 
the  inhabitants  in  the  ceded  territory,  was  as  follows: 

“ ‘Mexicans  now  established  in  territories  previously  belonging  to  Mexico,  and 
which  remain  for  the  future  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  as  defined  by 
the  present  treaty,  shall  be  free  to  continue  where  they  now  reside  or  to  remove 
at  any  time  to  the  Mexican  Republic,  retaining  the  property  which  they  possess  in 
the  said  territories,  or  disposing  thereof,  and  removing  the  proceeds  wherever 
they  please,  without  their  being  subjected,  on  this  account,  to  any  contribution, 
tax,  or  charge  whatever. 

“ ‘Those  who  prefer  to  remain  in  the  said  territories  may  either  retain  the 
title  and  rights  of  Mexican  citizens  or  acquire  those  of  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
But  they  shall  be  under  the  obligation  to  make  their  election  within  one  year  from 
the  date  of  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  this  treaty;  and  those  who  shall  remain 
in  the  said  territories  after  the  expiration  of  that  year,  without  having  declared 
their  intention  to  retain  the  character  of  Mexicans,  shall  be  considered  to  have 
elected  to  become  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

“ ‘In  the  said  territories  property  of  every  kind  now  belonging  to  Mexicans 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


657 


not  established  there  shall  be  inviolably  respected.  The  present  owners,  the  heirs 
of  these,  and  all  Mexicans  who  may  hereafter  acquire  said  property  by  contract  shall 
enjoy  with  respect  to  it  guaranties  equally  ample  as  if  the  same  belonged  to  citizens 
of  the  United  States.’ 

“Article  IX  of  the  treaty,  as  negotiated  and  presented  to  the  Senate  for  ratifi- 
cation, was  as  follows: 

“ ‘The  Mexicans  who  in  the  Territories  aforesaid  shall  not  preserve  the  char- 
acter of  citizens  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  conformably  with  what  is  stipulated  in 
the  preceding  article,  shall  be  incorporated  into  the  Union  of  the  United  States 
and  be  admitted  at  the  proper  time  (to  be  judged  of  by  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States)  to  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights  of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  accord- 
ing to  the  principles  of  the  Constitution;  and  in  the  meantime  shall  be  maintained 
and  protected  in  the  free  enjoyment  of  their  liberty  and  property,  and  secured  in 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion  without  restriction.’ 

“This  provision  was  somewhat  different  from  the  provisions  covering  the  same 
point  in  the  treaties  for  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  and  Florida,  and  when  the 
treaty  came  before  the  Senate  for  ratification,  for  some  reason,  which  does  not 
seem  fully  disclosed,  but  probably  was  simply  to  maintain  uniformity,  it  was 
ordered  by  the  Senate  that  the  treaty  be  ratified  with  an  amendment,  inserting 
in  place  of  article  9,  as  it  read  in  the  original  draft  of  the  treaty,  the  third 
article  of  the  Louisiana  treaty. 

“The  treaty  with  Spain,  which  has  just  been  ratified  by  the  Senate,  after  a 
memorable  campaign  for  and  against  its  ratification  in  this  country,  has  created 
only  a mild  discussion  compared  with  the  bitter  and  violent  debate  in  the  country 
over  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  acquisition  of  California  and  New  Mexico. 
Great  leaders  of  the  country  then  as  now  were  opposed  to  expansion.  Men  whose 

names  will  ever  live  in  the  history  of  our  country  as  noble  patriots  and  broad- 

minded statesmen  then  as  now  believed  that  the  enlargement  of  our  national 
domain  and  the  expansion  of  our  national  sovereignty  were  fraught  with  the  gravest 
of  danger.  But  the  discussion  was  not  carried  on  so  coolly  then  as  now.  The 

opposition  was  more  determined  and  more  embittered.  In  the  minds  of  the  oppo- 

nents at  that  time  the  dangers  were  even  more  clearly  seen  (apparently)  than  they 
seem  to  be  now. 

“To  no  man  who  ever  has  sat  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  do  the  people 
of  our  country  owe  a greater  debt  of  gratitude  than  to  the  distinguished  Senator 
from  Massachusetts,  who  opposed  with  all  his  wonderful  might  and  splendid 
mind  the  acquisition  of  California  and  New  Mexico.  Permit  me  to  call  your 


658 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


attention  to  a few  of  the  expressions  used  by  the  great  Daniel  Webster,  the  de- 
fender of  th«  Constitution,  concerning  the  admission  of  Texas  and  the  acquisition 
of  New  Mexieo  and  California: 

“ ‘The  Government  is  very  likely  to  be  endangered,  in  my  opinion,  by  a further 
enlargement  of  the  territorial  surface,  already  so  vast,  over  which  it  is  extended.’ 

“And  again  he  said,  referring  to  the  same  subject: 

“ T say,  sir,  that,  according  to  my  conscientious  conviction,  we  are  now  fixing 
on  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  its  frame  of  government  a mon- 
strosity, a disfiguration,  an  enormity. 

“ ‘Sir,  I hardly  dare  trust  myself.  I do  not  know  hut  I may  be  under  some 
delusion.  It  may  be  the  weakness  of  my  eye  that  forms  this  monstrous  apparition. 
I hold  it  to  be  enormous,  flagrant,  an  outrage  upon  all  the  principles  of  popular 
republican  government,  and  on  the  elementary  provisions  of  the  Constitution  under 
which  we  live  and  which  we  have  sworn  to  support.  * * * I think  I see  a course 
adopted  which  is  likely  to  turn  the  Constitution  of  the  land  into  a deformed 
monster,  into  a curse  rather  than  a blessing.  * * * And  I think  that  this  process 
will  go  on,  or  that  there  is  danger  that  it  will  go  on,  until  this  Union  shall  fall 
to  pieces.  I resist  it  to-day  and  always.  Whoever  falters  or  whoever  flies,  I con- 
tinue the  contest.’ 

“And  again  he  said: 

“ ‘On  other  occasions  in  debate  here  I have  expressed  my  determination  to 
vote  for  no  acquisition  or  cession  or  annexation  north  or  south,  east  or  west.  My 
opinion  has  been  that  we  have  territory  enough,  and  that  we  should  follow  the 
Spartan  maxim,  “Improve,  adorn  what  you  have;”  seek  no  further.  * * * There 
may  he  in  California,  and  no  doubt  there  are,  some  tracts  of  valuable  land.  But 
it  is  not  so  in  New  Mexico.  * * * There  are  some  narrow  strips  of  tillable  land 
on  the  borders  of  the  rivers,  hut  the  rivers  themselves  dry  up  before  midsummer 
is  gone.  All  that  the  people  can  do  in  that  region  is  to  raise  some  little  articles, 
some  little  wheat  for  their  tortillas,  and  that  by  irrigation.’ 

“I  particularly  commend  the  speech  of  Webster  to  the  distinguished  gentle- 
man who  represents  on  the  floor  of  the  House  the  Territory  of  Arizona,  a part  of 
the  New  Mexico  to  which  Mr.  Webster  referred.  That  gentleman  is  known  as  a 
bitter  opponent  of  expansion.  He  opposed  with  all  his  might  the  annexation  of 
the  Hawaiian  Islands.  But  Webster  in  his  speech  said  that  there  might  be  some 
excuse  for  annexing  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  hut  he  could  see  no  possible  excuse 
for  taking  in  such  a barren  territory  as  he  said  Arizona  was,  from  which  the  gen- 
tleman comes,  and  which  he  so  well  represents. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


659 


“The  Senator  from  Massachusetts  has  been  reversed  by  history.  He  did  not 
see  aright  the  signs  of  the  times  as  to  expansion.  If  Daniel  Webster  were  now 
alive,  he  would  be  the  last  man  in  the  Republic  to  admit  that  this  country  could 
afford  to  lose  a single  foot  of  the  territory  embraced  in  the  cession  from  Mexico 
in  1848.  He  would  be  the  quickest  to  admit  that  the  acquisition  of  that  territory 
has  done  much  to  cement  the  Union  into  closer  unity;  has  done  much  to  knit 
more  tightly  the  bands  which  hold  our  country  together;  that  the  sunny  land  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  which  was  so  far  away  in  1848,  and  which, 
through  the  genius  of  our  citizenship,  has  been  brought  into  close  and  quick  touch 
with  the  rest  of  the  Union,  has  made  our  whole  country  feel  that  distance  no 
longer  separates  the  utmost  parts  from  quick  communication  with  the  Central 
Government,  which  responds  constantly  to  every  feeling  of  danger  or  joy,  of  poverty 
or  prosperity,  in  every  part  of  our  domain. 

“Following  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  we  entered  into  another  treaty 
with  Mexico  December  30,  1853,  under  the  administration  of  President  Pierce,  by 
which  we  purchased  from  Mexico  a strip  of  land  known  as  the  Mesilla  Yalley,  lying 
in  the  southern  parts  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  and  embracing  an  area  of  45,535 
square  miles,  for  which  we  paid  to  Mexico  $10,000,000. 

“This  treaty  was  negotiated  on  the  part  of  the  Union  by  Mr.  James  Gadsden, 
our  minister  to  Mexico,  and  is  usually  referred  to  as  the  Gadsden  purchase.  This 
purchase  was  intended  partly  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  the  settlement  of  a 
difference  between  the  two  countries  as  to  the  boundary  line  of  the  previous  cession, 
but  more  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  kindly  feeling  of  our  country  to  the  Gov- 
ernment in  Mexico.  The  tract  of  land  acquired  by  the  purchase  is  probably  worth 
less  and  cost  more  per  square  mile  than  any  other  territory  ever  acquired  by  our 
Government. 


“DEMOCRATIC  PRESIDENTS  ON  EXPANSION. 

“All  of  the  annexations  to  our  country  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
up  to  the  time  of  the  Gadsden  purchase  had  been  under  Democratic  administrations. 
May  I ask  the  gentlemen  on  the  Democratic  side  of  the  House  to  consider  for  a 
moment  the  names  of  those  who  were  connected  with  the  administrations  acquir- 
ing new  territory  for  the  expansion  of  our  domain  and  sovereignty:  President 

Thomas  Jefferson  and  his  Secretary  of  State,  James  Madison,  afterwards  President; 
President  James  Monroe,  who  negotiated  the  treaty  with  France,  and  under  whose 
administration  Florida  was  acquired;  President  Andrew  Jackson,  who,  while  a gen- 


660 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


p i'- 

eral  in  the  army,  had  taken  possession  of  Florida  without  orders  and  without 
regard  to  the  rights  of  Spain;  President  Tyler,  President  Polk  and  his  Secretary 
of  State,  James  Buchanan,  afterwards  President,  and  President  Pierce. 

“These  are  the  men  who  were  at  the  head  of  our  Government  during  nearly 
all  the  time  when  the  Democratic  party  has  been  in  power  in  our  Government. 
And  permit  me  to  say  that  in  no  case  and  upon  no  occasion  did  a single  one  of 
these  great  men  ever  propose  to  consult  the  wishes  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  new 
territory,  except  in  the  case  of  Texas. 

“They  were  the  men  who  determined  the  historic  policy  of  our  country.  It 
was  their  ambition  and  their  desire  to  add  to  the  other  acquisitions  of  this  country 
the  island  which  we  have  just  freed  from  the  oppression  of  Spain.  They  believed 
not  only  that  we  had  the  right  to  add  new  territory  to  our  country  between  the 
oceans  and  to  govern  it  according  to  the  dictates  of  the  best  judgment  of  Con- 
gress, unrestricted  by  the  limitations  of  the  Constitution,  but  they  believed  also 
in  reaching  across  the  water  and  taking  in  the  Island  of  Cuba. 

“Let  me  recall  to  your  attention  what  has  been  done  in  the  way  of  the 
acquisition  of  new  territory  during  these  Democratic  administrations. 

“The  Louisiana  purchase  added  to  our  territory  1,182,752  square  miles,  at  an 
expense  of  3|  cents  per  acre.  The  Florida  purchase  added  59,268  square  miles, 
at  an  expense  of  17  cents  per  acre.  The  annexation  of  Texas  added  to  our  area 
371,063  square  miles,  of  which  274,356  square  miles  is  included  within  the  present 
State  of  Texas,  and  of  which  96,707,  lying  outside  of  the  limits  of  the  present 
State  of  Texas,  were  purchased  from  Texas  by  the  National  Government  in  1850, 
at  an  expense  of  $16,000,000,  or  26  cents  per  acre. 

“The  cession  from  Mexico  in  1848  contained  522,568  square  miles,  which  cost 
4£  cents  per  acre.  The  Gadsden  purchase  of  45,535  square  miles  was  acquired 
at  a cost  of  34  cents  per  acre. 

“THE  ALASKA  PURCHASE. 

“The  first  duty  of  the  Republican  party  was  not  to  add  new  territory,  but  save 
to  the  country  a portion  of  the  old.  Without  regard  to  the  doctrine  that  the  just 
powers  of  government  depend  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed,  the  National 
Government  determined,  by  the  issue  of  war,  that  neither  the  individual  States 
nor  a concerted  movement  of  the  Southern  States  or  their  people  were  entitled 
to  separate  themselves  from  our  national  sovereignty  and  organize  a government 
apart  from  us  for  themselves.  The  right  of  revolution,  asserted  by  the  Declara- 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


661 


tion  of  Independence  successfully,  was  again  asserted  by  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
but  this  time  without  success. 

“It  was  not  long,  however,  after  the  Civil  War  until  under  the  administration 
of  President  Johnson,  by  the  treaty  made  Mar-ch  30,  1867,  at  Washington,  by  Sec- 
retary of  State  William  H.  Seward,  in  behalf  of  his  country,  the  United  States- 
acquired  the  cession  from  Russia  of  all  her  possessions  on  the  continent  of  America 
and  adjacent  islands,  which  we  now  refer  to  as  Alaska. 

“The  Alaska  purchase  added  577,390  square  miles  to  the  area  of  our  country, 
at  a cost  of  $7,200,000. 

“The  territory  acquired  by  this  purchase  has,  up  to  the  present  time,  been 
governed  without  any  local  Legislature  and  wholly  by  direction  and  under  the 
control  of  Congress.  And,  though  its  government  may  not  have  been  excellent, 
it  probably  has  been  much  better  than  it  would  have  been  if  conducted  by  a local 
Legislature  elected  in  that  sparsely  settled  territory. 

“The  power  of  Congress  to  give  a fitting  character  to  the  particular  legisla- 
tion enacted  for  the  special  government  of  Alaska  has  seldom,  if  ever,  been  ques- 
tioned, and  has  invariably,  I believe,  been  exercised  whenever  Congress  has  seen  fit. 

“OPINIONS  OF  LAW  WRITERS. 

“I  have  referred  to  some  of  the  events  in  history  concerning  annexation,  and 
to  the  opinions  of  some  of  the  men  who  had  much  to  do  with  the  Republic  and 
its  policies  in  its  early  days.  Permit  me  to  call  attention  to  a few  legal  opinions. 
Probably  the  two  greatest  writers  of  our  country  upon  legal  subjects  have  been 
Chancellor  Kent  and  Judge  Story.  The  Commentaries  of  one  and  text-books  by 
the  other  are  studied  by  every  law  college  in  our  land.  These  men  speak  with 
authority  equal  to  that  of  learned  judges  in  deciding  cases  of  grave  importance. 

“Chancellor  Kent,  in  referring  to  the  various  acts  of  Congress  in  relation  to 
the  organization  and  government  of  the  various  Territories  under  the  provision  of 
the  Constitution,  empowering  Congress  To  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules 
and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the  United 
States/  said: 

“ ‘It  would  seem  from  these  various  Congressional  regulations  of  the  Terri- 
tories belonging  to  the  United  States  that  Congress  have  supreme  power  in  the 
government  of  them,  depending  on  the  exercise  of  their  sound  discretion.  That 
discretion  has  hitherto  been  exercised  in  wisdom  and  good  faith  and  with  an 
anxious  regard  for  the  security  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  inhabitants, 


GG2 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


as  defined  and  declared  in  the  ordinance  of  July,  1787,  and  in  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States. 

“ c “All  admit,”  said  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  “the  constitutionality  of  a Ter- 
ritorial government.”  But  neither  the  District  of  Columbia  nor  a Territory  is 
a State  within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  or  entitled  to  claim  the  privileges 
secured  to  the  members  of  the  Union.  This  has  been  so  adjudged  by  the  Supreme 
Court.  Nor  will  a writ  of  error  or  appeal  lie  from  a Territorial  court  to  the 
Supreme  Court  unless  there  be  a special  statute  provision  for  the  purpose.  If, 
therefore,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  should  carry  into  execution  the 
project  of  colonizing  the  great  valley  of  the  Columbia  or  Oregon  River  to  the 
west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  it  would  afford  a subject  of  grave  consideration 
what  would  be  the  future  civil  and  political  destiny  of  that  country. 

“ Tt  would  be  a long  time  before  it  would  be  populous  enough  to  be  created 
into  one  or  more  independent  States,  and  in  the  meantime,  upon  the  doctrine 
taught  by  the  acts  of  Congress,  and  even  by  the  judicial  decisions  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  the  colonists  would  be  in  a state  of  the  most  complete  subordination  and 
as  dependent  upon  the  will  of  Congress  as  the  people  of  this  country  would  have 
been  upon  the  King  and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  if  they  could  have  sustained 
their  claim  to  bind  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever.  (Kent’s  Commentaries,  Volume  I, 
page  385/ 

“While  Judge  Story,  in  his  work  on  constitutional  law,  said: 

“ ‘The  power  of  Congress  over  the  public  territory  is  clearly  exclusive  and 
universal,  and  their  legislation  is  subject  to  no  control,  but  is  absolute  and  unlim- 
ited, unless  so  far  as  it  is  affected  by  stipulations  in  the  cessions  or  by  the  ordinance 
of  1787,  under  which  any  part  of  it  has  been  settled.  (Story  on  the  Constitution, 
section  1328)/ 

“Story  also  said: 

“ ‘What  shall  be  the  form  of  government  established  in  the  Territories  depends 
exclusively  upon  the  discretion  of  Congress.  Having  a right  to  erect  a Territorial 
government,  they  may  confer  on  it  such  powers — legislative,  judicial,  and  execu- 
tive— as  they  may  deem  best.  (Story  on  the  Constitution,  section  1325.)’ 

“That  these  distinguished  jurists  and  authors  thoroughly  understood  the 
absolute  and  broad  opinion  of  the  power  of  Congress  as  thus  expressed  by  them  is 
shown  by  the  statement  of  Chancellor  Kent  in  expressing  the  following  opinion 
concerning  the  danger  of  the  despotic  power  thus  conferred  upon  Congress,  to  wit: 
“ ‘Such  a state  of  absolute  sovereignty  on  the  one  hand  and  of  absolute 
dependence  on  the  other  is  not  congenial  with  the  free  and  independent  spirit 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


663 


of  our  native  institutions;  and  the  establishment  of  distant  Territorial  governments, 
ruled  according  to  will  and  pleasure,  would  have  a very  natural  tendency,  as  all 
proconsular  governments  have  had,  to  abuse  and  oppression.  (Kent’s  Commen- 
taries, Volume  I,  page  385.)' 

“And  Judge  Story,  in  his  work,  refers  to  this  opinion  of  Chancellor  Kent. 
The  opinion  of  Chancellor  Kent  that  such  a despotic  power  was  a dangerous  one 
is  not,  of  course,  a legal  opinion.  That  is  purely  a matter  of  policy  and  not  a 
matter  of  legal  construction.  The  opinions  of  Chancellor  Kent  and  Judge  Story  are 
entitled  to  the  greatest  weight  so  far  as  they  refer  to  matters  of  constitutional 
law.  Kent’s  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  of  such  a despotic  power  has  no  greater 
weight  than  the  opinion  of  many  persons  unlearned  in  the  law,  but  the  fact  that 
he  called  attention  to  the  dangers  which  might  arise  from  the  exercise  of  such 
absolute  sovereignty  and  power  by  Congress  shows  conclusively  that  when  he  ex- 
pressed his  legal  opinion  that  Congress  had  such  authority,  he  was  fully  convinced 
that  the  power  granted  by  the  Constitution  was  broad,  full,  and  absolute  in  its 
character. 

“DECISIONS  OF  THE  SUPREME  COURT. 

“Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  proper  to  say  that  the  decisions  of  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court  in  reference  to  the  power  of  Congress  over  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States  are  somewhat  conflicting  and  contradictory  in  character,  but  there 
is  no  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  denying  such  authority  to  Congress.  Let  me 
refer  briefly  to  some  of  the  cases  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

“In  the  case  of  The  American  Insurance  Company  vs.  Canter  (1  Peters,  517), 
relating  to  the  acquisition  of  Florida,  Mr.  Justice  Johnson,  in  deciding  the  case 
on  the  circuit,  said: 

“ ‘The  right,  therefore,  of  acquiring  territory  is  altogether  incidental  to  the 
treaty-making  power,  and,  perhaps,  to  the  power  of  admitting  new  States  into 
the  Union,  and  the  government  of  such  acquisitions  is,  of  course,  left  to  the 
legislative  power  of  the  Union  so  far  as  that  power  is  uncontrolled  by  treaty.  By 
the  latter  (treaty)  we  acquire  either  positively  or  sub  modo,  and  by  the  former 
(legislative  power)  dispose  of  acquisitions  so  made,  and  in  case  of  such  acquisitions 
I see  nothing  in  which  the  power  acquired  over  the  ceded  territories  can  vary  from 
the  power  acquired  under  the  law  of  nations  by  any  other  Government  over  acquired 
or  ceded  territory.’ 

“Mr.  Justice  Johnson’s  decision  was  affirmed  in  January,  1828,  by  the  Supreme 
Court  (The  American  Insurance  Company  vs.  Canter,  1 Peters,  541),  the  opinion 


664 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


being  delivered  by  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  who  said  (referring  to  the  Florida  treaty 
of  cession): 

“ ‘This  treaty  is  the  law  of  the  land,  and  admits  the  inhabitants  of  Florida 
to  the  enjoyment  of  the  privileges,  rights,  and  immunities  of  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States.  It  is  unnecessary  to  inquire  whether  this  is  not  their  condition 
independent  of  stipulation.  They  do  not,  however,  participate  in  political  power; 
they  do  not  share  in  the  government  till  Florida  shall  become  a State.  In  the 
meantime  Florida  continues  to  be  a Territory  of  the  United  States,  governed  by 
virtue  of  that  clause  in  the  Constitution  which  empowers  Congress  “to  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging 
to  the  United  States.”  * * * 

“ ‘The  right  to  govern  may  be  the  inevitable  consequence  of  the  right  to 
acquire  territory.  Whichever  may  be  the  source,  whence  the  power  is  derived, 
the  possession  of  it  is  unquestioned.’ 

“In  Loughborough  vs.  Blake  (5  Wheat.,  317)  it  was  decided  by  the  Supreme 
Court,  the  opinion  being  delivered  by  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  that  the  provision 
in  section  8 of  Article  I of  the  Constitution,  giving  the  ‘power  to  lay  and  collect 
taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises’  extends  to  the  District  of  Columbia;  and  the 
court  expressed  the  opinion  that  such  power  extends  to  all  places  over  which  the 
Government  extends,  including  the  Territories.  It  is  manifest,  however,  that  it 
was  not  necessary  to  refer  to  the  Constitution  for  such  power,  because,  if  the  Con- 
stitution covered  the  Territories  expressly,  then  the  power  would  cover  the  Terri- 
tories; and  if  the  Constitution  does  not  cover  the  Territories  expressly,  then  the 
absolute  authority  of  Congress  would  include  the  power  given  by  that  section  of 
the  Constitution. 

“In  Fleming  vs.  Page  (9  How.,  617),  decided  in  1850,  the  Supreme  Court 

said: 

“ ‘After  Florida  had  been  ceded  to  the  United  States,  and  the  forces  of  the 
United  States  had  taken  possession  of  Pensacola,  it  was  decided  by  the  Treasury 
Department  that  goods  imported  from  Pensacola  before  an  act  of  Congress  was 
passed  erecting  it  into  a collection  district  and  authorizing  the  appointment  of  a 
collector  were  liable  to  duty — that  is,  that  although  Florida  had,  by  cession,  actually 
become  a part  of  the  United  States,  and  was  in  our  possession,  yet  under  our 
revenue  laws  its  ports  must  be  regarded  as  foreign  until  they  were  established  as 
domestic  by  act  of  Congress;  and  it  appears  that  this  decision  was  sanctioned 
at  the  time  by  the  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States,  the  law  officer  of  the 
Government. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


665 


“ ‘And,  although  not  so  directly  applicable  to  the  case  before  us,  yet  the  deci- 
sions of  the  Treasury  Department  in  relation  to  Amelia  Island  and  certain  ports 
in  Louisiana  were  both  made  upon  the  same  grounds,  and  in  the  latter  case,  after 
a custom-house  had  been  established  by  law  at  New  Orleans,  the  collector  at  that 
place  was  instructed  to  regard  as  foreign  ports  Baton  Rouge  and  other  settlements 
still  in  the  possession  of  Spain,  whether  on  the  Mississippi,  Iberville,  or  the  sea- 
coast.  The  Department  in  no  instance  that  we  are  aware  of  since  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Government  has  ever  recognized  a place  in  a newly  acquired  country 
as  a domestic  port  from  which  the  coasting  trade  might  be  carried  on,  unless  it 
had  been  previously  made  so  by  act  of  Congress. 

“ ‘The  principle  thus  adopted  and  acted  upon  by  the  executive  department 
of  the  Government  has  been  sanctioned  by  the  decisions  in  this  court  and  the 
circuit  courts  whenever  the  question  came  before  them.  We  do  not  propose  to 
comment  upon  the  different  cases  cited  in  the  argument.  It  is  sufficient  to  say 
there  is  no  discrepancy  between  them.  And  all  of  them,  so  far  as  they  apply, 
maintain  that  under  our  revenue  laws  every  port  is  regarded  as  a foreign  one 
unless  the  custom-house  from  which  the  vessel  clears  is  within  a collection  district 
established  by  act  of  Congress  and  the  officers  granting  the  clearance  exercise 
their  functions  under  the  authority  and  control  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States.’ 
“Daniel  Webster,  in  his  argument  before  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  fore- 
going case  of  Fleming  vs.  Page  (9  Howard,  612),  stated: 

“ ‘That  there  was  a difference  between  the  Territories  and  other  parts  of  the 
United  States.  Judges  were  there  appointed  for  terms  of  years,  which  the  Con- 
stitution forbade  as  to  other  parts  of  the  country.  Hence  the  part  of  the  Consti- 
tution which  directs  that  duties  must  be  equal  in  all  the  ports  of  the  United  States 
does  not  apply  to  Territories.’ 

“And  in  discussing  the  bill  to  organize  a government  for  the  Territory  of 
Oregon,  Daniel  Webster  said,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  August  12,  1848: 
“ ‘The  question  now  is,  whether  it  is  not  competent  to  Congress,  in  the  exer- 
cise of  a fair  and  just  discretion,  considering  that  there  have  been  five  slave- 
holding States  added  to  this  Union  out  of  foreign  acquisitions,  and  as  yet  only 
one  free  State,  to  prevent  their  further  increase.  That  is  the  question.  I see  no 
injustice  in  it.  As  to  the  power  of  Congress  I have  nothing  to  add  to  what  I said 
the  other  day.  Congress  has  full  power  over  the  subject.  It  may  establish  any 
such  government  and  any  such  laws  in  the  Territories  as  in  its  discretion  it 
may  see  fit.  It  is  subject,  of  course,  to  the  rules  of  justice  and  propriety,  but  it 
is  under  no  constitutional  restraints.’ 


666 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


“The  case  of  Cross  vs.  Harrison  (16  Howard,  164)  refers  to  the  condition  of 
California  between  the  time  when  the  treaty  of  peace  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  was 
signed,  on  February  3,  1848,  and  the  time  when  a collector  of  customs  at  San 
Francisco  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  in  the  latter  part  of  1849,  by 
appointment  by  the  President  under  an  act  of  Congress  creating  California  into 
a customs  district. 

“At  the  time  the  treaty  of  peace  was  signed,  in  March,  1848,  California  was 
in  possession  of  the  military  branch  of  our  Government,  and  military  officers  were 
eollecting  customs.  Notice  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  did  not  reach  the  mili- 
tary officers  in  California  until  some  time  after  the  middle  of  the  year  1848. 
When  such  notice  did  reach  the  military  authorities  in  California  they  received 
no  instructions  from  the  Government  regarding  the  course  they  should  pursue. 
They  thereupon,  by  military  order,  provided  that  the  duties  to  be  paid  on  imports 
at  San  Francisco  should  thereafter  be  the  same  as  provided  by  law  for  the  United 
States. 

“In  the  early  part  of  1849  an  act  of  Congress  was  passed  creating  California 
into  a customs  district,  with  the  port  at  San  Francisco,  but  it  was  not  until  the 
latter  part  of  1849  that  a collector,  appointed  by  the  President,  entered  upon  the 
discharge  of  his  duties.  Persons  who  had  paid  duties  on  imports  into  California 
between  the  date  of  the  signing  of  the  treaty  and  the  date  of  the  creation  of 
California  into  a customs  district,  as  well  as  between  the  latter  date  and  the  date 
when  the  collector  of  customs  qualified,  under  written  protest,  urged  that  the  col- 
lection of  duties  by  the  military  authorities  after  the  date  of  the  signing  of  the 
treaty  and  its  ratification  was  illegal  and  unlawful. 

“The  Supreme  Court  held  that  the  military  authorities  had  the  right  to  keep 
in  force  the  rate  of  duties  previously  fixed  by  military  order  up  to  the  time  when, 
by  further  military  order,  a different  rate  was  put  in  force  equal  to  the  rate  fixed 
by  law  in  the  United  States,  and  then  had  authority  to  collect  the  duties  as  fixed 
by  the  new  military  order  up  to  the  time  when  a collector  was  appointed  and 
qualified  under  an  act  of  Congress  creating  the  territory  into  a customs  district 
and  fixing  a port  of  entry.  In  the  course  of  the  argument  in  the  opinion  sustain- 
ing the  proceedings  taken  by  the  military  government  of  California,  the  court 
uses  several  expressions  indicating  that  the  tariff  laws  of  the  United  States  might 
be  considered  as  extended  over  the  newly  acquired  territory  by  virtue  of  the  ratifi- 
cation of  the  treaty. 

‘Tor  instance.  Justice  Wayne,  in  denying  the  right  of  the  importers  to  land 
goods  at  San  Francisco  free  of  duty  between  the  time  of  the  ratification  of  the 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


667 


treaty  and  the  time  when  a collector  of  customs  was  qualified  to  act,  states  that 
to  permit  this  would  be — 

“ ‘a  violation  of  that  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  enjoins  that  “all  duties, 
imposts,  and  excises  shall  he  uniform  throughout  the  United  States.”  Indeed, 
it  must  be  clear  that  no  such  right  exists  and  that  there  was  nothing  in  the  condi- 
tion of  California  to  exempt  importers  of  foreign  goods  into  it  from  the  payment 
of  the  same  duties  which  were  chargeable  in  the  other  ports  of  the  United  States.’ 

“Such  expressions  of  opinion  as  this  one  were  not  necessary  to  the  decision  of 
the  case  which  was  reached  by  the  court,  and,  though  entitled  to  considerable 
weight  upon  that  side  of  the  question,  are  not  to  be  taken  as  expressing  the  con- 
sidered decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  upon  a question  of  such  vast  importance  as 
the  one  we  are  now  discussing,  and  a decision  of  which  was  not  required  in  the  case 
before  the  court. 

“I  crave  indulgence  to  refer  to  a few  more  recent  decisions  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  I do  not  think  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  pay  much  attention  to  the  Dred 
Scott  case.  After  the  lapse  of  a generation,  during  which  that  case  was  only 
referred  to  for  the  purpose  of  pointing  at  it  with  the  finger  of  scorn,  the  gentle- 
men on  the  other  side  of  the  House  now  begin  to  bring  it  out  to  fortify  their 
position  upon  the  subject  of  territorial  expansion. 

“Let  us  not  forget  that  the  whole  point  involved  in  the  Dred  Scott  case  was 
the  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery.  There  was  then  going  on  in  our  country, 
as  there  had  been  from  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  the  Republic,  that  wonderful 
conflict  of  interest  and  ideas  concerning  the  extension  or  restriction  of  slavery. 
It  became  necessary  for  the  party  which  was  then  in  control  of  the  Government 
to  take  the  position  that  the  United  States  had  no  right  to  exclude  slaves  from  any 
of  the  territory  of  the  United  States.  For  years  the  people  of  our  country  had 
acquiesced  in  the  idea  embodied  in  the  Missouri  compromise.  There  was  to  be  and 
was  a line  north  of  which  slavery  should  not  exist  and  south  of  which  slavery 
should  not  be  interfered  with. 

“The  anti-slavery  sentiment  was  not  only  becoming  stronger  in  the  hearts  of 
the  people  of  our  country,  but  the  numbers  who  expressed  its  ideas  were  becom- 
ing greater  with  the  growth  of  the  free  States.  To  continue  to  keep  out  slavery 
north  of  the  Missouri  compromise  line  meant  the  admission  of  free  States  which 
would  send  to  Congress  Representatives  and  Senators  opposed  to  slavery,  so  that 
the  so-called  balance  of  power  between  the  slave  and  the  free  States  would  be 
destroyed  and  the  free  States  would  have  a majority  control  of  the  Government. 

“In  the  minds  of  the  keenest  thinkers  and  leaders  for  the  slavery  party  there 


668 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


was  but  one  way  in  which  to  obviate  the  impending  doom  of  slavery,  and  that 
was  to  secure  a decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  holding  that 
under  the  Constitution  the  Government  could  not  interfere  with  the  right  of  a 
citizen  to  take  his  slave  or  other  property  into  any  part  of  our  Territories  over 
which  the  Constitution  was  effective,  and  to  hold  that  the  Territories  were  covered 
by  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  and  guaranteed  such  right.  It  became 
necessary,  in  the  development  of  this  carefully  laid  scheme,  for  the  Supreme  Court 
to  decide  that  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  were  covered  and  protected  by 
the  guaranties  in  the  Constitution,  and  that  negro  slaves  might  be  carried  by  their 
masters  into  and  kept  in  any  of  these  Territories. 

“Every  line  of  the' decision  by  Chief  Justice  Taney  was  written  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  solely  for  the  purpose,  of  effecting  the  result  of  permitting  slaveholding 
in  any  and  all  of  the  Territories  of  the  United  States.  That  decision  was  blotted 
over  by  the  blood  of  both  North  and  South.  It  is  not  a decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  It  was  a decision  demanded  and  received  by  the 
slaveholding  power  of  the  Southern  States.  With  the  passing  of  that  slaveholding 
power  as  a result  of  civil  war  the  decision  of  the  court  in  the  Dred  Scott  case  also 
passed  forever. 

“In  Murphy  vs.  Ramsey  (114  U.  S.,  44),  relating  to  the  Territory  of  Utah, 
Mr.  Justice  Matthews,  delivering  the  opinion  of  the  court,  said: 

“ ‘It  rests  with  Congress  to  say  whether  in  a given  case  any  of  the  people 
resident  in  the  Territory  shall  participate  in  the  election  of  its  officers  or  the 
making  of  its  laws;  and  it  may,  therefore,  take  from  them  any  right  of  suffrage 
it  may  previously  have  conferred  or  at  any  time  modify  or  abridge  it  as  it  may 
deem  expedient.  * * * 

“ ‘Their  political  rights  are  franchises  which  they  hold  as  privileges  in  the 
legislative  discretion  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.’ 

“And  in  the  case  of  Mormon  Church  vs.  United  States  (136  U.  S.  Reports,  42) 
Mr.  Justice  Bradley,  delivering  the  opinion  of  the  court,  said: 

“ ‘The  power  of  Congress  over  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  is  general 
and  plenary,  arising  from  and  incidental  to  the  right  to  acquire  the  Territory 
itself,  and  from  the  power  given  by  the  Constitution  to  make  all  needful  rules  and 
regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the  United 
States.  It  would  be  absurd  to  hold  that  the  United  States  has  power  to  acquire 
territory  and  no  power  to  govern  it  when  acquired.  * * * The  power  to  make 

acquisitions  of  territory  by  conquest,  by  treaty,  and  by  cession  is  an  incident  of 
national  sovereignty. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


669 


“ ‘The  Territory  of  Louisiana,  when  acquired  from  France,  and  the  Territories 
west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  when  acquired  from  Mexico,  became  the  absolute 
property  and  domain  of  the  United  States,  subject  to  such  conditions  as  the  Gov- 
ernment in  its  diplomatic  negotiations  has  seen  fit  to  accept  relating  to  the  rights 
of  people  then  inhabiting  these  Territories.  * * * Doubtless  Congress  in  legis- 
lating for  the  Territories  would  be  subject  to  those  fundamental  limitations  in 
favor  of  personal  rights  which  are  formulated  in  the  Constitution  and  its  amend- 
ments; but  these  limitations  would  exist  rather  by  inference  and  the  general 
spirit  of  the  Constitution,  from  which  Congress  derives  all  its  power,  than  by  any 
express  and  direct  application  of  its  provisions.’ 

“I  wish  to  call  particular  attention  to  three  recent  cases  decided  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  because  they  have  been  so  often  referred 
to  in  the  recent  discussion  of  the  qiiestion. 

“In  the  case  of  American  Publishing  Company  vs.  Fisher  (166  U.  S.,  464)  the 
question  was  whether  litigants  at  common  law  in  Utah  while  it  remained  a Terri- 
tory had  a right  to  trial  by  jury  requiring  unanimity  for  a verdict. 

“The  Supreme  Court,  by  Mr.  Justice  Brewer,  said: 

“ ‘Whether  the  seventh  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
which  provides  that  “in  suits  at  common  law  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall 
exceed  $20  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved,”  operates  ex  proprio  vigore 
to  invalidate  this  statute,  may  be  a matter  of  dispute.  * * * 

“ ‘But  if  the  seventh  amendment  does  not  operate  in  and  of  itself  to  invalidate 
this  Territorial  statute,  then  Congress  has  full  control  over  the  Territories  irre- 
spective of  any  express  constitutional  limitations,  and  it  has  legislated  in  respect 
to  this  matter.  In  the  first  place,  in  the  act  to  establish  a Territorial  form  of 
government  for  Utah,  act  of  September  9,  1850  (C.  51,  section  17,  9 Statutes,  453, 
458)  it  enacted  “that  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  are  hereby 
extended  over  and  declared  to  be  in  force  in  said  Territory  of  Utah,  so  far  as  the 
same,  or  any  provision  thereof,  may  be  applicable.”  A subsequent  statute  has  more 
specific  reference  to  jury  trials.  * * * 

“ ‘Therefore,  either  the  seventh  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  or  these  acts 
of  Congress,  or  all  together,  secured  to  every  litigant  in  a common-law  action  in 
the  courts  of  the  Territory  of  Utah  the  right  to  a trial  by  jury,  and  nullified  any 
act  of  its  Legislature  which  attempted  to  take  from  him  anything  which  is  of  the 
substance  of  that  right.’ 

“It  will  be  noted  that  in  the  above  case  the  Supreme  Court  expressly  declines 
to  say  that  the  Constitution  and  the  seventh  amendment  thereof  were  in  opera- 


670 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


tion  in  the  Territory  of  Utah  irrespective  of  the  legislation  of  Congress.  The 
Supreme  Court  in  that  case  leaves  the  matter  open  as  one  which  is  not  determined. 
The  language  of  the  court  is  that  whether  the  seventh  amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution is,  by  virtue  of  the  Constitution,  extended  over  the  Territories  ‘may  be 
a matter  of  dispute.’  I call  especial  attention  to  this  language  and  this  state- 
ment of  the  court  because  of  the  opinions  in  two  cases  which  followed  it,  and 
which  two  cases  are  now  claimed  as  authority  for  the  proposition  that  the  Con- 
stitution, by  its  own  virtue,  extends  itself  over  new  territory  acquired  by  our 
Government. 

“The  Fisher  case,  just  cited,  was  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court  April  12, 
1897.  A few  days  thereafter,  on  April  26,  1897,  the  Supreme  Court  decided 
the  ease  of  Springville  vs.  Thomas  (166  U.  S.,  707).  The  opinion  in  the  latter 
case  is  about  one  page  long.  The  question  involved  was  precisely  the  same  as  in 
American  Publishing  Company  vs.  Fisher,  and,  naturally,  the  judgment  of  the 
court  was  the  same.  But  in  delivering  the  opinion  of  the  court  Mr.  Chief  Justice 
Fuller  said: 

“ ‘In  these  three  cases  judgments  were  entered  on  verdicts  returned  by  less 
than  the  whole  number  of  jurors  by  which  they  were  tried.  It  has  been  decided 
by  this  court  that  the  Territorial  act  of  March  10,  1892,  permitting  this  to  be 
done  * * * was  invalid,  because  in  contravention  of  the  seventh  amendment 

to  the  Constitution  and  the  act  of  Congress  of  April  7,  1874.  * * * (American 
Publishing  Company  vs.  Fisher,  ante,  464.)  * * * 

“ ‘The  Supreme  Court  of  the  Territory  held  * * * that  the  act  of  Con- 
gress of  September  9,  1850,  * * * the  organic  act  of  the  Territory,  vested  in 

the  Territorial  Legislature  such  unlimited  legislative  power  as  enabled  it  to  pro- 
vide that  unanimity  of  action  on  the  part  of  jurors  in  civil  cases  was  not  necessary 
to  a valid  verdict.  * * * 

“ ‘In  our  opinion  the  seventh  amendment  secured  unanimity  in  finding  a 
verdict  as  an  essential  feature  of  trial  by  jury  in  common-law  cases,  and  the  act  of 
Congress  could  not  import  the  power  to  change  the  constitutional  rule,  and  could 
not  be  treated  as  attempting  to  do  so.’ 

“It  will  be  noted  that  in  American  Publishing  Company  vs.  Fisher  the 
Supreme  Court  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  act  passed  by  Congress 
to  establish  a Territorial  form  of  government  for  Utah  it  was  expressly  enacted 
that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  thereby  extended  over  the  said 
Territory  so  far  as  applicable;  and  the  court  held  in  that  case  that  by  virtue 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


671 


of  this  provision  in  the  act  of  Congress  the  seventh  amendment  of  the  Consti- 
tution became  in  force  in  Utah  if  it  had  not  been  so  previously. 

“It  seems  very  unlikely  that  the  Supreme  Court,  which  on  April  12,  1897, 
had  stated  that  it  was  still  a matter  of  dispute  whether  the  Constitution  extended 
itself  over  newly  acquired  territory  and  declined  in  that  case  to  settle  the  dispute, 
should  on  April  26,  1897,  in  an  appeal  involving  precisely  the  same  question,  have 
intended,  in  a one-page  decision  and  by  four  or  five  lines  of  an  opinion,  to  decide 
this  great  constitutional  question. 

“It  is  admitted  that  the  seventh  amendment  of  the  Constitution  was  in  force 
in  the  Territory  of  Utah  and  governed  the  decision  in  the  case,  because  the  act  of 
Congress  organizing  the  Territory  of  Utah  so  provided.  But  the  statement  in 
the  opinion  that  an  ‘act  of  Congress  could  not  import  the  power  to  change  the 
constitutional  rule’  was  entirely  unnecessary  for  a decision  of  the  case,  and  can 
hardly  be  held  sufficient  authority  for  the  determination  of  a great  constitutional 
question  which,  two  weeks  before,  had  expressly  been  left  undecided  by  the  Supreme 
Court. 

“The  case  of  Thompson  vs.  Utah  (170  U.  S.,  343,  346)  was  another  case 
involving  trials  by  jury  in  the  Territory  of  Utah.  The  opinion  of  the  court  was 
delivered  by  Mr.  Justice  Harlan,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  jurists  of  our 
country.  An  opinion  by  such  a judge,  carefully  considered,  would  be  entitled 
to  great  weight.  But  in  this  case  the  decision  is  simply  based  upon  the  authority 
of  the  two  cases  which  I have  just  referred  to. 

“In  the  opinion  Mr.  Justice  Harlan  said: 

“ ‘That  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States-  relating  to 
the  right  of  trial  by  jury  in  suits  at  common  law  apply  to  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States  is  no  longer  an  open  question.  (Webster  vs.  Reid,  11  How.,  437, 
460;  American  Publishing  Company  vs.  Fisher,  166  U.  S.,  464,  468;  Springville  vs. 
Thomas,  166  U.  S.,  707.)’ 

“And  then,  after  specially  referring  to  the  last  above-cited  case,  it  is  added: 

“ Ht  is  equally  beyond  question  that  the  provisions  of  the  National  Consti- 
tution relating  to  trials  by  jury  for  crimes  and  to  criminal  prosecutions  apply  to 
the  Territories  of  the  United  States/ 

“This  case  is  decided  upon  the  authority  of  the  Thomas  case  above,  and  that 
case  was  decided  upon  the  authority  of  the  American  Publishing  Company  case, 
and  that  case  expressly  left  the  question  open  and  undecided. 

“Here  is  no  pretense  of  giving  consideration  or  particular  thought  to  the  grave 
constitutional  question  which,  by  the  language  of  the  opinion,  is  apparently  dis- 


672 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


posed  of  offhand.  The  judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court  was  undoubtedly  correct, 
but  it  was  correct  because  the  act  of  Congress  had  extended  the  Constitution  over 
the  Territory  of  Utah.  The  court  was  not  required  to  determine  whether  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Constitution  apply  to  the  Territories  without  regard  to  Congressional 
action.  No  conclusion  was  reasoned  out,  and  apparently  no  consideration  given  to 
the  opinion,  except  to  find  that  it  was  governed  by  the  cases  which  I have  referred 
to.  Those  cases  did  not  decide  that  the  Constitution  of  itself  extends  itself  to 
the  Territories,  and  in  the  first  case,  American  Publishing  Co.  vs.  Fisher,  that 
question  is  expressly  left  open  and  undecided. 

“While  it  is  unfortunate  that  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  should 
have  been  led  into  carelessly  expressing  an  inconsiderate  opinion — that  the  Con- 
stitution is,  by  its  own  virtue,  extended  over  all  Territories  acquired  by  the 
United  States — still  it  is  not  a matter  of  grave  importance.  The  Supreme  Court, 
composed,  as  it  now  is  and  as  it  probably  ever  will  be,  of  judges  of  high 
character,  great  learning,  patriotic  impulses,  and  without  the  stubborn  pride  of 
opinion,  will  readily  give  to  this  question,  when  it  shall  properly  arise  before 
them,  a new,  complete,  and  unbiased  consideration,  and  the  result  of  that  con- 
sideration can  hardly  be  a matter  of  much  doubt. 

“The  Supreme  Court  has  consistently  held  from  the  beginning  that  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Constitution  in  relation  to  the  character  of  the  courts  and  the  life 
tenure  of  judges  did  not  apply  to  the  courts  created  by  acts  of  Congress  in  the 
Territories.  Such  a conclusion  could  only  have  been  reached  by  the  holding  that 
the  Constitution  did  not  apply  of  its  own  virtue  to  the  Territories. 

“The  history  of  the  country  which  I have  cited,  the  history  of  the  various 
annexations  of  new  territory,  the  history  of  the  government  of  the  Territories  by 
Congress,  all  show  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  its  general  limita- 
tions and  provisions,  does  not  apply  to  or  in  the  Territories.  In  one  sense  the  Con- 
stitution extends  over  the  Territories  because  of  the  constitutional  provision  that 
Congress  shall  have  authority  to  make  rules  and  regulations  for  the  government 
thereof.  But  the  other  provisions,  limiting  the  authority  of  Congress,  has  no 
application  to  the  Territories,  which  are  the  common  property  of  all  of  the  States. 

“It  has  been  recently  claimed  on  the  floor  of  the  House  and  elsewhere  that 
if  we  annex  the  Philippine  Islands  we  shall  have  no  right  or  power  under  the 
Constitution  to  prevent  the  children  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  Philip- 
pines from  coming  to  our  country  and  its  capital  when  and  how  and  as  often 
as  they  please.  And  this  contention  has  been  based  upon  some  decisions  of  the 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


673 


court  and  upon  section  1 of  the  fourteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  which 
provides  that — 

“ £A11  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  subject  to  the 
jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State  wherein 
they  reside.  No  State  shall  make  or  enforce  any  law  which  shall  abridge  the 
privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United  States;  nor  shall  any  State 
deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or  property;  without  due  process  of  law,  nor 
deny  to  any  person  within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  the  law.’ 

“I  am  aware  of  the  learned  decisions  which  have  been  made  by  our  Supreme 
Court,  based  upon  this  amendment;  but  I call  attention  to  an  exception  not 
provided  for  by  the  amendment,  but  which  is  recognized  by  every  one  familiar 
with  the  actual  facts.  The  provision  is  that  ‘all  persons  born  or  naturalized  in 
the  United  States,  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the 
United  States.’ 

“The  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  extends  to  every  person  within  its 
limits  except  the  representatives  here  of  foreign  governments.  I am  aware  that 
in  a certain  sense  we  treat  various  Indian  tribes  as  foreign  powers;  but  after 
all  we  undertake  by  legislation  to  control  their  actions,  and  our  jurisdiction  is  ex- 
tended over  them;  and  yet  no  one  pretends  that  under  the  fourteenth  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution  or  any  other  provision  of  the  Constitution  that  the 
members  of  an  Indian  tribe,  living  in  the  tribal  relation,  can  at  his  own  sweet  will 
have  the  power  to  leave  the  reservation  upon  which  our  Government  places  him 
and  hie  himself  off  to  the  capital  of  the  country.  We  deal  with  but  we  also  legis- 
late for  the  Indian  tribes.  Sometimes  we  deal  with  them  by  treaty,  sometimes 
without;  but  there  is  not  a single  foot  of  land  in  our  country,  occupied  by  or 
belonging  to  Indian  tribes,  over  which  our  country  does  not  claim  the  right  of 
government  and  the  right  of  jurisdiction  as  against  a foreign  power. 

“The  fourteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution  has  never  been  held  to 
apply  to  the  Indian  tribes.  We  had  dealt  with  the  Indians  for  years  before  the 
fourteenth  amendment  was  adopted.  The  custom  of  our  country  in  dealing  with 
the  Indian  tribes  was  well  understood.  The  debates  in  Congress  and  in  the 
various  State  Legislatures  show  that  it  was  not  the  intention  by  the  fourteenth 
amendment  to  change  the  relations  between  the  General  Government  and  the 
Indian  tribes,  and  hence  it  is  held  that  that  amendment  does  not  apply  to  such 
tribes.  It  can  and  will  be  as  easy  for  the  courts  to  hold  that  the  fourteenth 
amendment  was  not  intended  to  apply  and  does  not  apply  to  any  tribes  or  settle- 
ments or  other  inhabitants  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 


674 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


“My  position  is  that  when  the  ratifications  of  the  treaty  shall  have  been 
exchanged  and  our  country  shall  have  acquired  from  Spain  her  title  of  sovereignty 
over  the  Philippine  Islands  we  shall  hold  them  as  a common  possession,  province, 
colony,  Territory,  or  whatever  it  may  be  called,  belonging  to  the  States  which,  in 
their  confederate  capacity,  constitute  the  national  Union.  We  may  deal  with 
and  govern  these  new  possessions  as  we  please,  unrestricted  except  by  our  intelli- 
gent ideas  of  humanity,  civilization,  liberty,  and  good  government.  We  shall 
have  the  authority,  if  we  wish,  to  sell  the  Philippines,  because  they  have  not 
become  by  the  treaty  a constituent  part  of  our  country. 

“We  may  exchange  them  if  that  is  desirable.  We  may  govern  them  with 
a government  absolutely  despotic  in  its  character,  or  we  may  give  to  them  such 
form  of  local  self-government  as  will  appeal  to  our  best  judgment,  as  will  he 
in  line  with  the  history  of  our  country,  as  will  tend  to  educate  the  inhabitants 
of  those  islands  for  more  complete  government  by  themselves.  The  mere  fact 
that  we  may  have  absolute  and  autocratic  power  is  no  reason  against  our  taking 
the  islands.  Within  its  constitutional  limits  the  power  of  Congress  is  already 
autocratic  and  despotic.  Within  their  constitutional  limits  the  powers  of  the 
different  officers  of  our  country  are  autocratic  and  despotic.  We  rely  somewhat 
upon  the  good  judgment  of  the  men  who  are  elected  to  office,  and  we  also  rely 
upon  the  right  of  the  people,  in  their  discretion  to  correct  an  exercise  of  ill  judg- 
ment by  electing  other  and  different  officials. 

“EXPANSION  HAS  PROVEN  BENEFICIAL. 

“Shall  we  shrink  from  the  problems  which  are  thus  thrust  upon  us?  Shall 
we  attempt  to  shift  the  burden  from  our  shoulders  for  fear  we  may  not  be  strong 
enough  to  bear  it?  Shall  a nation  which  in  a century  and  a quarter  of  time  has 
increased  its  area  from  400,000  to  4,000,000  square  miles  be  now  afraid  of  one  more 
addition? 

“Why,  when,  through  the  daring  courage  and  the  wonderful  campaign  of 
George  Rogers  Clark  and  his  little  band  of  less  than  200  men,  the  British  pos- 
sessions in  the  Mississippi  Valley  were  captured  for  the  State  of  Virginia  and  the 
new  Confederacy  of  States,  the  Continental  Congress  at  once  claimed  that  the 
empire  thus  gained,  lying  east  of  the  Mississippi,  should  never  be  relinquished;  and 
wrhen  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain  was  signed  in  1783,  the  territorial 
extent  of  the  revolting  colonies  had  already  been  nearly  doubled. 

“The  Revolutionary  patriots  of  that  day,  while  they  may  have  had  doubts 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


675 


about  the  future,  while  they  were  more  afraid  of  a strong  central  government 
than  we  are  now,  while  they  could  not  even  imagine  the  splendid  triumphs  which 
human  genius  would  accomplish — welding  together  into  a solid  whole  the  scat- 
tered parts  of  a great  empire— never  faltered  in  their  daring  to  believe  that  the 
empire  which  had  been  won  by  the  gallantry  and  hardships  of  their  soldiers,  should 
remain  a possession  of  their  country.  • 

“From  that  day  to  this  no  generation  has  come  and  gone  without  adding 
to  the  extent  of  our  national  territory.  And  who  can  wonder?  Does  the  history 
of  the  past  count  for  nothing?  Did  the  pilgrim  fathers  and  mothers  leave  their 
homes  and  cross  a trackless  sea  and  settle  on  almost  barren  soil,  in  an  inhospitable 
clime,  in  the  midst  of  savage  Indians,  in  order  that  their  descendants  should 
be  frightened  by  the  unsolved  problems  of  an  enlarging  nation?  Were  there 
no  trials  and  tribulations  in  the  life  and  death  of  the  early  settlers  who  planted 
the  fringe  of  States  along  the  Atlantic  coast  from  Maine  to  Georgia? 

“Were  their  problems  less  hard  to  solve  than  the  problems  which  now  con- 
front us?  Were  the  dangers  which  threatened  them  less  fearful  than  the  dangers 
which  we  may  see  as  possible  before  us?  Have  we  forgotten  the  losses  which  they 
suffered,  the  savage  foes  which  they  encountered,  and  the  splendor  of  their 
achievements  which  overcame  the  obstacles  of  the  wilderness  in  a new  land,  which 
defied  the  terrors  of  bloody  border  warfare,  and  which  set  up  a new  and  inde- 
pendent government  against  the  arms  and  power  of  the  English  throne? 

“No  doubt  when  the  early  settlers  left  their  homes  in  Europe  to  cross  the 
Atlantic  there  were  croakers  and  doubters  who  despaired  of  the  successful  ending 
of  these  new  ventures.  No  doubt  there  were  conservatives  who  pleaded  terrors 
to  be  encountered  and  urged  the  certainty  of  failure;  but  lives  there  a man  to-day 
so  mean  in  spirit  and  so  small  in  daring  that  he  regrets  the  sailing  of  the  Pilgrims 
for  our  shore?  Unfortunately  there  be  some  who  have  come  to  us  now,  while 
the  flush  of  prosperity  and  peace  and  comfort  mantles  our  land,  who  pour  out 
their  souls  and  cry  out  their  eyes  fearful  lest  we,  too,  may  be  imbued  by  some 
of  the  spirit  of  adventure  and  liberty  and  gain  which  first  brought  the  white  race 
to  build  up  this  wonderful  country  and  this  noble  Republic. 

“But  the  example  of  the  early  settlers  has  ever  been  an  inspiration  which  gave 
to  our  people  the  hope,  the  heart,  and  the  courage  to  accept  the  responsibilities  of 
national  growth  and  progressive  expansion. 

“It  was  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
who  when  President  of  the  United  States,  with  James  Madison,  the  historian  of  the 
Constitutional  Convention,  for  his  Secretary  of  State,  and  James  Monroe,  also  a 


676 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


President  of  the  United  States,  made  the  first  and  the  greatest  expansion  of  terri- 
tory after  the  adoption  of  our  Constitution.  There  were  doubters  then.  There 
were  men  then  who  feared  and  who  trembled  for  the  future  of  the  Republic.  There 
■were  pessimists  in  those  days  who  did  not  believe  that  a republic  could  live  with 
a domain  so  vast. 

“Jefferson  put  aside  his  conscientious  scruples  about  a strict  construction  of 
the  Constitution,  and,  rising  equal  to  the  emergency  and  the  opportunity  which 
had  come,  looked  dimly  through  the  years  and  faintly  saw  the  wonderful  progress 
to  liberty  and  to  the  life  of  the  young  nation  by  adding  the  western  bank  of 
the  Mississippi  to  our  domain. 

“It  was  Daniel  Webster,  the  greatest  Senator  who  ever  sat  in  the  United 
States  Senate  from  Massachusetts,  if  not  from  all  the  States,  who,  in  1848,  saw 
lurking  in  the  annexation  of  California  the  dissolution  of  our  nation. 

“But  again  the  will  and  the  wish  of  the  people  were  better  and  wiser  than  the 
foresight  of  the  great  Webster.  Who  would  now  blot  out  from  our  map  the  States 
of  Ohio,  Illinois,  and  others  which  were  gained  by  the  prowess  and  genius  of  George 
Rogers  Clark?  Who  would  now  part  with  Iowa,  with  Kansas,  Nebraska,  Missouri, 
and  the  other  States  which  came  to  us  through  the  Louisiana  purchase  made  by 
Thomas  Jefferson?  Who  would  now  yield  up  a foot  of  ground  in  Texas,  which 
caused  the  Mexican  war,  or  in  California  or  iji  New  Mexico,  which  were  the  result 
of  that  war? 

“We  have  suddenly  learned  that  our  nation  has  grown  to  the  stature  of  full 
manhood.  In  the  length  of  a year  we  have  discovered  that  our  nation  is  one 
of  the  great  forces  of  government  in  the  world;  that  it  can  not  stand  idly  by;  that 
in  the  inevitable  destiny  of  government  it  must  move  forward.  Almost  without 
knowing  it,  and  certainly  without  previous  full  appreciation  of  it,  we  have  become 
one  of  the  greatest  factors  in  the  world’s  commercial  relations,  which  are  so 
intricately  interwoven  and  intertwined  that  no  nation  can  now  shirk  the  respon- 
sibilities of  government  which  time  or  opportunity  puts  upon  her. 

“Who  does  not  know  that  dangerous  problems  and  possibilities  lie  in  the 
annexation  of  the  Philippine  Islands?  Who  did  not  know  that  dangers  and  prob- 
lems would  come  with  the  early  settlements  on  our  shores?  Who  did  not  know 
that  dangers  and  problems  would  come  with  the  Louisiana  purchase?  Who  did 
not  know  that  dangers  and  problems  would  come  with  the  annexation  of  Texas  and 
the  acquisition  of  Mexican  territory?  Shall  we  fear  where  our  fathers  dared? 
Shall  we  doubt  and  stop  where  they  faced  destruction  and  death  and  went  ahead? 
Do  we  think  that  because  we  have  reached  from  ocean  to  ocean  we  can  circum- 

I 

i 


THE  HISTORY  OP  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


677 


scribe  the  sphere  of  our  activity  by  the  waters  which  border  our  present  shores? 

“In  1803,  when  Jefferson  made  the  Louisiana  purchase,  the  exports  from 
our  country  of  all  kinds  were  $55,000,000.  In  1818,  when  we  acquired  California, 
the  exports  from  our  country  were  $138,000,000.  Last  year  the  exports  were 
$1,255,000,000.  Of  our  exports  last  year  $981,000,000  went  to  Europe,  $149,- 
000,000  went  to  other  countries  in  North  America,  and  $47,000,000  went  to 
Asia,  The  exports  last  year  from  our  country  to  Asia  were  nearly  as  large  and 
the  exports  to  Asia  and  Oceanica  together  were  considerably  larger  than  the  total 
exports  from  our  country  when  Jefferson  purchased  Louisiana,  and  yet  they  were 
a mere  bagatelle  compared  either  with  the  total  exports  from  our  country  or  the 
total  imports  of  Asia  and  Oceanica. 

“Who  could  foresee  in  1803  that  the  exports  from  our  country  in  less  than 
a century  of  time  would  increase  from  $55,000,000  to  $1,255,000,000?  Who  can 
read  the  future  for  us?  In  a century  and  a quarter  our  nation  has  spread  from 
a mere  coast  line  on  the  Atlantic  until  it  has  covered  a continent*  across  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean.  It  is  the  ascendant  nation  on  the  Western  Hemisphere.  Shall 
it  now  stop  its  progressive  growth  because  a few  pessimists  fear  danger  and  a 
few  partisans  play  politics? 

“When  the  century  began  it  took  six  weeks  to  cross  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  Can 
you  read  into  the  future  and  tell  how  long  it  will  take  a hundred  years  from  now 
to  cross  the  Pacific  ocean?  When  the  Territory  of  Oregon  was  organized  in  1848 
it  took  Governor  Lane,  the  first  governor  of  that  Territory,  more  than  six  months 
to  reach  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River. 

“But  with  the  enlargement  of  our  territorial  extent  came  the  enlarged  genius 
of  man,  came  the  quickened  wits  of  man,  came  the  inspiration  to  greater  deeds, 
to  more  splendid  achievements  in  science,  in  mechanics,  in  arts. 

“Our  country  possesses  to-day  one-third  of  the  railroad  mileage  of  the  world; 
more  than  one-half  of  the  telegraph  mileage.  We  have  bounded  into  prosperity 
because  we  took  up  manfully  the  burdens  which  we  assumed,  and  we  attempted, 
like  brave  and  daring  men,  the  solution  of  the  problems  which  we  accepted.  The 
civilization  which  has  girdled  the  world  is  now  reaching,  with  the  hand  of  the 
American  nation,  across  the  waters  of  the  Pacific  to  the  land  from  which  civiliza- 
tion started.  The  innate  forces  of  human  nature  have  decreed  the  opening  of 
China  and  the  Chinese  Empire  to  the  forces  of  modern  genius  and  modern 
civilization. 

“In  like  manner  as  we  have,  by  steady  acquisition  of  territory,  become  the 


678 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


supreme  leaders  on  the  Western  Continent,  so  we  should  become  the  supreme 
leaders  on  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

“When  Webster  negotiated  the  Ashburton  treaty  and  settled  our  northwestern 
boundary  line  with  Great  Britain,  we  had  a bare  outlet  on  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Since 
then  we  have  acquired  the  coast  line  of  California,  the  coast  line  of  Alaska,  and 
the  Aleutian  Islands,  giving  us  the  ascendant  influence  on  the  easterly  and  north- 
erly sides  of  that  ocean.  By  the  recent  acquisition  of  the  greatest  strategic  point 
in  the  Pacific,  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  we  now  need  but  a foothold  of  territory  and 
friendly  inhabitants  on  the  other  side  to  give  us  the  supremacy  for  defense  or 
offense  for  war  or  peace,  for  trade  and  commerce,  in  that  greatest  of  bodies  of 
water,  which  can  not  escape  in  the  future  from  being  the  scene  of  a more  splendid 
development  than  any  yet  attained  in  history. 

“Will  it  be  said  that  we  are  taking  the  Philippine  Islands  against  the  wish 
of  the  inhabitants?  Hid  the  Continental  Congress  ask  the  consent  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  Kaskaskia  and  Vincennes?  Did  Thomas  Jefferson  and  James  Madison 
ask  the  consent  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  Orleans?  Did  James  Monroe  or  Andrew 
Jackson  ask  the  consent  of  the  inhabitants  of  Pensacola  and  other  points  in  Florida? 
Did  President  Polk  ask  the  consent  of  the  inhabitants  of  Santa  Fe  or  of  California? 
They  did  not  doubt  their  ability  to  give  to  the  inhabitants  of  those  territories 
better  government  than  they  previously  possessed.  Do  we  doubt  the  ability  of 
our  country  to  give  to  the  Filipinos  better  government  than  Spain  has  ever  given 
them? 

“For  a hundred  years  they  have  been  weakly  struggling  for  additional  privi- 
leges and  greater  liberty.  They  have  never  succeeded;  they  were  never  on  the 
point  of  success;  they  were  disheartened  and  defeated  until  the  greatest  hero  of 
our  war  steamed  by  the  forts  and  into  the  bay  at  Manila.  If  they  are  fit  for  local 
self-government,  can  we  not  give  it  to  them  under  our  central  Government?  If 
they  are  unfitted  now  for  local  self-government,  can  we  not  give  them  better 
government  than  they  have  had  and  better  government  than  they  can  maintain 
for  themselves?  Do  we  fear  that  we  are  making  a departure  if  we  inaugurate  a 
colonial  system  of  government  for  them? 

“Jefferson,  who  drafted  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  who  was  the  founder 
of  the  Democratic  party,  urged  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  which  would 
keep  a part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  in  the  condition  of  a colony  or  a province. 

“Gouverneur  Morris,  who  was  the  draftsman  of  the  Constitution,  believed  that 
we  not  only  had  the  right,  but  that  it  was  our  duty  to  govern  all  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase  as  a colony.  The  opposition  to  the  Louisiana  purchase  in  Congress  in 


THE  HISTOEY  OF  AMEEICAN  EXPANSION. 


679 


.1803  denounced  the  treaty  of  purchase  for  the  very  reason,  as  they  said,  that  it 
provided  for  the  admission  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  annexed  territory  to  equal 
rights  and  privileges  with  the  citizens  of  our  country,  and  they  claimed  that 
we  only  had  the  right  to  govern  annexed  territory  as  colonies. 

“We  need  not  fear  for  the  future.  Our  race  surmounts  the  obstacles  which 
it  meets.  The  greater  America  has  come,  because  it  is  for  the  mutual  interest 
of  those  who  take  and  of  those  who  are  taken.  We  shall  not  the  less  continue 
to  solve  the  problems  coming  with  increased  population  in  our  local  affairs.  We 
shall  not  the  less  continue  to  preserve  the  independence  of  thought  and  liberty 
within  the  individual  States  and  the  General  Government;  but  with  the  spread 
of  our  power,  with  the  enlargement  of  our  domain,  we  shall  take  loftier  view  of 
the  affairs  of  men.  We  shall  strive  to  mount  to  higher  rounds;  we  shall  enlarge 
the  blessings  of  individual  liberty;  we  shall  increase  the  comforts  of  those  who 
come  under  our  influence;  we  shall  take  a step  forward  in  the  progress  of  enlight- 
ened liberty,  civilization,  and  humanity. 

“And  we  would  not  dare  to  step  backward.  If  we  have  not  the  genius  and 
the  statesmanship  to  give  good  government  to  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands 
under  the  direction  of  our  central  Government,  then  we  acknowledge  that  a repub- 
lican form  of  government  is  unequal  to  the  emergency  which  confronts  it  and  is 
less  capable  than  would  be  the  government  of  a monarchy.  I deny  it.  We  can 
give  to  the  Philippine  Islands,  under  some  form  of  partial  local  government,  more 
liberty,  more  enlightenment,  more  comforts,  more  privileges,  more  prosperity,  more 
happiness  than  they  have  ever  yet  received — more  than  they  ever  would  receive 
either  under  a government  conducted  wholly  by  themselves  or  some  form  of  gov- 
ernment supplied  for  them  by  some  European  power. 

“Let  men  prate  no  longer  about  their  tender  solicitude  for  the  inhabitants 
of  those  islands  when  they  say  we  have  no  right  to  govern  them  against  their 
will.  No  patriot  who  is  a citizen  of  our  country  will  honestly  say  he  believes 
we  can  not  give  them  better  government  than  they  have  had  or  than  they  can 
give  to  and  maintain  for  themselves  alone. 

“It  is  the  selfish  side  of  the  opponents  of  expansion  which  causes  them  to  weep 
tears  for  the  supposed  injury  to  be  done  to  the  Filipinos.  It  is  not  because  they 
love  or  care  for  the  Filipinos;  it  is  because  they  love  and  care  for  themselves  only. 
They  are  thinking,  not  of  the  interests  of  the  inhabitants  on  the  other  side  of  the 
world;  they  are  thinking  only  of  their  pessimistic,  dyspeptic  fears  of  the  future 
of  our  own  land — fears  which  are  not  new,  but  are  the  ghosts  of  fears  born  in 
the  human  heart  and  mind  thousands  of  years  ago,  and  which  ever  since  have 


680 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


been  stalking  abroad,  endeavoring  to  block  the  progress  of  the  human  race  and 
of  human  government. 

“I  do  not  know  what  the  future  will  bring  forth,  but  I do  not  believe  that 
wisdom  will  die  with  the  present  generation.  What  has  been  accomplished  during 
this  century  will  be  more  than  duplicated  in  the  next.  Let  us  not  make  the 
mistake  of  believing  that  the  Asiatic  people  are  naked  savages  or  poverty-stricken 
barbarians.  Over  there  one  form  of  civilization  has  reached  a higher  plane  than 
we  have  yet  attained.  Scholarship  and  learning  are  not  wanting  there.  Wealth 
and  culture  are  found  also  there.  Religion  and  philosophy  will  not  be  first  taught 
by  us  to  them.  This  wonderful  people,  which  has  isolated  itself  from  the  world 
since  the  dawn  of  what  is  to  us  ancient  history,  will  shortly  ente^  into  competition 
and  commerce  with  the  rest  of  mankind. 

“The  Chinese  Empire,  with  its  more  than  4,000,000  square  miles  of  territory, 
greater  in  extent  than  ours  even  with  Alaska  included,  with  its  400,000,000  of 
population,  with  its  form  of  civilization,  will  soon  be  opened  to  the  world,  whether 
we  will  it  or  not.  Then  there  will  meet  across  the  Pacific  seas,  in  active  competi- 
tion, the  two  greatest  intellectual  forces  of  the  world— the  modern  civilization  of 
Europe  and  America  and  the  ancient  and  modern  civilization  of  China.  What  will 
result  from  the  competition  ensuing  no  one  can  foretell.  It  may  be  strife  or  it 
may  be  peace;  it  may  result  in  a bloody  warfare  for  final  supremacy  or  it  may 
excite  the  genius  of  mankind  to  a higher  pitch  than  yet  known,  and  produce  a 
civilization,  a prosperity,  a comfort,  a happiness,  a means  of  communication,  a 
splendor  of  the  material,  the  intellectual,  the  philosophic  forces  of  mankind  not 
even  yet  faintly  dreamed  of. 

“Whatever  the  future  may  produce  out  of  this  great  reopening  and  reawaken- 
ing of  ancient  Asia,  it  is  the  opportunity  now,  as  it  is  the  duty  now,  of  the  United 
States  to  secure  for  herself  a resting  place  for  her  navies,  for  her  armies,  for  her 
trade  and  commerce,  for  her  civilization,  for  her  arts  and  industry,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  in  close  proximity  to  the  coast  of  Asia. 

“As  against  the  wonderful  possibilities  of  the  future,  as  against  the  splendid 
destinies  of  our  people  and  our  nation,  as  against  our  final  supremacy  on  the  waters 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean  in  the  conflict  of  civilization,  in  the  combat  of  races,  in  the 
growth  of  trade  and  commerce  in  peaceful  amity,  in  the  inspiration  to  higher  art 
and  higher  thought  and  nobler  genius,  I would  brush  aside  the  objections  offered 
by  the  opponents  of  the  greater  America  as  mere  loose  chaff  flying  unguided 
in  the  winds. 

“The  dream  of  Columbus  will  soon  be  a realization.  In  1492  he  sailed  west- 


THE  HISTORY  OF  AMERICAN  EXPANSION. 


681 


ward  from  Spain  to  reach  the  East  Indies.  The  country  which  he  discovered  and 
added  to  the  map  of  the  world  has  now  reached  to  the  East  Indies,  and  within 
a few  days,  or  years  at  most,  another  Columbus,  sailing  westward  from  Spain  to 
find  the  East  Indies,  will  discover  that  greater  America  has  already  begun  to  pro- 
vide a route  by  which  a ship  can  sail  from  Spain  westward  to  the  East  Indies 
through  an  isthmian  canal,  and  to  a government  placed  upon  the  Philippine 
Islands  of  liberty,  of  love,  and  of  strength  by  the  United  States  of  America,  which 
set  up  the  first  independent  and  liberty-serving  government  for  itself  on  the 
continent  which  Columbus  had  discovered. 

“And  when  this  second  Columbus  shall  sail  he  may  stop  with  his  vessel  for 
supplies  at  the  Island  of  Porto  Rico,  a possession  of  our  country;  he  may  pass 
through  the  Nicaragua  Canal,  under  the  control  of  our  country;  he  can  stop  at 
the  Hawaiian  Islands,  a part  of  our  land;  he  can  stop  at  the  Ladrone  Islands, 
belonging  to  us,  and  he  can  reach  the  Philippines  and  still  be  under  the  flag  of 
the  country  which  the  first  Columbus  made  known  to  the  world. 

“We  shall  take  no  steps  backward.  The  treaty  has  been  ratified.  The  Amer- 
ican flag  will  never  come  down  from  Manila.  It  will  not  remain  flying  there  because 
we  are  afraid  to  haul  down  the  flag  when  it  ought  to  be  hauled  down.  It  will 
not  remain  there  because  mere  sentiment  prevents  us  from  hauling  down  the 
flag  when  once  raised;  but  the  flag  will  remain  flying  there  because  it  is  for  the 
interest  of  all  parties,  because  it  is  for  the  benefit  of  humanity,  because  it  is  a 
part  of  the  plan  of  Divine  Providence  which,  in  some  mysterious  way,  governs 
the  destinies  of  the  nations. 

“It  will  not  remain  there  because  we  dare  not  haul  it  down,  but  because  we 
dare  to  keep  it  flying  and  dare  to  face  the  problems  which  are  before  us. 

“May  God  give  us  the  courage  and  the  heart,  the  wisdom  and  soul,  to  properly 
administer  enlightened  government  with  intelligent  progress  in  the  more  than 
4,000,000  square  miles,  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean,  constituting  the  newer  and- 
the  greater  America.” 


Date  Due 

*R18» 

r 

' k nn 

^ " 

n^it'  9s 

fJtr  H % 

j 5 

r ',  . r,  .« 

.4 

1/ 

FORM  335  40  M 0-42 

917.3 


H196T 


449635 


